C\J 


o 
to 


u 


A 

t 

GENERAL  HISTORY 


OF    THE 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA  ; 


FROM  THE  DISCOVERY  IN  , 

1492: 

OR, 

SKETCHES  OF  THE  DIVINE  AGENCY, 

In  their  Settlement.  Growth,  and  Protection  j  and  especially 
in  the  late 

MEMORABLE  REVOLUTION. 

EXHIBITING 

A  General  View  of  the  Principal  Events,  from  the  Discovery 
of  North  America,  to  the  Year 

1765. 
BY  BENJAMIN  TRUMBULL,  D.  D. 


PUBLISHED  BY  FARRAND  MALLORY,  AND  CO.  BOSTON. 

Samuel  T.  Armstrong,  Printer, 
1S10. 


\  /  K 


•o 


CONTENTS 


OF 


THE   FIRST   VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I: 

Introduction.  Sketches  of  the  principal  discoveries  of  North  America ; 
of  the  state  of  the  country  when  discovered  ;  of  the  character,  man- 
ners, religion,  government,  language,  probable  numbers,  and  geo- 
graphical situation  of  the  natives  -— page    9 

CHAPTER  II. 

Attempts  of  the  French  and  Spaniards  to  make  settlements  in  Carolina. 
Patent  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  his  attempts  to  plant  a  colony. 
Sketches  of  the  patents,  discovery,  and  settlement  of  Virginia,  New 
York,  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  Maryland,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode 
Island :  and,  of  the  principal  occurrences  attending  their  settle- 
ment   - - 51 

CHAPTER  III. 

Oppression  of  the  Virginians  under  the  administration  of  Sir  John 
Harvey.  Another  massacre  by  the  Indians.  War  with  them.  Con- 
federation of  the  New  England  colonies.  Their  success  in  chris- 
tianizing the  natives.  The  Virginians  refusing  obedience  to  the 
Lord  protector,  he  despatches  an  armament  against  them.  They 
capitulate.  His  different  treatment  of  different  colonies.  Reduc- 
tion of  New  York.  Injury  by  the  king's  commissioners  The  set- 
tlement of  New  Jersey  and  the  Carolinas.  Indian  war  and  depreda. 
tions  in  New  England  — — 113 


M531770 


IV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

Customs  imposed  on  the  colonies  by  act  of  parliament.  The  adminis- 
tration of  Major  Andros.  Bc*h  oppress,  and  create  general  unea- 
siness. Claims  of  the  Major  on  Connecticut..  The  colony  nuske 
opposition  and  protest  against  his  conduct.  The  Virginians  distress- 
ed by  the  acts  of  trade,  and  government  at  New  York  ;  the  people 
are  thrown  into  tumult  ;  Bacon  excites  rebellion  Its  unhappy 
consequences.  Andros'  treatment  of  the  Jerseys.  Quowarrantos 
are  issued  against  the  New  England  charters.  The  oppressive  ad- 
ministration of  Sir  Edmund  Andros.  Sir  Edmund  seized  by  the 
people  at  Boston.  Joy  excited  by  the  accession  of  William  and 
Mary  to  the  throne  of  Britain  - - —     151 

CHAPTER   V. 

The  first  assembly  in  New  York.  King  James'  treatment  of  the  colo- 
ny. Leister's  usurpation.  The  settlement  of  New  Hampshire,  and 
its  separation  from  Massachusetts.  The  settlement  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  counties  on  the  Delaware  become  a  distinct  juris- 
diction. Revolution  in  the  Jerseys.  Intrigue  and  corruption  in  the 
government  of  Carolina.  Abuse  of  the  French  protestants.  Estab- 
lishment of  episcopacy,  and  persecution  of  the  dissenters  —     178 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Ravages  of  the  French  and  Indians  in  king  William's  and  queen  Anne's 
wars.  Destruction  of  Schenectada,  Salmon  Falls,  and  Casco.  The 
reduction  of  Port-Royal.  Sir  William  Phips'  unsuccessful  attempt 
on  Canada.  Major  Schuyler's  expedition.  The  distressed  state  of 
New  England.  Armament  from  France,  under  the  Marquis  of  Nes- 
mond  for  the  reduction  of  Boston  and  New  York.  The  remarka- 
ble preservation  of  New  York  and  the  country  in  general.  The  un- 
common cruelties  of  this  war.  Depredations  and  distressed  state 
of  New  England  in  queen  Anne's  war.  Expedition  of  Colonel 
Church.  Expedition  under  Colonel  Nicholson  to  Wood  Creek. 
Reduction  of  Port  Royal  and  Acadia.  Expedition  against  Canada, 
under  Admiral  Walker  and  Brigadier  Hill.  The  loss  of  New  Eng- 
land in  these  wars,  and  their  general  effect  on  the  country  —     214 


CONTENTS, 


CHAPTER   VII. 

Expedition  against  St.  Augustine.  Defeat  of  the  French  in  Carolina. 
Palatines  settle  in  North  Carolina.  Massacre  by  the  Corees  and  Tus- 
caroras.  Expedition  against  them.  General  conspiracy  of  the  In- 
dians against  the  Carolinians.  War  with  them.  Distressed  state 
of  the  colony.  It  revolts  from  the  proprietary  government,  and  effects 
a  revolution.  Under  the  government  of  Great  Britain  enjoyed  safety, 
prosperity,  and  general  satisfaction  - - 247 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Settlement  of  North  Carolina.  First  voyage  made  to  that  country. 
Interview  with  the  Natives.  Their  kindness.  Settlement  of  Al- 
bemarle and  Cape  Fear.  Revok  in  Albemarle.  Deed  from  the 
proprietors.  Constitution  of  the  colony.  Palatines  plant  themselves 
on  the  Roanoke.  The  colony  is  purchased  by  the  crown,  and  the 
government  becomes  regal.  The  plan  and  patent  for  the  settlement 
of  Georgia.  Settlements  made.  Regulations  of  the  trustees.  Ex- 
pedition against  St.  Augustine.  Spaniards  invade  Georgia  and  are 
defeated.  The  corporation  surrender  their  charter  and  the  govern- 
ment becomes  regal.  General  observations  relative  to  Georgia  and 
the  southern  colonies  266 


CHAPTER    IX. 

War  with  the  eastern  Indians.  Brunswick  destroyed.  Canso  sur- 
prised, and  seventeen  vessels  taken  by  the  enemy.  Attempts  to 
engage  the  Five  Nations  in  a  war  against  the  eastern  Indians.  The 
English  take  and  burn  Norridgewock.  Peace  made  with  the  In-* 
dians.  French  war.  Duviviere  takes  Canso.  Expedition  of  the 
New  Englanders  against  Louisburg.  Remarkable  deliverance  of 
New  England  ■ 295 


yi  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    X, 


French  war,  1755.  Reasons  of  the  war.  Colonel  Washington'*  ex- 
pedition. Convention  at  Albany.  Expedition  against  Nova  Scotia, 
Fort  du  Quesne,  Crown  Point,  and  Niagara.  Success  in  Nova  Sco- 
tia. General  Braddock  defeated  by  the  French  and  Indians  Baron 
Dieskau  defeated  and  taken  by  general  Johnson.  Unhappy  divis- 
ion of  the  southern  colonies.  Colonel  Bradstreet  defeats  a  party  of 
the  enemy.  Oswego  taken.  Inactivity  of  Lord  Loudon.  Conduct 
of  the  southern  colonies.  Comparison  between  the  campaigns  of 
1755  and    1756  — - - 339 


CHAPTER    XI. 

Preparations  for  the  campaign  in  1757.  Plan  of  operation  in  America 
changed,  and  Louisburg  becomes  its  only  object.  This  is  rein- 
forced, and  the  expedition  postponed.  Fort  William  Henry  taken 
by  the  French.  The  country  is  alarmed,  and  great  reinforcements 
of  militia  sent  forward  to  Albany  and  Fort  Edward.  The  campaign 
closes  with  loss  and  shame.  The  provincials  lose  all  confidence 
in  the  British  commanders.  Change  of  men,  1758.  Armament 
against  Louisburg.  Its  siege  and  capture  by  general  Amherst. 
Defeat  at  Ticonderoga.     Du  Quesne  taken  by  general  Forbes  -  369 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Plan  of  the  campaign,  1759.  Expeditions  against  Ticonderoga  and 
Crown  Point,  Niagara  and  Quebec.  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point 
abandoned.  Niagara  taken.  Siege  of  Qiebec.  Action  at  the  falls 
of  Montmorenci.  The  camp  removes  to  point  Levi.  The  troops 
land  above  the  town.  Battle  of  Quebec.  Generals  Wolfe  and  Mont- 
calm killed.  Quebec  surrenders.  Movements  of  general  Amherst 
on  lake  Champlain 388 


CONTENTS.  VU 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

State  of  the  garrison  at  Quebec.  Designs  of  M.  Levi.  His  prepara- 
tions for  the  siege  of  the  city.  Marches  with  his  army  from  Mon- 
treal. Battle  of  Sillery.  General  Murray  defeated,  and  Quebec 
besieged.  Lord  Colville  arrives  with  the  British  fleet.  The  French 
shipping  is  destroyed,  and  the  siege  raised.  Plan  and  movements 
of  general  Amherst.  He  goes  down  the  river  St.  Lawrence. 
Makes  a  junction  with  generals  Murray  and  Haviland,  at  Montreal. 
The  city  surrenders,  and  the  whole  country  of  Canada  is  con- 
quered. War  breaks  out  with  the  Cherokees.  Their  lower  towns 
destroyed.  They  take  fort  Loudon.  Colonel  Grant  desolates  then- 
country  with  fire  and  sword.  They  make  peace,  and  the  whole 
country  is  quieted  ->--. - 409 


PREFACE. 


THE  disposing  of  thousands  of  people  to  leave  their 
native  country,  their  easy  circumstances,  and  pleasant 
seats,  in  Europe  ;  their  effecting  a  settlement  in  a  vast 
wilderness,  a  land  not  sown,  replete  with  savage  beasts 
and  more  savage  men ;  their  preservation  and  rapid 
increase  in  this  part  of  America,  were  considered  by 
the  fathers  of  New  England,  among  the  wonderful  works 
of  God.  They  rejoiced  greatly  in  the  happy  fruits  of 
their  labours  ;  in  beholding  a  wilderness  converted  into 
gardens,  orchards,  and  fruitful  fields  in  the  important 
service  thus  rendered  to  the  parent  country;  in  being 
made  instruments  of  laying  the  foundations  of  new 
colonies,  enlarging  the  British  empire,  and  opening  to 
it  new  sources  of  commerce,  opulence  and  power  :  but 
still  more  in  witnessing  the  enlargement  of  the  Redeem- 
er's kingdom  by  churches  on  principles  truly  evangeli- 
cal, and  in  transmitting  them  to  posterity,  as  a  rich  in- 
heritance, liberty  and  pure  religion.  In  contemplating 
the  way,  in  which  they  had  been  led,  and  the  salvations, 
which  they  had  experienced,  they  were  deeply  impres- 
sed with  a  sense  of  the  numerous  interpositions  of 
providence  in  their  behalf,  and  were  anxious,  that  they 
might  be  faithfully  related,  that  the  generations  to 
come  might  know  them  for  their  good,  and  that  the 
Supreme  Ruler  might  be  glorified. 

This  solicitude  to  have  these  events  recorded  for  the 
honour  of  God  has  been  noticed  by  the  writers  of  their 
history,  by  the  records  of  the  United  colonies  of  New 
England,  by  the  records  of  particular  colonies,  and 
in  other  authentic  documents.  Especially,  after  the 
revolutionary  war,  it  was  the  desire  of  many  pious  men. 
that  the  remarkable  deliverances,  which  the  United 
States  of  America  had  experienced,  might  be  fully  ex- 
hibited to  the  public,  as  a  tribute  of  praise  to  their 
great  Deliverer,  and  for  the  instruction  of  posterity. 

Vol.  t  1 


X  PREFACE. 

For  this  purpose  the  General  Association  of  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  after  the  Peace  with  Great  Bri- 
tain in  1783,  by  their  vote  expressed  their  desire,  that 
the  author  of  the  following  work  would  write  an  histo- 
ry of  the  remarkable  events  of  the  war,  tracing  the 
footsteps  of  providence  through  the  whole. 

Though  at  first  he  declined  the  work,  yet  the  Asso- 
ciation having  repeated  their  desire,  he  \  ielded  to  their 
wishes. 

The  first  governor  Trumbull,  obtaining  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  design  observed,  that  the  all  governing 
hand  of  providence  had  been  no  less  conspicuous  in 
the  first  settlement  of  the  country,  in  its  protection 
and  population,  than  in  the  Revolutionary  war,  and  in 
the  establishment  of  the  United  States  of  America,  as 
a  sovereign,  free,  and  independent  nation,  and  expressed 
his  desire,  that  the  divine  superintendency  might  be 
exhibited  from  the  first  discovery  of  America,  and  the 
commencement  of  its  settlement  down  to  that  time. 

In  deierence  to  his  opinion,  and  in  compliance  with  his 
wishes,  the  history  commences  with  the  discovery  of  A« 
merica.  It  was  considered,  that  this  would  more  fully 
comport  with  the  desire  of  the  first  planters  of  the 
country,  would  do  more  honour  to  the  divine  govern- 
ment, and  render  the  history  more  complete,  useful,  and 
important. 

The  history  has  been  written  in  compliance  with  the 
wishes  of  good  men,  and  with  a  particular  view  to  an- 
swer the  pious  purposes  of  that  venerable  body,  the 
General  Association  of  the  State  of  Connecticut.  Its 
object  is  to  excite  gratitude  and  praise  in  the  hearts  of 
all  believers  in  a  divine  providence,  to  confirm  their 
trust  in  Him,  whose  kingdom  rulcth  over  all :  and  to 
be  a  perpetual  testimony  of  his  goodness  and  wonder- 
ful works,  particularly  toward  his  American  Israel. 
Though  few  writers  of  profane  history  notice  the  great* 
ness  and  government  of  the  Almighty  in  the  events, 
which  they  relate,  yet  these  are  by  far  the  most  impor- 
tant and  useful  part  of  history.  The  pious  and  cele- 
brated Rollin,  after  mentioning  a  number  of  important 


PREFACE.  XI 

uses  of  history,  says;  "But  another  object  of  infinitely 
greater  importance  claims  our  attention;  it  proclaims 
universally  the  greatness  of  the  Almighty,  his  power, 
his  justice,  and,  above  all,  the  admirable  wisdom,  with 
which  his  providence  governs  the  universe."  With 
these  views  it  was  thought,  that  an  history  of  the 
United  States  of  this  kind,  might  be  peculiarly  useful. 
It  was  hoped  also,  that  it  might  bring  the  inhabitants 
of  our  country  into  a  more  general  acquaintance  with 
each  other,  awaken  their  mutual  sympathies,  promote 
their  union  and  general  welfare.  It  was  supposed,  that 
a  view  of  the  hardships,  sufferings,  and  anxious  care  of 
their  ancestors,  and  of  the  vast  labours  and  expense  of 
blood  and  treasure,  with  which  they  acquired  and 
handed  down  to  their  posterity  so  fair  an  inheritance; 
such  an  extensive  country,  such  wise  institutions,  and 
such  distinguishing  privileges,  civil  and  religious, 
might  beget  in  them  a  just  veneration  for  the  fathers 
of  the  country,  and  tend  to  inspire  them  with  the  same 
spirit  of  true  liberty,  magnanimity,  and  pious  zeal  to 
perpetuate  these  invaluable  blessings. 

As  authentic  history  in  various  wrays  is  highly  useful 
to  the  countries  and  people,  whose  affairs  it  relates,  and 
as  almost  every  man  feels  himself  particularly  interest- 
ed in  the  settlement  of  his  own  country,  in  the  lives 
and  adventures  of  his  ancestors;  in  their  morals,  juris- 
prudence, and  heroism,  and  reads  them  with  a  kind 
of  filial  pleasure;  the  author  could  not  but  persuade 
himself,  that  such  an  history  would  be  an  acceptable 
work,  and  make  some  little  addition  to  the  American 
literature.  Such  are  the  leading  motives,  which  in- 
duced him  to  undertake  this  work. 

But  as  no  general  history  of  the  country  had  been 
written,  and  scarcely  any  thing  relative  to  some  parts  of 
it,  and  as  the  materials  for  such  a  work  were  widely 
scattered,  the  collection  of  them  has  been  a  work  of  time 
and  great  labour.  Another  material  circumstance,  which 
added  greatly  to  the  labour,  was  the  connexion  of  the  af- 
fairs of  the  colonies  with  the  history  of  Great  Britain, 
which  rendered  a  constant  study  of  the  history  of  that 


xii  Preface. 

country,  as  well  as  of  America,  necessary  to  authenti- 
cate and  eludicate  the  work.  Much  care  and  labour 
have  been  employed  to  avoid  errors,  and  to  make  it  con- 
spicuous and  correct. 

As  the  writing  of  the  history  of  the  American  church 
of  every  denomination,  the  time  and  place  of  their  ori- 
gin, their  emigration  into  America,  the  period  of  it,  the 
places  of  their  settlement,  and  their  increase  in  this 
country,  was  contemplated  by  the  author,  and  consid- 
erable progress  made  in  collecting  materials  for  that 
purpose,  and  in  compiling  such  an  history,  less  notice 
has  been  taken  in  this  work  of  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of 
the  United  States,  than  otherwise  would  have  been  done. 

It  was  the  author's  design  to  comprise  the  history  of 
the  United  States  in  three  volumes,  the  first  to  close 
with  the  year  1764;  the  second  with  the  capture  of 
General  Burgoyneand  his  army,  Oct.  17th,  1777;  and 
the  third  with  1"92,  the  whole  comprising  a  general 
history  of  three  complete  centuries. 

The  author  had  written  the  first  volume  and  part  of 
the  second;  but  he  had  been  so  retarded,  by  writing  the 
history  of  Connecticut,  and  a  number  of  unforeseen 
events,  that  considering  his  advanced  age,  and  the  ne- 
cessary labours  still  on  hand,  he  judged  that  he  should 
not  be  able  to  complete  the  work  himself,  and  therefore 
some  time  since,  committed  his  manuscript  histories, 
so  far  as  they  had  been  written,  and  his  whole  collec- 
tion of  papers  and  documents  relative  to  them,  into  the 
hands  of  a  friend  in  whose  ability  and  fidelity  he  places 
an  entire  confidence,  that  they  will  be  completed,  as  ear- 
ly as  the  nature  and  magnitude  of  the  work  will  admit, 
according  to  its  original  plan  and  design. 

Dec.  20.   1810.  " 

Note.  This  first  volume  of  the  work  above  described,  was  published 
nine  months  since,  during'  flie  absence  of  the  friend,  to  whom  the  Au- 
thor entrusted  his  manuscripts.  By  an  unfortunate  mistake,  it  was  pub- 
lished without  the  preface  and  the  concluding  chapter.  In  this  imper- 
fect state  a  number  of  copies  have  been  sold,  to  subscribers  and  others. 
The  only  method  of  correcting  this  regretted  mistake  is  adopted,  and 
the  concluding  chapter,  with  the  Preface  are  published,  and  will  be 
added  to  all  the  copies,  which  remain  unsold;  and  may  be  had  in  a  pam- 
phlet, by  all  who  have  purchased  the  imperfect  volume,  by  applying  at  the 
bookstore  of  Messrs.  Mallory  and  Co.  the  publishers  Suffolk  Building*, 
earner  of  State  and  Congress  Street,  Boston. 


GENERAL  HISTORY 


OF    THE 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Introduction.  Sketches  of  the  principal  discoveries  of  North  America;  of 
the  state  of  the  country  when  discovered ;  of  the  character,  manners,  re- 
ligion, government,  language,  probable  numbers,  and  geographical  situation 
of  the  natives. 

VERY  conspicuous  have  been  the  exertions  of 
Providence  in  the  discovery  of  the  new  world,  in  the 
settlement,  growth,  and  protection  of  the  states  and 
churches  of  North  America.  These  challenge  a 
grateful  acknowledgment  and  perpetuation.  It  is 
the  design  of  these  sketches  to  trace  them  through 
the  various  periods,  from  the  first  discovery  of  the 
continent,  to  the  present  era,  and  to  transmit  them 
to  succeeding  ages,  as  a  tribute  of  honour  to  their 
great  and  beneficent  Author. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  design,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  notice  the  first  and  progressive  discovery  of  the 
country ;  its  state,  with  respect  to  cultivation,  in- 
habitants, natural  fruits,  and  advantages,  when  it  was 
first  known  to  the  Europeans.  The  charters,  boun- 
daries, settlement,  and  constitution  of  the  colonies 
within  the  limits  of  the  United  States  ;  the  dangers, 
hardships,  and  magnanimity  of  the  first  colonists  ;  the 
progress  of  settlement,  cultivation,  literature,  and 
population  ;  with  the  principal  occurrences,  civil,  mil- 
itarv,  and  ecclesiastical,  will  also  be  exhibited. 

Vol.  I.  2 


ig  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  After  that  long  period  of  ignorance  and  inactiv- 
L  ity  which  succeeded  the  fall  of  the  Roman  empire, 
it  was  the  will  of  Providence,  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, to  awaken  mankind  to  a  more  inquisitive,  bold, 
and  enterprising  spirit,  and  to  signalize  this  period 
by  some  of  the  greatest,  most  memorable,  and  happy 
events.  Men  now  passed  the  limits  within  which 
they  had  been  confined,  in  preceding  ages,  discover- 
ed new  countries,  and  opened  an  immense  field  for 
the  display  of  genius  and  courage.  The  Portuguese 
had  the  honour  of  leading  in  this  career  of  usefulness 
and  glory.  Their  discoveries  roused  the  attention  of 
Europe,  and  more  and  more  fired  its  several  nations 
with  the  spirit  of  discovery  and  enterprise.  Christopher 
Columbus,  a  man  of  great  and  daring  genius,  highly 
skilled  in  geography  and  navigation,  became  strong- 
ly impressed  with  the  idea  of  a  westerly  passage  to 
Discovery  tne  Indies  and  of  unknown  regions,  which  time,  art, 
of  the  nejw  anc|  enterprise  would  soon  discover.     With  this  im- 

■world,  Oct.  •  i\  c  u 

12th,  1492.  pression,  after  a  course  of  such  persevering  exertions 
and  magnanimity,  as  rarely  find  a  parallel  in  the  his- 
tory of  man,  he  obtained  the  sole  honour  of  descrying 
the  western  isles,  and  of  communicating  to  Europe 
the  intelligence  of  a  new  world, 
discover  S  The  Cabots,  John  and  Sebastian,  stimulated  by 
ern  "onti" tne  success  and  gl°ry  °f  Columbus,  made  a  success- 
nent,  U97.  ful  application  to  king  Henry  VII.  of  England,  for 
ships  and  powers  for  the  purpose  of  further  discove- 
ry. To  them  was  reserved  the  honour  of  first  ex- 
ploring the  great  continent  of  North  America.  They 
ranged  her  coasts,  from  the  fifty  seventh  degree  of 
north  latitude,  to  the  Floridas.  They  discovered 
Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  New-England  and  the  south- 
ern states.  They  erected  crosses  along  the  coast, 
and  took  a  formal  possession  of  the  country  in  behalf 
of  the  crown  of  England.*  This,  in  the  course  of 
Providence,  laid  the  foundation  of  the  British  claims 
and  settlements  in  America.     Progressive  discove- 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p.8Q,  and  Smith's  hist.  New  Jersey,  p.  ?,24,25, 


UNITED  STATES  OP  AMERICA.  IX 

ries  were  made  by  other  adventurers;  especially  by   chap. 
captains  Gosnold  and  Smith.  L 

The   Spaniards  made  early  discoveries  of  some 
parts  of  the  continent.    In  fifteen  hundred  and  twelve,  Spanish 
John  Ponce  de  Leon    discovered  the  continent  in  i«s. 
thirty  degrees  and  eight  minutes  of  north   latitude 
and  took  possession  of  the  country  naming  it  Flori- 
da.    Twenty    seven  years  after,  Ferdinand  de  Soto 
sailed  from  Cuba,  with  nine  hundred  men,  for  the 
conquest  of  Florida.     Arriving  at  Spiritu  Santo,  he 
made  a  tour  into  the  country,  to  the  northward,  four 
hundred  leagues,  and  discovered  the  great  river  Mis- 
sisippi.*     Dying  in  the  country,  his  successor,  Al-  1539. 
verado,  about  three  years  after,  constructed  a  num- 
ber of  vessels  and  sailed  down  the  river,  making  dis- 
coveries more  than  four  hundred  leagues. 

While  the  Spaniards  were  making  discoveries  in 
the  southern  parts  of  the  continent,  the  French  steer- 
ed a  more  northerly  course.  Francis  I.  of  France, 
an  enterprising  prince,  willing  to  share  part  of  the 
new  world  with  his  neighbours,  despatched  John  Ve-  f0rveerieSflis" 
razina,  with  several  ships  to  make  discoveries  in  isa4. 
America.  He  sailed  along  the  coast  from  twenty 
eight  to  fifty  degrees  of  north  latitude.  Ten  years 
after  James  Cartier  was  sent  on  the  same  business.  He  l5ci' 
first  came  to  anchor  at  capeBonavista,and  thence  rang- 
ed the  coast,  to  fifty  degrees  of  north  latitude.  He  made 
a  discovery  of  various  commodious  harbours ;  but 
found  the  climate  so  cold  and  the  country  so  unin- 
viting, that  he  sailed  back  to  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence; 
where,  in  the  name  of  the  most  christian  king,  he 
took  possession  of  several  parts  of  the  country.  He 
made  a  voyage,  the  next  year,  and  sailed  up  the  riv- 
er to  the  great  falls,  which  were  supposed  to  be  three 
hundred  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  St.  Lawrence. 
He  visited  the  island  of  Montreal,  which,  at  that 
time,  was  the  chief  place  of  resort  for  all  the  Indians 
in   Canada.     It  was  then  named  Hochelaga.      He  1536* 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p.  92. 


|A  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   spent  the  winter  in  the  country  and  explored  the  parts 

L  adjacent  to  the  river.* 
"* From  these  various  discoveries,  originated  the  op- 
posite claims  of  the  several  courts  of  Britian,  France, 
and  Spain  ;  and  the  wars,  which,  for  so  many  ages, 
embroiled  this  country,  and  occasioned  such  an  ex- 
pense both  of  blood  and  treasure.  For  nearly  a  cen- 
Piscovery  tury,  however,  these  claims  lay  dormant.  In  fifteen 
neglected.  jlun<jre(j  an(j  nme>  Henry  the  VII.  was  no  more. 
The  affairs  of  divorce,  matrimony,  and  the  reforma- 
tion, engrossed  the  whole  attention  of  Henry  VIII. 
and  the  business  of  discovery,  claim,  and  settlement 
Reasons  of  was  entirely  neglected  by  the  English  court.  The 
thisnegiect.  riches  of  the  South  drew  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  long  and  bloody  wars  between  Charles  the  V. 
emperor  of  Germany,  and  Francis  I.  gave  the  court 
of  France  ample  employment.  Besides,  no  prince, 
or  statesman,  in  Europe,  appears  to  have  foreseen  the 
advantages  of  planting  colonies  in  this  northern  con- 
tinent. It  presented  no  mines  of  gold  or  silver,  nor 
were  its  mountains  covered  with  spicery  and  balm. 
It  was  not  conceivable,  at  that  period,  how  nume- 
rous hardy  colonies,  could  give  such  strength,  opu- 
lence and  grandeur  to  empires,  as  could  never  be  de- 
rived from  the  gold  and  rich  productions  of  the  south- 
ern regions.  Almost  the  only  advantage  arising  from 
the  discovery  of  North  America  was  the  fishery  on  the 
banks  of  Newfoundland.  This  was  begun,  by  indi- 
viduals, early  in  the  sixteenth  century,  but  the  ad- 
vantages, at  first,  were  small.  Many  years  elapsed 
before  it  was  ripened  into  a  system  and  became  a 
national  emolument. 

When  the  Europeans  made  the  first  discoveries  of 
•oJntey   e  North  America,  it  was  a  vast  and  dreary  wilderness, 
when  it  was  replete  with  wild  and  savage  beasts,  and  with  men, 
'  little  less  wild  and  savage  than  they.     Here  the  pan- 
ther, the  catamountain,  the  tyger,  the  black  and  white 
bear,  the  wild  cat,  the  wolf,  and  other  beasts  of  prey 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p.  89,  90.  and  Wynn's  hist.  vol.  I.  p.  267,  768. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  13 

poured  out  their  alarming  roar.  The  buffalo  and  the  elk,   chap. 
the  moose  and  the  carabo  rushed  through  her  thick-       L 
ets,  the  stag  and  the  fallow  deer  ranged  her  moun-  Wkh 
tains  and  leaped  over  her  plains.     The  wild  animals  pect  to  an- 
lurking  in  her  groves,  the  feathered  tribes  perching  imals- 
on  her  boughs,  and  the  various  species  of  fowls  cov- 
ering her  waters,  were  too  numerous  to  particularize 
in  the  present  work.     America  hath  her  full  propor- 
tion of  animals.     Of  two  hundred  species,  which  is 
the  whole  number  supposed  to  exist  upon  the  globe, 
the  one  half  are  aboriginal  of  America.* 

The  surface  of  the  earth,  destitute  of  cultivation,  Cultivation, 
was  generally  loaded  with  rank  and  exuberant  vege- 
tation. Hidden,  for  ages,  by  extensive  forests,  from 
the  purifying  influence  of  the  sun,  the  air  became 
stagnant.  In  many  places,  putrid  exhalations  rose 
from  the  waters  and  low  grounds,  engendering  dis- 
ease and  death.  By  reason  of  the  fall  of  timber, 
twigs,  and  foliage,  little  grass  was  to  be  found,  except 
in  the  marshes,  low  grounds,  and  tracts  partially  c  ear- 
ed by  the  natives.  However,  the  natural  fruits  and  Fruits  and 
advantages  of  the  country  were  many.  On  the  shore  JjELj*" 
of  the  sea,  on  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  by  the  brooks, 
and  in  the  low  grounds  was  an  abundance  of  vines 
and  grapes.  These  were  of  various  kinds.  The  grapes 
are  described,  by  the  discoverers,  as  lying  on  the 
green  soil,  on  the  plains,  and  sands,  and  as  so  hang- 
ing over  the  shore  of  the  sea,  that  the  tides  overflow- 
ed them.  They  imagined,  that  in  the  whole  world 
besides  there  was  not  the  like  abundance.  Say  they, 
"  The  woods  are  not  such  as  you  find  in  Bohemia, 
Muscovia,  or  Hercynia,  barren  and  fruitless ;  but 
the  highest  and  reddest  cedars  in  the  world,  better- 
ing them  of  the  Azores,  Indies,  or  Libanus  :  Pines, 
Cypress,  Sassafras,  the  Lentisk  bearing  mastick, 
and  many  other  of  excellent  smell,  "f  In  the  south- 
ern parts  were  both  the  black  and  white  mulberry, 
plumbs,  crabs,  melons,  musk  mellons,  cucumbers, 

*  Jefferson's  notes,  p.  60,  f  Smith's  hist.  p.  2. 


14  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  tobacco,  corn,  pease,  beans,  pumkins,  squashes,  pota- 
*•  toes,  and  various  kinds  of  esculent  roots  in  abundance.* 
Acorns,  walnuts,  chesnuts,  groundnuts,  wild  cher- 
ries, currants,  strawberries,  whortle  berries,  and  other 
wild  fruits,  almost  innumerable,  grew  in  all  parts  of 
the  United  States.  The  discoverers  relate,  that  the 
sweet  flavour  of  America  met,  and  agreeably  salut- 
ed them,  even  before  her  shores  or  high  lands  were 
presented  to  their  view.f 

The  country  abounded  with  rich  intervals,  exten- 
sive and  fertile  plains,  adapted  to  all  the  purposes  of 
husbandry,  but  none  knew  how  to  improve  them.  It 
had  the  finest  groves  and  timber  in  the  world,  for 
building  of  every  kind.  It  was  interspersed  with  nu- 
merous rivers  and  lakes.  Some  of  the  latter  were  little 
inferior  to  the  small  seas  of  the  old  world,  affording 
the  most  extensive  inland  navigation. J  Its  coasts 
were  washed  more  than  a  thousand  miles  by  the  At- 
lantic ocean.  Its  riches,  in  skins  and  furs,  were 
scarcely  equalled  by  those  of  any  other  part  of  the 
globe.  It  possessed  all  natural  advantages  for  build- 
ing, trade,  and  navigation.  But  the  Aborigines  had 
made  no  improvements.  They  were  in  total  igno- 
rance of  their  advantages.  Beyond  the  hollow  trough, 
or  canoe,  burnt  out  with  fire,  and  wrought  with  sharp 
stones  and  shells,  or  made  with  the  bark  of  birch 
trees,  with  ribs,  and  pitched  over  with  tar  and  tur- 
pentine, they  had  made  no  advances  in  navigation. 
.Not  known  The  country  yielded  mines  of  copper,  and  abounded 
tives.  in  iron  ores  ;  but  they  were  so  ignorant  of  arts  and 
manufactures,  that  they  were  not  the  possessors  even 
of  a  knife,  nor  of  any  instrument  of  iron. 

*  Smith's  hist.    p.  22,  26,  27,  and   Beverly's  hist.  p.  124,    125. 
f  Smith's  hist,  p,  2.     Voyage  of  Amidas  and  Barlow. 
±  The  several  western  lakes,  are  said,  upon  an  accurate  calculation, 
1o  contain  the  following'  number  of  acres. 


Lake  Superior     -     - 

21,952,780. 

Bay  Puan     -     - 

1,216,000. 

Lake  of  the  woods 

1,333,800. 

Lake  Huron     - 

5,009,920. 

Lake  Rain         -     -     . 

165,200. 

Lake  Sinclair    - 

895,000. 

Red  Lake 

551,000. 

Lake  Erie     -     - 

2,622,800. 

Lake  Michigan 

10,368,000. 

Lake  Ontario 

2,390,000. 

UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  J5 

No  public  roads,  no  regular  towns  nor  villages,  no  chap. 
gardens  nor  fields  of  inclosure,  were  to  be  found,  in  L 
all  the  vast  regions  of  this  northern  continent.  Nei- 
ther  oxen,  cows,  horses,  sheep,  nor  any  of  the  do- 
mesticated animals  of  the  European  nations,  had 
been  ever  seen  in  them.  During  the  many  ages, 
which  must  have  elapsed  since  the  peopling  of  North 
America,  no  active  genius  had  appeared,  among 
its  numerous  nations,  to  teach  and  encourage  arts, 
industry,  a  civil  and  comfortable  manner  of  living. 

The  waters  of  America  are  not  less  prolific  than  Fish  and 
the  lands.  Its  seas,  lakes,  and  various  rivers  were  iovr]s- 
replete  with  an  uncommon  variety  and  plenty  of  ex- 
cellent fish.  The  whale,  grampus,  sturgeon,  cod, 
salmon,  sole,  plaice,  herring,  shad,  perch,  pickerel, 
breams,  trout,  and  numerous  other  kinds  of  fish, 
sported  in  its  waters.  Lobsters,  crabs,  shrimps,  mus- 
cles, oysters,  clams,  and  other  shell  fish  enriched  its 
shores  and  sands. 

An  almost  incredible  number  and  variety  of  fowls 
covered  its  waters.  Among  these  were  geese,  ducks 
of  various  kinds,  widgeons,  teale,  and  others  suitable 
for  the  first  table  entertainments. 

The   country  was  peopled  with  numerous  tribes,  Description 
or   clans   of  Indians.      They   were   generally   tall,  °f  ;thf  abo" 
strait,  well  shaped  men.     There  was  not,  indeed,  in  Their  stat- 
the  southern,  the  same  uniformity,  in  stature,  as  in  ure' 
the  northern  tribes.     The  Wighcocomicoes,  and  oth- 
ers bordering  on  them,  were  small.     The  Sasquesa- 
hanocks  were  uncommonly  large.  Smith  saith,  "such 
great  and   well   proportioned   men   are  seldom  ever 
seen  ;    for  they  seemed  like  giants  to  the  English." 
Five  of  their   zverorvances,    or   kings,    made  him  a 
visit.     Of  the  largest  of  them  he  gives  this  descrip- 
tion.    "  The  calf  of  whose  leg  was  three  quarters  of 
a  yard  about,  and  all  the  rest  of  his  limbs   so  an- 
swerable  to   that   proportion,    that    he  seemed  the 
goodliest  man  we  ever  beheld."*     The  native  in- 

*  Smith's  hist,  p.  2'4. 


16 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF   THE 


chap,    habitants  of  the  mountains,  in  North  Carolina,  were  of 
t.       a  gigan tick  stature.*    The  Indians,  whether  great  or 

small,  have  the  best  limbs,  and  a  good  proportion. 

Complex-    They  are   universally  born  white,  but  when  grown, 
ion-  are  of  a  copper   brown.     Their  hair  is  strait,  long, 

and  very  black.  They  have  black  eyes,  a  fine,  white 
set  of  teeth,  and  tolerably  good  features.  Their  fa- 
ces and  noses  are  generally  broader,  and  less  prom- 
inent, than  those  of  the  English.  They  have  com- 
monly very  thin  beards,  or  none  ;  not  so  much  from 
nature,  as  from  a  custom,  which  they  have,  of  pul- 
ling them  out  by  the  roots,  when  they  first  make  their 
appearance.  They  are  healthful,  firm,  and  vigorous  ; 
Constitu-  capable  of  uncommon  fatigues  and  hardships.  They 
tion.  are  fuu  0f  agility  :  travel  and  run  with  uncommon 

ease  and  speed. f  Their  women  are  strong  and  mas- 
culine ;  more  inured  to  exercise  and  labour  than  the 
men :  consequently  they  are  more  firm  and  capable 
of  hardship.  They  endure  the  pains  of  child  bear- 
ing without  a  groan.  J  Sometimes,  soon  after  labour, 
they  take  their  children  on  their  backs,  and  travel  as 
before. 
Genius.  With  respect  to  the  general  character  of  the  na- 

tives, they  were  quick  of  apprehension,  ingenious,  and, 
in  many  instances,  nothing  could  exceed  their  cour- 
tesy and  friendship.  Gravity  and  eloquence  distin- 
guished them  in  council,  bravery  and  address  in  war. 
In  general,  they  were  not  more  easily  provoked,  than 
the  Europeans  ;  but  when  once  they  had  received 
an  injury  it  was  never  forgotten.  In  anger,  they 
were  not,  like  the  English,  talkative  and  boisterous, 
but  sullen  and  revengeful.  Nothing  indeed,  when 
they  were  exasperated,  could  exceed  their  revenge 
and  cruelty.  Their  personal  and  passive  fortitude 
was  equal  to  their  cruelty.  They  would  defend 
themselves  against  an  host  of  enemies,  or  be  killed, 
rather  than  surrender  even  to  those,  who,  they  knew 

*  Lawson's  hist,  of  North  Carolina,  p.  82. 
-};  Hutch,  vol.  I.  p.  465,  *  Neal's  hist.  N.  E.  vol.  I.  p.  45. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  17 

would   give   them   good  treatment.     When  in  the   chap. 
power  of  their  enemies,  they  were  never  known  to  beg       h 
for  life  :  on  the  contrary  they  court  death.*     Though    ""■"**" 
they  were  gradually    disjointed,  or  broken  in  pieces, 
though  flayed   or  burnt  alive,  they  neither  groaned, 
nor  exhibited  any  signs  of  timidity  or  sorrow,  f   They 
nevertheless   had  a  keen  sensibility :    not  only  their 
women,  but  even  their  warriors,  who  wish  to  appear 
superior  to  human  events,  wept  bitterly,  for  the  loss 
of  children  and  relatives. J     Treachery,    indolence, 
inconstancy  and   improvidence,  were  also  conspicu- 
ous traits  in  their  character.  $ 

Their  dress  was  various.  In  summer  they  were  Dress, 
generally  naked,  except  about  the  waist,  which  was 
covered  with  a  piece  of  leather,  with  grass  or  leaves. 
In  winter  they  clothed  themselves  with  the  skins  of 
wild  beasts,  thrown  about  them  like  a  mantle.  Some 
clothed  themselves  with  mantles  of  feathers,  so  cu- 
riously wrought,  with  threads,  that  the  feathers  only 
were  discernible.  These  were  both  warm  and  beau- 
tiful. Their  sachems  and  chief  men,  on  days  of  fes- 
tivity and  show,  clad  themselves  with  large  mantles 
of  deer  skins,  embroidered  with  white  beads, 0rname^- 
or  copper ;  or  they  were  painted  in  various  forms. 
As  signs  of  royalty,  they  wore  chains  of  fish  bones 
about  their  necks,  the  skin  of  a  wild  cat,  or  some 
other  terrible  creature  on  their  arms,  or  about  their 
bodies.  On  the  legs,  hands,  breasts,  and  faces  of  the 
women,  were  the  figures  of  various  living  creatures, 
curiously  wrought,  with  black  spots,  into  the  skin 
and  flesh.  They  wore  pendants  of  bracelets,  chains 
and  copper  in  their  ears ;  bracelets  on  their  arms, 
and  chains  on  their  legs.     The  men  wore  pendants 

*  Jefferson's  notes,  p.  108,  109.  f  Smith's  hist.  p.  38. 

*  Jefferson's  notes,  p.  109. 
§  Every  part  of  this  character  might  have  been  illustrated  by  parti- 
cular examples,  and  ttiey  are  omitted,  only  for  the  sake  of  brevity. 
They  may  be  found  in  Smith's  ancient  history  of  Virginia,  in  Wood's 
Prospect  of  New-England,  in  Colden's  history  of  Canada,  in  Hub- 
bard's narrative,  in  Jefferson's  notes  on  Virginia,  and  in  other  writers 
on  the  subject. 

Vol.  T.  3 


18 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


chap,  of  copper,  of  living  and  dead  animals  in  their  ears. 
*        On  their  heads  they  wore  the  feathers  and  wings 

of  fowls,  with  the  rattles  of  snakes  :  and,  sometimes 

the  whole  skin  of  a  hawk,  or  of  some  strange  fowl 
stuffed,  with  the  wings  spread.  Their  faces  and 
shoulders  were  painted  in  various  forms,  and  he  was 
esteemed  the  bravest  man,  who  could  make  the  most 
monstrous  and  horrible  appearance.* 

«abita-  The  Indian  houses,  or  wigwams,  were  at  best, 

but  poor  smoky  cells.  They  were  constructed,  like 
arbours,  of  small  young  trees,  bent  and  twisted  to- 
gether, and  so  curiously  covered  with  mats,  or  the 
bark  of  trees,  that  they  were  tolerably  warm  and  dry. 
In  the  center  was  their  fire  ;  and  an  opening  at  the 
top  emitted  the  smoke.  For  the  convenience  of 
wood  and  water,  they  were  commonly  erected  in 
groves,  and  near  some  river,  brook,  or  living  spring. 
When  the  wood  failed,  the  owners  changed  their 
quarters. 

titensiis.  Their  household  furniture  was  as  poor  as  their 
dwellings.  They  had  neither  pot  nor  kettle  ;  nei- 
ther chair  nor  stool,  table  nor  napkin,  but  sat,  ate,  and 
lodged  on  the  ground.  Their  beds  were  mats,  or 
skins,  on  which,  in  the  cold  seasons,  they  lodged, 
with  their  feet  always  to  the  fire.  Their  hatchet  was 
a  stone  somewhat  in  the  form  of  the  English  hatch- 
et. Instead  of  an  eye  it  had  a  neck,  round  which  a 
withe  was  fastened  for  a  handle.  Their  knives  were 
sharp  shells  and  the  splinters  of  reeds.  With  these 
they  scalped  their  enemies,  flayed  and  disjointed 
their  game,  cut  their  hair,  trimmed  their  feathers, 
shaped  their  shoes,  buskins  and  mantles.  They 
planted  and  dressed  their  corn  with  the  shells  of  oys- 
ters and  clams,  or  with  a  stone  hoe,  or  with  a  stick, 
broad  and  sharpened  at  one  end.  Between  their 
hands  and  knees  the  women  readily  spun  an  even 
thread  or  cord,  of  the  bark  of  trees,  of  the  Indian 
hemp,  or  of  the  sinews  of  moose  and  deer.     With  this 

*  Smith's  hist.  p.  30.  38. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  19 

they  made  their  lines  and  nets,  for  fishing,  and  the   chap. 
strings  of  their  bows.     Their  nets  were  small,  but       h 
as  formally    wrought  as  those   of  the  Europeans.  ~~ 

Their  fish  hooks  were  made  of  bones,  bent,  or  oth- 
erwise formed,  much  in  the  shape  of  the  English 
fish  hook. 

Their  food  was  course  and  simple.  Till  the  Eu-  Food. 
ropeans  visited  them,  they  had  neither  bread  nor 
salt.  They  fed  on  the  flesh  and  entrails  of  moose, 
deer,  bears,  and  all  kinds  of  wild  beasts  and  birds  ; 
on  fish,  eels,  and  creeping  things.  They  had  good 
stomachs,  and  nothing  came  amiss.  In  the  hunting 
and  fowling  seasons,  they  had  venison,  moose,  buf- 
faloes, and  fat  bears :  fish,  turkeys,  geese,  and  the 
like.  In  the  summer,  they  had  green  corn,  beans, 
pease  and  the  various  fruits  which  the  country  nat- 
urally produced.*  In  the  winter  they  subsisted  on 
corn,  beans,  fish,  nuts,  groundnuts,  and  other  escu- 
lent roots. 

Their  only  way  of  cooking  flesh  or  fish,  was  by  cookery, 
roasting  them  on  a  stick,  or  broiling  them  on  the 
coals.  In  the  winter,  they  most  commonly  ate  their 
corn  parched.  Sometimes,  after  parching  they 
pounded  it  into  a  kind  of  coarse  meal.  They  term- 
ed this  Nuichicke ;  which,  saith  Hutchinson,  "  Is 
wTell  enough  translated  Nocake."  With  a  small 
pouch  of  this  they  would  support  themselves,  for  seve- 
ral days,  in  their  hunts  and  long  marches,  when  des- 
titute of  other  supplies.  They  had  no  set  meals ; 
but,  like  other  wild  creatures,  ate  when  they  were 
hungry.  Sometimes  they  had  little  or  nothing  for  a 
day  or  two.  But,  when  they  had  provisions,  they 
feasted :  after  fasting  they  indulged  themselves  free- 
ly, and  made  up,  at  one  meal,  ail  they  had  lost  be- 
fore. 

The  various  tribes  waged,  with  each  other,  fierce  War 
and  implacable  wars.     They  fought  not  for  lands  nor 

*  Pease  and  beans  seem  to  have  been  natural  productions  of  the 
oountry.  Ibid.  p.28.  See  also  Lawson's  history  of  North  CaroJina,p.r6. 


20 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


chap,    riches;  but  for  glory,  women,  and,  principally,  for 
1        revenge.      Their   personal  valour  was  great ;    but 

' they  had  little  discipline.     They  had  neither  drum 

nor  trumpet  :  their  throats  served  them,  on  all  occa- 
sions, where  these  were  necessary.  They  had  not 
only  a  surprising  faculty  of  raising  their  voices,  in 
wild  and  inarticulate  sounds,  but  of  making  their 
words  understood  at  a  great  distance.  Singular  was 
their  address  in  ambushing,  ensnaring,  and  surpris- 
ing their  enemies.  They  commenced  their  battles 
in  a  sudden,  furious  manner,  with  the  war  hoop,  or 
Indian  yell,  than  which  nothing  could  be  more  sav- 
age and  terrible.  Whenever  they  gained  a  victory, 
their  route  was  marked  with  promiscuous  carnage 
and  destruction.  The  women  and  royalties  of  a  con- 
quered sachem,  were  esteemed  the  property,  and  re- 
served for  the  use  of  the  sachem,  who  made  the  con- 
quest. The  Indians,  in  general,  scalped,  cut  off  the 
heads,  and  mangled  the  dead  bodies  of  their  enemies. 

nfr«!!2?vM  When  they  made  captives,  they  offered  them  no 
mal-treatment ;  but  would  rather  starve  themselves, 
than  suffer  them  to  want.  Whether  they  were  to  be 
kept  alive,  or  to  be  tortured  to  death,  they  fed  them 
as  well  as  circumstances  would  permit :  and,  some- 
times, feasted  them  previous  to  the  most  merciless 
torments.  No  instance  is  to  be  found  of  their  hav- 
ing offered  the  least  violence  to  the  chastity  of  their 
female  captives.  Notwithstanding,  their  wretched 
prisoners  underwent  severe  punishments,  at  their 
journey's  end,  before  it  was  determined  whether  they 
should  live  or  die  :  if  it  was  determined  that  they 
should  live,  from  that  moment,  they  received  the 
kindest  treatment  ;  but  if  the  determination  was 
otherwise,  they  died  in  torments,  to  satiate  the  cruel- 
ty and  revenge  of  their  captors.* 

Their  arms  were  bows  and  arrows,  a  wooden 
sword,  and  a  tomahawk.  Their  bows  were  con- 
structed in  the  common  form.     Their  arrows  were 

*  Colden's  vol.  i.  p.  9,  10. 


of  captives. 


Arms. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  21 

made  of  straight   sticks,  reeds,  or   stalks  of  elder,   chap. 
headed  with  bone,    or  a  hard,  flinty   stone,  fastened      l- 
with   cords  and  glue.*     They   rarely  missed   their    "     ~~ 
mark,  and  their  arrows  did  execution.     Their  toma- 
hawk  was   either   a  club  with  a    knob  at  one  end,  a 
stone  hatchet,  or  a  stick  with  a  piece  of  a  deer's  horn 
fixed  atone  end,  like  a  pickaxe.     The  southern  In- 
dians used  round  targets  made  of  bark. f     The  Mo- 
hawks covered  themselves  with  the  skin  of  the  sea 
horse,  for  a  defence   against  the  arrows  of  their  ene- 
mies.;); 

The  Indian  men  were  indolent,  and  disdained  to 
labour.  They  diverted  themselves  with  hunting,  Diversions 
fishing,  fowling,  shooting  at  marks, leaping, dancing, 
and  the  like  exercises.  At  their  dances,  which  were 
commonly  performed  round  a  great  fire,  they  were 
painted  and  dressed  in  the  most  frightful  manner ; 
especially,  in  their  war-dances.  In  these  they  sang 
their  own,  and  their  ancestors'  heroic  feats ;  repre- 
senting the  manner  of  their  performance,  and 
wrought  themselves  up  to  an  inexpressible  degree 
of  martial  rage  and  enthusiasm. 

They  put  all  the  labour  upon  their  women.  They  Abuse  of 
builded  their  houses,  planted,  dressed  and  gathered  the  women, 
in  their  corn.  They  gathered  their  wood,  and  bore  it, 
on  their  shoulders  to  their  wigwams.  They  bore  home 
the  venison,  fish  and  fowl,or  whatever  game  their  hus- 
bands took  in  hunting  or  fishing.  In  journeying  or 
marching,  they  carried  their  children  and  bore  their 
burdens.  Notwithstanding  the  churlishness  and  in- 
humanity of  their  haughty  lords,  they  wrangled  not 
with  them,  but  were  mild  and  obedient.  They  con- 
tented themselves,  with  their  helpless  condition,  es- 
teeming it  the  woman's  portion. 

When  a  young  Indian  wished  for  conjugal  connex-  Courtship 
ions,  he  presented  the  girl  by  whom  he  was   enam- "" 
oured  with  bracelets,  belts,  and  chains  of  wampum ; 

*  They  made  glue  of  deer's  horns  and  sinews,  which  Smith  says, 
would  not  dissolve  with  cold  water.     Hist.  Virginia,  p.  31. 

t  Smith's  hist.  Virg.  p.  31.  *  Hutch,  hist.  vol.  i.  464. 


and 
age. 


22 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
I. 


Concu- 
bines. 


Manner 
burial. 


Of 


and  if  she  received  them  they  lived  together,  for  a 
time  on  trial,  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their  love.  If  they 
pleased  each  other,  they  were  joined  in  marriage  ; 
but,  if  after  a  few  weeks,  they  were  not  suited,  the 
man,  leaving  his  presents,  quitted  the  girl  and 
sought  another  mistress  ;  and  she  another  humble 
servant.  Thus  they  courted  until  two  met,  who 
were  agreeable  to  each  other.  The  accompanying 
of  a  suitor  in  this  manner,  detracted  nothing  from  the 
honour  of  the  girl.  Before  marriage,  the  consent  of 
the  sachem  was  obtained,  and  he,  always,  joined  the 
hands  of  the  young  pair  in  wedlock. 

Among  the  five  nations  polygamy  was  not  custom- 
ary ;*  but  the  Indians  in  general  kept  many  concu- 
bines, and  never  thought  they  had  too  many  wom- 
en.f  They  chose  them  agreeably  to  fancy,  and 
put  them  away  at  pleasure.  When  a  sachem  grew 
weary  of  any  of  his  women,  he  bestowed  them  on 
some  of  his  favourites,  or  chief  men.  But  the  In- 
dians had  one  wife,  who  was  the  governess  of  the 
family,  and  whom  they  generally  kept  during  life. 
In  cases  of  adultery,  the  husband  either  put  away  the 
guilty  wife,  or  satisfied  himself  by  the  infliction  of 
some  severe  punishment.  Husbands  and  wives, 
parents  and  children,  lived  in  the  same  wigwam,  with- 
out any  apartments,  and  made  no  privacy  of  such  ac- 
tions, as  even  the  chaster  animals  keep  from  public 
view. 

The  manner  of  burial,  and  mourning  for  the 
dead,  seem  to  have  been  nearly  the  same,  in  all  parts 
of  the  continent.  The  most  common  way  of  burial 
was  to  dig  holes  in  the  ground,  with  sharpened  stakes ; 
in  the  bottom  of  which  sticks  were  laid  across,  and 
the  corpse,  wrapped  in  skins  and  mats,  was  laid  up- 
on them.  The  arms  and  treasures  of  the  dead, 
their  utensils,  paint,  and  ornaments,  were  put  into  the 
same  holes  with  themselves,  and  a  mount  of  earth 
was  raised  upon  them  all.     In  some  parts  of  New- 

*  Colden's  hist,  vol.  i,  p.  13.       f  Neal's  hist.  N.  E.  vol.  I  p.  38. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  23 

England,  and  among  the  five  nations,  the  dead  were 
buried  in  a  sitting  posture,  with  their  faces  towards 
the  east.  Their  women  blacked  their  faces,  with 
coal  and  oil,  on  these  mournful  occasions,  and  dur- 
ing the  burial,  the  friends  of  the  dead  made  the  most 
doleful  and  hideous  lamentations.  Their  mourning 
continued,  night  and  morning  for  several  days  ;  in 
which  all  the  relatives  bore  a  part. 

Some  of  the  Indians  had  a  custom,  at  certain  peri-  Bur^i  of 
ods,  of  collecting  the  bones  of  their  dead  and  of  bury- 
ing them,  in  a  sort  of  strata,  or  beds,  one  above 
another,  under  covers  of  stone  and  earth,  till  they 
raised  a  hillock  eight,  ten,  or  twelve  feet  in  altitude. 
Jefferson,  in  his  description  of  one  of  these  barrows, 
as  he  terms  them,  says,  "  It  was  of  a  spheroidical 
form,  of  about  forty  feet  diameter,  at  the  base, 
and  had  been  about  twelve  feet  in  altitude."  Upon 
examination,  he  conjectured  that  it  contained  a 
thousand  skeletons.*  The  bones  lay  in  such  pro- 
miscuous confusion,  as  excited  the  idea,  that  they 
were  emptied  from  sacks  or  baskets,  and  buried  in 
that  state  of  disorder.  From  the  state  of  the  bones, 
in  the  several  beds,  it  appeared  that  they  were  buried 
at  different  times.  These  repositories  of  bones  are 
to  be  found  all  over  Virginia. 

The  natives  had  a  sort  of  money,  called  wampum.  Money, 
It  consisted  of  small  beads,  very  curiously  wrought 
out  of  shells,  perforated  in  the  centre  so  that  they 
might  be  strung  on  belts,  in  chains,  and  bracelets. 
These  were  of  several  sorts.  The  Indians  in  New- 
England  made  black,  blue,  and  white  wampum.  Six 
of  the  white  beads,  and  three  of  the  black,  or  blue 
ones,  passed  for  a  penny.  The  five  nations  make 
another  sort  which  are  of  a  purple  colour.  The  white 
ones  are  wrought  out  of  the  inside  of  the  great  conchs ; 
and  the  purple,  out  of  the  inside  of  the  muscle  shell : 
These  are  now  woven,  or  strung  in  broad  belts ; 

*  Notes  on  Vii-g.  p.  173,  175. 


24  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  and  in  their  treaties,  are  given  as  a  confirmation  of 
L        their  speeches,  and  as  the  seals  of  friendship.* 
_.  .      As  tobacco  was  a  natural  production  of  the  coun- 

a  HIPS       111(1 

tobacco,  try,  the  natives  were  great  smokers.  Tobacco  pouch- 
es hung  at  their  backs,  and  pipes  were  their  insepar- 
able companions.  These  pipes  were  made  of  wood 
and  stone.  Some  of  them  were  wrought  in  a  very- 
curious  manner,  and  on  them  were  carved  the  fig- 
ures of  birds  and  various  living  creatures. 

Religion.  The  natives  believed  the  existence  of  a  God  and 
a  future  state.  They  worshipped  a  great  variety  of 
deities ;  such  as  the  fire,  water,  thunder,  and  light- 
ning, and  any  thing,  which  they  conceived  to  be  su- 
perior to  themselves,  and  capable  of  doing  them  an 
injury.  They  even  worshipped  the  horses,  great  guns, 
and  muskets  of  the  Europeans,  when  they  came  first 
among  them.  They  believed  that  there  was  one  su- 
preme God,  the  Preserver  and  Lord  of  the  universe. 
But  they  payed  their  principal  devotion  to  the  evil 
spirit,  whom  they  called  Hobbamocko.  They  seem 
to  have  conceived,  that  the  supreme  God,  whom 
they  called  Kichtan,  was  good,  and  that  Hobbamocko 
was  evil,  and  did  them  mischief ;  and  so,  from  fear, 
they  worshipped  him,  to  keep  him  in  good  humour. 
They  did  not  appear  to  have  any  notions  of  a  sabbath, 
or  to  regard  one  day  more  than  another.  In  times 
of  great  distress,  on  the  account  of  famine,  sickness, 
or  fear  of  their  enemies  ;  and  at  times  of  triumph 
and  of  the  ingathering  of  their  fruits,  the  whole 
country,  men,  women,  and  children,  came  together 

Manner  of  to  their  solemnities.  The  manner  of  their  devotion 
was  to  sing  and  dance  round  great  fires,  kindled 
in  their  houses  or  fields ;  sometimes,  all  shouting 
aloud  together.  They  often  continued  these  exer- 
cises incessantly,  for  four  or  five  hours,  f  The 
Powhatans,  in  Virginia,  and  the  Narragansets,  in 
Rhode- Island,  appear  to  have  been  the  most  super- 
stitious of  all  the  Indians,  on  the  continent.     Smith 

*  Colden's  hist.  vol.  i.  p.3,4,  and  71.      f  Smith's  lust.  Virg.  p.  35,36. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  25 

represents,  that  nearly  three  parts  of  the  year,  the   chap. 
Virginia  Indians  observed  times  and  seasons.*     In       l 
every  territory  of  a  Werowance  there  was  a  temple  " 

filled  with  the  images  of  their  kings  and  of  evil 
spirits.  These  temples  were  built  arbour- wise,  and 
nearly  sixty  feet  in  length.  They  were  esteemed 
so  sacred,  that  none  but  kings  and  priests  might 
enter  them.  The  god  whom  the  Indians  of  New- 
England  called  Hobbamocko,  the  Virginia  Indians 
called  Okee.  A  common  savage  durst  not  pass 
one  of  his  temples,  even  in  boats,  without  solemnly 
casting  pieces  of  copper,  white  beads,  or  pocones 
into  the  river,  for  fear  he  would  be  offended,  and 
revenge  the  affront. 

Seven  priests  ministered  in  some  of  these  temples.  Priests. 
The  chief  priest  was  distinguished,  from  the  other 
six,  by  his  extraordinary  head-dress.  This  was 
made  of  twelve  or  sixteen  snake  skins,  with  the  skins 
Of  weasels  and  other  vermin,  the  tails  of  which, 
meeting  on  the  crown  of  the  head,  formed  a  large 
tassel.  Round  this  was  gathered  a  crown  of  feath- 
ers. The  skins  hung  down  over  his  neck  and 
shoulders,  and  almost  covered  his  face.  The  priests 
were  all  painted  in  the  most  deformed  manner  which 
could  be  devised  ;  and  every  one  held  a  rattle.  The 
chief  priest  began  their  songs  ;  sometimes  he  broke 
out  into  invocations,  with  starts  and  strange  pas- 
sions ;  and  when  he  paused  the  rest  would  utter 
short  groans,  f 

In  Virginia,  the  Indians  had  altars,  or  large  stones  Altars  »n3 
on  which  they  offered  blood,  deer's  suet,  and  tobacco.  Sacrifice* 
These  were  erected  by  their  houses,  in  the  woods 
and  wilderness,  where  any  thing  extraordinary  had 
happened  :  and  they  served  them  not  only  as  altars, 
but  as  the  best  records  of  their  antiquities.  In  great 
storms,  when  the  waters  In  the  sea  and  rivers  were 
rough  and  tumultuous,  they  threw  copper,  tobacco, 
and  the  like  articles  into  the  waters,  with  a  kind  of 

*  Smith's  hist.  Virg\  p.  29.  f  p.  35. 

Vol.  I.  4 


26 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THBi 


chap,   infernal  yell  and  invocation,  to  appease  the  incensed 
!•       gods.     They  had  also  an  annual  sacrifice  of  male 

** children.       While    the   ceremony    attending   their 

dedication  was  performing,  the  women  wept  and 
cried  out  in  the  highest  transports  of  female  tender- 
ness.  They  prepared  mats,  skins,  moss,  and  other 
articles  for  the  funerals  of  their  children.  Whether 
the  children  were  all  slain,  or  whether  part  of  them 
were  reserved  for  priests  and  conjurers,  could  not  be 
determined.  *  So  deluded  were  these  unhappy  men,  as 
to  believe  that  unless  they  made  this  barbarous  sacri- 
fice, their  Okee,  and  the  other  gods,  would  not  suffer 
them  to  have  either  harvests,  venison,  turkeys,  or  fish ; 
but  that  they  would  make  great  destruction  among 
them. 

The  Narrhagansetts,  as  well  as  the  southern  In- 
dians,had  their  temples  for  devotion.  These  were  shut 
against  all  but  the  powaws,  unless  at  the  times  of 
their  public  solemnities.  Then  vast  crowds  flock- 
ed to  them,  and  offered  their  best  treasures ;  skins, 
hatchets,  and  utensils  of  all  kinds,  in  sacrifice  to 
their  god.  The  priests  took  all  their  offerings,  and 
cast  them  into  a  great  fire,  in  which  they  were 
burned  to  ashes.  Many  of  the  devout  Indians 
dedicated  their  children  to  the  gods,  to  be  educated 
for  powawrs,  or  priests. 

Govern-  The  Indian  government,  in  general,  was  absolute, 
monarchy.  The  will  of  the  sachem  was  his  law. 
The  lives  of  his  subjects  were  all  in  his  power. 
But  in  all  important  affairs,  he  consulted  his  coun- 
sellors ;  who,  when  they  had  given  their  opinions, 
referred  the  decision  of  every  matter  to  him.  What- 
ever his  determinations  were,  they  applauded  his 
wisdom,  and  without  hesitation  carried  his  orders 
into  execution.  In  council,  the  deportment  of  the 
sachems  was  grave  and  majestic,  even  to  admira- 
tion.     The  conduct  of  their  servants  was  equally 

Paniese,  or  respectful  and  submissive.     The  counsellors  of  the 

Counsellors.         * 

*  Smith's  hist.  p.  36. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  £7 

sachem  were  not  only  the  most  wise  and  courageous,   chap. 
but,  generally,  the  largest  men,   in  his  dominion.       L 

They  were  not  only  his  counsellors,  but  the  im-    * 

mediate  guard  of  his  person.     The  New- En  gland 
Indians,  termed  these  counsellors,  the  paniese.     To 
keep  up  an  order  so  honourable  and  important,  as 
these  were  esteemed  among  them,  the  most  prom- 
ising boys  were  chosen,  and  with  great  care  trained 
up  in  the  observation  of  peculiar  rites  and  customs. 
They  were  made  to  abstain  from  all  curious  meats, 
to  drink  the  juice  of  bitter  herbs ;  were  beaten  with 
sticks   on   their   legs,  and  obliged  to  run  through 
brambles  and  thorny  bushes,  to  render  them  hardy, 
and  more  acceptable  to  Hobbamocko.*      Though 
the  natives  had  no  written  laws,  yet  they  had  cus- 
toms, which,  in  some  measure,  obtained  the  force 
of  law.     According  to  these,  an  attempt  upon  the  life 
of  the  sachem,  a  gross  act  of  disobedience,  or  insult 
offered   to   his   person,    and    murder,    were   capital 
crimes.      The  punishment  of  the  former  of  these, 
was   scalping,  disjointing,  and  flaying  them  alive  ;  Punig^ 
or  binding  and  roasting   them    alive,  on    heaps   of  mem* 
burning  coals. f     The  punishment  of  the  latter  was 
knocking  the  murderer  on  the  head.     Injustice  was 
punished  according  to  the  number  of  times,  in  which 
the  delinquent  had  been  found  guilty.     For  the  first 
offence,  he  was,  in   the   most  disgraceful  and  hu- 
miliating manner,  reproached  for  his  knaven  ;    for 
the  second,  he  was  cudgelled  on  the  naked  body; 
for  the  third,  besides  a  sound  drubbing,  his  nose 
was  slit,  that  all  for  the   future   might   know  and 
avoid  him.      The  sachem  was  generally  both  the 
judge  and  the  executioner.  J 

The  five  nations  were  distinguished,  by  their  gov-  Govem- 
ernment,  from  all  the  other  Indians  on  the  continent.  KSj££j 
This  was   entirely  republican.      The   authority  of 
their  rulers  was  gained  and  supported,  by  the  opin- 

*   Neal's  hist.  N.E.  vol.  i.  p.  39,  40.    f  Smith's  hist.  Virg.  p.  38; 
*  Ncal's  hist.  N.  E.  p.  42,  48. 


2§  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   ion,  which  the  nation  had  of  their  wisdom,  courage, 
l-        and  integrity.     Honour  and  esteem  were  their  re- 

' wards  ;    shame   and   contempt  their   punishments. 

They  were  confederate  nations,  joined  in  a  perpetual 
league,  in  which  all  had  equal  authority  and  influ- 
ence. Their  union  was  so  ancient,  that  its  origin 
was  unknown.  Like  the  Romans,  they  always 
strengthened  themselves,  by  the  admission  and  incor- 
,Esteem  of  poration  of  other  nations  among  them.  They  imagine 
themselves,  themselves,  by  nature,  superior  to  the  rest  of  mankind. 
They  haughtily  styled  themselves  Ongue-honwe,  men 
surpassing  all  others.  For  time  immemorial,  they 
have  been  the  terror  of  all  the  other  Indians  of 
North  America.  Since  the  settlement  of  New- 
England,  if  a  single  Mohawk  was  discovered  in  the 
country,  the  other  Indians,  from  hill  to  hill,  raised 
the  cry,  A  Mohawk  !  A  Mohawk  !  Whatever  dis- 
parity there  was  in  numbers,  they  fled,  without  the 
least  resistance.  Sometimes  when  they  fled  to  the 
English  houses  for  protection,  the  Mohawks  entered 
with  them,  and  knocked  them  on  the  head,  in  the 
presence  of  the  family.*  But  they  did  no  injury 
to  the  christians ;  and,  if  the  doors  were  shut,  they 
never  made  a  forcible  entry. 
Indian  do-  The  Indians,  not  only  of  the  five  nations,  but 
quence.  generally,  were  much  given  to  speech-making. 
With  them,  war  and  eloquence  were  the  foundations 
of  all  consequence.  To  these  acquirements,  there- 
fore, the  whole  force  of  their  genius  was  directed. 
In  council,  their  opinions  were  given  in  set  speeches; 
and  to  persons  whom  they  respected,  at  meeting  and 
parting,  they  addressed  their  compliments  in  formal 
harangues.  The  Indians  of  the  five  nations  used  no 
labials ;  but  thought  it  laughable  indeed,  for  men  to 
shut  their  mouths,  that  they  might  speak. 

The  Indian  language  was  replete  with  gutturals 
and  strong  aspirations,  which  rendered  it  peculiarly 
bold  and  sonorous.     Their  speeches,  like  those  of 

*  Colden's  hist,  vol.  i.  p.  I,  2,  3. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  2$ 

the  eastern  nations,   abounded  with  metaphors,  and  chap. 
some  of  them,  perhaps,  are  equal  to  any  recorded  in        L 
ancient  or  modern  history.*    Their  manner  of  speak- 
ing  was  with  uncommon  animation  and  vehemence. 
Great  was  the    deference  which  they  observed   in  Deference 
their  conversation,  one  with  another,  and  in  their  venation*, 
public  speeches ;  especially  in  their  treaties  between 
nations.     In  the  former  they  were  pleased  with  sal- 
lies of  wit  and  humour,  but  in  a  public  treaty,  any 
thing  of  this  nature  gave  disgust,  and  left  the  im- 
pression of  a  light  and  inconsiderate  mind. 

The  Indians  have  been  represented  by  some  wri-  First  treat- 
ters,  as  the  most  sordid  and  contemptible  part  of  the  EJjjJa^v 
human  species  ;  as  the  very  ruins  and  dregs  of 
mankind.  However,  in  justice  to  their  character,  it 
ought  to  be  observed,  that  on  the  first  arrival  of  the 
English,  both  in  Virginia  and  New-England,  they 
treated  them  with  great  kindness.  In  Virginia, 
they  carried  them  on  shore  upon  their  backs,  that 
they  might  not  wet  themselves  in  wading  from  their 
boats  ;  they  washed  their  clothes  and  even  their 
feet ;  and  feasted  them  in  the  best  manner  of  wThich 
they  were  capable.  The  writers  of  those  times  say, 
"  A  more  kind  and  loving  people  cannot  be."f 
In  New- England,  they  made  them  welcome  to  their 
cabins,  by  good  treatment  and  the  best  provisions 
they  could  furnish.  They  taught  them  how  to 
plant  and  cultivate  the  Indian  corn:  and,  when 
any  of  them  were  lost  in  the  woods,  and  otherwise 
must  have  perished,  they  fed,  and  conducted  them 
safely  to  their  quarters. J  Faithless  as  they  have 
been  represented,  Massasoiet,  and  his  successors, 
kept  good  faith  with  the  English  for  nearly  half  a 
century.  The  five  nations  have  maintained  their 
confederation,  with  each  other,  inviolate,  for  time  im- 
memorial. They  maintained,  with  the  utmost  punc- 
tuality, their  treaties  with  the  Dutch  of  New- York 

*  Witness  the  speech  of  Logan,  published  by  Jefferson,  and  the 
speech  of  Garang-ula,  published  by  Colden.     Vol",  i.  p.  70,  73. 
t  Smith's  Hist.  Virg.  p.  3,  4.  i  Hutch.  Vol.  i.p.  468, 


30  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  and  Albany,    from   their  commencement,   till   the 
*■       English  became  masters  of  the  province,  and  the 
Dutch  government  ceased.    With  equal  punctuality, 
did  they  afterwards  keep  them,  with  the  English,  un- 
til the  late  memorable  revolution. 

The  little  progress  which  they  had  made  in  arts 
and  civilization,  appears  not  to  have  been  owing  so 
much  to  want  of  genius,  as  to  a  combination  of  other 
circumstances.  When  their  children  have  been  put 
to  English  schools,  they  have  appeared  no  less  active, 
witty,  and  apt  to  learn,  than  the  English  boys.  In 
writing  they  have  often  excelled  them. 
Numbers  of  With  respect  to  the  number  of  the  natives,  when 
rigLw***"  tne  Europeans  commenced  an  acquaintance  with 
them,  it  is  impossible  to  give  an  accurate  account. 
Some  of  the  accounts  published  have  been  rather  ro- 
mantic than  judicious  and  accurate.  Doctor  Mather 
represents,  and  from  him  Mr.  Neal,  that  there  were 
millions  of  them.  Indeed  they  represent  the  Mo- 
hawks as  having  destroyed  more  than  two  millions,  at 
the  westward,  between  New- England  and  the  Missi- 
sippi.*  But  it  is  not  probable,  that  there  was 
one  quarter  of  that  number,  in  ail  that  part  of  the 
country,  east  of  said  river.  In  the  wild  manner  in 
which  the  natives  lived,  principally,  by  hunting,  fish- 
ing, and  the  natural  productions  of  the  earth,  a  large 
tract  was  necessary  for  the  support  of  a  small  number 
of  inhabitants.  Their  settlements  could  not  be  thick 
and  populous. 
East  of  the  From  the  several  lists  of  their  numbers,  made  by 
Missisippi.  Croghan,  Bonquet,  Hutchins,  and  Dodge,  in  1759, 
1764,  1768,  and  1779,  it  appears,  that  the  whole 
number,  at  that  time,  discovered  within  the  limits, 
and  west  and  north  of  the  United  States,  amounted 
only  to  about  eighty  thousands.  Full  half  this  num- 
ber inhabit  within  the  boundaries  of  the  United  States, 
inth  u  it  Their  numbers  when  the  Europeans  commenced 
eS state" 'their  settlements  are  much  more  uncertain.     There 

*  Magnalia  and  Neal's  history  of  New  Engl&ndV 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  $1 

are,  however,  some  data  by  which  we  may,  perhaps*  chap. 
form  a  tolerable  estimate.  In  Virginia  they  were,  in  I 
part,  numbered  at  an  early  period.  In  New  Eng-  "* 
land,  the  Carolinas,  and  some  other  parts  of  the  coun- 
try at  certain  periods,  calculations  were  made  of  the 
number  of  their  warriors.  These  will  reflect  light  on 
the  subject.  According  to  captain  Smith's  account 
of  Virginia,  the  country  from  the  sea  coast  to  the 
mountains,  was  inhabited  by  forty-three  different 
tribes  of  Indians.*  Thirty  of  these  tribes  spread 
over  a  tract  of  country,  south  of  the  Patowmac,  be- 
tween the  falls  of  the  rivers  and  the  sea  coast,  con- 
taining about  eight  thousand  square  miles.  These 
were  united  in  a  grand  confederacy  under  Powhatan, 
the  great  werowance  or  sachem  of  the  country.  The 
same  author  informs  us  that  within  sixty  miles  of 
Jamestown,  were  five  thousand  people,  and  fifteen 
hundred  warriors,  f  The  whole  number  of  inhabi-  Their  pop. 
tants  between  the  sea  coast  and  the  falls  seems  to  have  yjf^fL  * 
been  about  eight  thousand,  and  the  number  of  war- 
riors about  two  thousand  and  four  hundred.  The  pro- 
portion of  warriors,  to  the  whole  number  of  inhabit 
tants,  was  as  three  to  ten.  The  Powhatan  confeder- 
acy consisted  of  eight  thousand  inhabitants ;  about 
one  to  every  square  mile.  This  is  about  the  twenti- 
eth part  of  the  population  of  Virginia,  in  the  same  ex- 
tent of  territory,  about  the  fiftieth  part  of  the  popu- 
lation of  Connecticut,  and  a  hundreth  part  of  that  of 
the  British  islands.  On  supposition  that  the  popu- 
lation of  the  natives  had  been  equal  to  one  in  every 
square  mile  throughout  the  whole  territory  of  the 
United  States,  their  numbers  would  have  amounted 
to  a  million  of  people.  But,  that  they  were  every 
where  thus  populous  is  not  probable.  Their  princi- 
pal settlements  were  evidently  on  the  sea  coasts,  riv- 
ers, lakes,  and  tracts  peculiarly  adapted  to  hunting, 
fishing,  and  their  wild  manner  of  living.  In  many 
parts  of  the  country  there  were  few  or  no  settlements. 

*  Smith's  hist.  Virginia,  p.  23,  24,  2*.     f  Hist,  of  Virginia,  p2« 


52  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  Probably,  their  population  far  back  in  the  country 
*•  was  not  very  different  from  what  it  is  at  present. 
Their  diminution  by  strong  drink,  or  any  other  sup- 
posable  cause,  in  the  unsettled  parts  of  it,  since  the 
arrival  of  the  Europeans,  has  not,  perhaps  greatly 
exceeded  the  accessions  made  to  them,  by  those  who 
have  removed,  or  been  driven  back,  from  the  sea 
coasts  and  various  parts  now  settled  by  the  Ameri- 
cans. 
•Probable         Allowing  their  population  in  the  New  England 

numbers  at  o  r    1  & 

the  time  of  btates,  and  a  hundred  miles  back  from  the  sea  coast 
settlement.  -mtQ  tjie  country  m  .d\\  gj£  others,  to  feve  been  equal 

to  that  in  Virginia,  their  numbers  would  have 
amounted  to  a  hundred  and  twenty  three  thousand. 
In  the  New- England  states  are  about  forty-nine 
thousand  square  miles.  The  states  south  of  them 
wilimeasure,on  a  straight  line,uponthe  sea  coast,about 
seven  hundred  and  forty  miles.  If  we  reckon  them 
to  extend  back  into  the  country  a  hundred  miles,  we 
shall  make  seventy  four  thousand  square  miles. 
These  numbers  added  to  each  other  will  make  the 
number  mentioned.  If  we  estimate  them  by  the 
number  of  their  warriors  and  some  other  circumstan- 
ces of  which  we  have  tolerable  information,  their 
numbers  will  not  appear  very  different  from  the  above 
statement. 

In  Virginia,  beside  the  Powhatan  confederacy, 
there  were  two  others ;  the  confederacy  of  the 
Mannahoacks,  and  that  of  the  Monacans.  These  two 
confederacies  were  united  in  one  grand  combination 
against  the  Powhatans.  Against  these  they  main- 
tained implacable  and  perpetual  wars.  This  confed- 
eracy consisted  of  thirteen  tribes ;  eight  under  the 
Mannahoacks,  and  five  under  the  Monacans.  Though 
this  confederacy  consisted  of  a  less  number  of 
tribes,  than  that  of  the  Powhatans,  yet  it  seems  they 
were  nearly  equal  in  numbers  and  power.  Exclu- 
iiAugima.  s«ve  Qp  tjiese  there  were  the  Nottoways,  Meherricks, 
the  Tuteloes  and  some  other  clans.  Counting  them 
all  to  be  equal  in  number  to  the  Powhatans,  the  Vir- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  53 

ginia  Indians  may  be  estimated  at  sixteen  thousands,   chap. 

The  Indians  in  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia  were        ■ 
more    numerous   than    in  Virginia.      In   1768,  the  ' 

number   of  Indians    in   North   Carolina,    was    four  in  North 
thousand    seven   hundred.      The  Tuscaroras   only, Carolln8: 
amounted  to  three  thousands.     Among  these  were 
twelve  hundred  gun  men.     Two  fifths  of  all   these 
Indians  were  accounted  to  be  warriors  or  gun  men.* 

In  South  Carolina  the  Indians  were  very  numer-  in  South 
ous.  In  1715,  the  warriors  who  rose  against  the  Carolina- 
colony  were  estimated  at  nearly  seven  thousands. f 
As  late  as  1671,  the  Cherokees  only  were  estimated 
at  six  thousand  bow  men. J  Besides  these  there 
were  several  other  powerful  tribes ;  as  the  Corees, 
Stonoes,  Westoes,  Serannas,  Yamosees,  Cataw- 
baws,andCongarees.  All  these  tribes,  according  to  the 
accounts  given  of  them,  could  not  be  less  numerous 
than  the  Cherokees.  The  number  of  Indians  in  this 
colony, at  the  time  of  settlement,  probably  was  not  less 
than  thirty  five  or  six  thousands.  If  all  the  other  In- 
dians were  equal  in  numbers  to  the  Cherokees,  there 
wrould  have  been  twelve  thousand  warriors.  On  an 
average  we  may  not  reckon  more  than  one  warrior 
to  three  inhabitants.  This  is  a  medium  between  the 
estimates  which  have  been  made. 

The  number  of  Indians  in  Georgia,  perhaps  was  in  Georgia, 
not  very  different  from  what  it  is  at  present.  Great 
accessions  wrere  made  to  their  numbers  by  the  Yam- 
osees and  other  Indians  driven  from  Carolina.  In 
1732,  the  Creeks  only  amounted  to  about  twenty 
five  thousand  souls.  $  Besides  these  there  are  the 
Chickasaws,the  Chacktaws,  Alibamous,  and  Natchez. 
Galphin  in  his  history  of  numbers,in  1768,makesthem 

*  Lawson's  history  of  North  Carolina,  p.  235. 
f  Hist.  S.    Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  201—223.  *  Ibid.  p.  297. 

§  Hist.  S.  Car.  vol.  ii.  p,  20.  These  were  always  considered  as  in 
South  Carolina,  until  after  the  year  1761.  The  treaty  of  peace  between 
the  Cherokees  and  the  English  was  made  by  the  governour  of  South 
Carolina,  and  his  council  in  1761.  I  shall  therefore  speak  of  them, 
as  other  historians  have  done,  as  being  in  South  Carolina,  until  the 
proclamation  of  George  III.  in  1763,  in  consequence  of  which  ttoev 
arc  within  the  limits  of  Georgia, 

Vol.  I.  5 


of  Potow 
mac, 


In  the  tract 


34  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THfe 

chap,  ten  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty.  This  seems  to 
L  have  been  the  number  of  their  warriors.  Morse  in 
his  Geography  reckons  them  at  ten  thousand  four 
hundred  and  seventy  six  fighting  men,  and  at  thirty 
one  thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty  eight  souls. 
Some  small  clans  are  not  in  his  reckoning.  The 
Indians  in  Georgia,  at  the  time,  when  the  English 
settlements  commenced,  were  not  less  than  thirty 
Whole  four  or  five  thousands.  Thus  there  appears  to  have 
andjsouth  *  been  about  ninety  thousand  Indians  in  that  tract  of 
country  lying  upon  and  south  of  the  Potowmac. 

In  the  country  north  of  the  falls  of  Potowmac  to 
the  Kittatinney  mountains,including  the  states  of  Del- 
aware, and  Pennsylvania,  and  that  part  of  New- York 
below  the  highlands,  the  Indians  were  much  less  nu- 
merous. In  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  A  Description  of 
between™''  New- Albion,"  thirty  kings  are  mentioned  as  living 
that  and  within  these  limits.  Particular  mention  is  made  of 
gland.  ten  tribes  and  of  their  number  of  men  extending  along 
the  sea  coast  and  rivers  two  hundred  miles.  Their 
whole  number  amounted  only  to  about  nine  hundred 
men.  The  two  Rariton  kings  are  distinguished  from 
these,  and  are  said  to  have  twelve  hundred.  The 
Susquehanna  Indians,  when  captain  Smith  discov- 
ered them,  about  forty  years  before,  consisted  of  six 
hundred  men ;  but  at  this  period  were  reduced  to 
about  one  hundred.  They  and  the  Indians  in  alli- 
ance with  them  amounted  only  to  two  hundred  and 
fifty.  The  largest  number  of  warriors  mentioned  by 
any  author,  in  this  tract,  is  two  thousand.  It  is  not 
therefore  probable  that  the  whole  number  of  natives 
within  this  territory  exceeded  eight  or  ten  thou- 
sands.* The  five  nations  had,  for  a  long  time,  terri- 
bly harrassed  and  depopulated  this  part  of  the  coun- 
try. These,  with  the  other  nations  north  of  this  ter- 
ritory, within  the  limits  of  the  state  of  New- York, 
probably,  amounted  to  ten  thousands  more. 

*  Maryland  was  originally  of  Virginia,  and  the  Indians  inhabiting' 
in  that  territory  are  included  in  Virginia,  or  the  tract  under  the  de- 
scription of  New- Albion. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  35 

In  Connecticut  the  Pequots  and  Mohegans  had  a    chap. 
thousand  warriors.     About  the  year   1670,  the  In-        P 
dian  warriors,  within  the  limits  of  Windsor,  were  In^~t. 
estimated  at  two  thousands.      Besides  these  there  icut 
were  other  large  bodies  of  Indians  in  the  colony. 
Their  numbers  cannot  be  estimated  at  less  than  ten 
or  twelve  thousands. 

The  Narragan setts,  in  Rhode- Island,  were  a  nu-  in  Rhode 
merous  tribe.  About  the  time,  that  the  English  set- 
tled at  Plymouth,  their  fighting  men  were  computed 
at  five  thousands.*  This  account  was  doubtless  ex- 
aggerated. From  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  their 
territory  and  numbers  afterwards,  it  appeared  im- 
probable that  their  numbers  were  ever  so  great.  In 
1675,  when  the  English  had  obtained  a  more  accu- 
rate knowledge  of  them  they  were  estimated  at  two 
thousand  warriors.  About  one  half  of  this  number  had 
fire  arms.f  The  Wampanoags,  a  considerable  tribe, 
were  partly  within  the  limits  of  Rhode- Island.  The 
number  of  Indians  therefore  originally  within  the 
limits  of  this  state  could  not  have  been  less  than 
eight  thousands. 

The  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  had  been  ex-  in  Ma^sa- 
ceedingly  wasted  both  by  sickness  and  war ;  yet,  in  chusetts- 
some  parts  of  it,  they  were  considerably  numerous. 
It  appears  by  governour  Hinkley's  account,  in  1685, 
that  there  were  more  than  four  thousand  Indians 
within  the  limits  of  the  county  of  Plymouth.  Ex- 
clusive of  these,  there  were  many  other  tribes  and 
sachemdoms,  within  the  limits  of  Massachusetts.  It 
is  probable  that  the  whole  number  was  ten  or  twelve 
thousands. 

The   New-Hampshire  Indians  had  been  greatly  in  New- 
diminished  not  only  in  wars  with  the  Massachusett  HamPshire' 
and  other  Indians,  but  by  civil  wars  among  them- 
selves.    Probably  their  numbers  did  not  exceed  four 
thousands.      These  computations  make  the  whole  Total 
number  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States  ahun-  amount- 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p.  116.        f  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  126. 


36  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ghap.  dred  and  forty  six  thousands.  Accounting  one  third 
1  to  be  bow  men,  there  were  nearly  fifty  thousand  war- 
riors ;  twelve  thousands  in  New- England,  and  nearly 
thirty  eight  in  the  middle  and  southern  states.  Sup- 
posing their  original  numbers  were  double  to  this,  of 
which  there  is  no  probability,  from  the  most  accu- 
rate accounts  given  of  them,  they  were  indeed  small, 
in  comparison  with  the  exaggerated  accounts  which 
some  have  published. 
Reasons  of  A  combination  of  circumstances  prevented 
population.  tneir  population.  The  poverty  of  their  living  was 
extreme.  To  bread,  butter,  cheese,  and  every  thing 
of  the  milky  kind,  they  were  entire  strangers.  They 
drank  nothing  more  nutritious  than  the  waters  which 
flowed  in  the  brook,  or  spouted  from  the  spring. 
Not  only  in  their  parties  of  hunting  and  war,  but 
even  at  home,  they  often  lived  upon  the  gleanings  of 
the  forest.  At  times  they  experienced  famine  some 
parts  of  the  year.  This  enfeebled  and  rendered  them 
less  productive.  A  few  fat  pastures  will  produce 
more  cattle,  than  a  whole  country  of  forests  will  of 
bears  and  buffaloes.  The  extreme  hardships  of  the  In- 
dian women,  their  long  and  hungry  marches  and  jour- 
nies,  rendered  the  bearing  and  nursing  of  children 
extremely  inconvenient.  The  furious  and  perpetual 
wars  of  the  natives  among  themselves  also  continu- 
ed their  ally  lessened  their  numbers.  After  the  arrival  of  the 
inunution.  j?ur0peanSj  jt  was?  'm  many  instances,  their  wicked 
policy,  to  promote  these  wars,  for  their  own  advan- 
tage. They  have  been  also  exceedingly  wasted  in 
their  wars  with  the  colonies.  The  driving  of  them 
back  from  the  sea  coasts,  and  the  great  diminution 
of  wild  game,  of  all  sorts,  since  the  settlement  of 
the  country,  has  increased  the  poverty  and  wretched- 
ness of  their  living,  which  has  been  a  still  further 
check  upon  their  population.  Above  all,  they  are 
supposed  to  have  been  wasted,  by  the  introduction 
of  strong  liquors  among  them.  From  an  union  of 
all  these  causes,  they  have  been  constantly  diminish- 
ing, from  the  first  settlement  of  the  country  to  the 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  37 

present  period.      Of  the  numerous  nations  which    ch.\f. 
spread  the  islands  and  sea  coasts  very  few  have  now       L 
an  existence.     Of  the  most  of  them  there  is  not  a  "" 

vestige. 

Some  notices  of  the  geographical  situation  of  the 
Indian  nations  may  render  the  present  history  more 
perspicuous  and  agreeable. 

The  Powhatans  were  situated  on  James  river  about  Geograph- 
Henrico.     The  river  was  originally  called  Powhatan,  lioU.sl  l 
from  the  great  Werowance  of  the   country  and  his 
Indians.     The  seat  of  his  hereditary  dominions  was 
on  the  river   about  a  mile  below  the  falls.     It  was  on 
an  eminence  upon  the  north  side  of  the  river  facing 
two  pleasant  islands.     From  its  extremely  agreeable 
situation,  the  English  seem  to  have  called  it  None-  in  Virginia. 
such.     He    had    another  seat    at    Werowocomico. 
This  was  on  the  north  side  of  York  river  in  the  coun- 
ty of  Glocester,    nearly    opposite  to  the  mouth   of 
Queen's  creek,  about  twenty-five  miles  below  the 
fork  of  the  river. 

Powhatan  was  a  tall,  well  proportioned  man.  His 
constitution  was  exceedingly  strong  and  hardy.  His 
countenance  was  grave  and  sour,  and  he  possessed 
great  natural  art  and  cunning.  A  guard  of  forty  or 
fifty  of  the  tallest  men,  which  could  be  found  among 
his  warriors,  constantly  attended  his  savage  majesty. 
A  regular  sentry  was  kept  every  night  on  the  four 
quarters  of  his  house.  He  kept  as  many  women  as 
he  pleased.  His  concubines  were  about  as  numer- 
ous as  his  guards.  When  he  slept  one  of  his  women 
always  sat  at  his  head  and  another  at  his  feet.  When 
he  sat  he  had  one  at  his  right  hand  and  another  at  his 
left.  When  he  dined  or  supped,  one  brought  him 
water  to  wash  his  hands,  and  another  waited,  with  a 
bunch  of  feathers,  to  wipe  them.  At  times  of  show 
he  clothed  himself  with  a  robe  of  skins  as  large  as 
an  Irish  mantle,  seated  himself  on  a  bed  of  mats,  with 
a  pillow  of  leather  embroidered  with  pearl  and  white 
beads.  Besides  the  two  women  on  his  right  and 
left,  twenty  others  were  ranged  on  each  side  the  roy- 


58  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  al  house.*  Powhatan,  Arrowwhattoc,  Appamattoc, 
L  Pamunkey,  Youghtanund,  and  Mattapoment  were 
"^  territories  which  descended  to  him  from  his  ances- 
tors. The  other  parts  of  his  dominion  were  gained  by 
conquest.  He  was  so  jealous  of  the  English,  and 
had  so  little  pleasure  in  their  neighbourhood,  that  soon 
after  their  settlement  at  James  town,  he  removed  to 
Orapakes,  in  the  desert  between  Chickahominy  and 
Youghtanund.  He  also  increased  his  guard  to  two 
hundred  men. 

The  Mannahoacks,  with  two  other  tribes  in  their 
confederacy,  were  settled  between  Rappahanoc  and 
York  rivers,  in  the  counties  of  Spotsylvania  and 
Orange.  The  other  tribes  in  that  confederacy 
spread  over  the  counties  of  Faquier,  Culpepper,  and 
Orange,  between  Potowmac  and  Rappahanoc. 

The  Monocans  were  settled  above  the  falls  be- 
tween York  and  James  rivers ;  and  their  confeder- 
ates were  principally  in  the  territories  of  Fluvanna, 
Bedford,  Buckingham,  and  Cumberland, 
rn  North  In  North  Carolina,  Lawson  mentions  thirteen 
Carina,  tribes,  but  scarcely  any  of  them  are  worthy  of  notice 
except  the  Tuscaroras.  These  were  settled  on  Roa- 
noke river,  in  Bertie  and  some  other  counties  in  the 
districts  of  Edenton  and  Halifax.  The  next  tribe 
to  the  Tuscaroras,  in  number,  was  the  Waccons,  but 
these  did  not  exceed  a  hundred  and  twenty  fighting 
men.  The  other  tribes,  or  clans  had  not  more  than 
fifty  and  some  not  more  than  thirty  gun  men.  The 
Machapunga  Indians  were  settled  near  the  lake  of 
that  name,  in  Hyde  county.  The  Meherrins  were 
settled  on  Meherrin  river,  the  Chavvans,  on  Bennet's 
creek,  in  Chowan  county.  The  Pasquotank  Indians 
were  settled  on  Pasquotank  river,  in  the  county  of 
that  name.  The  Poteskeits  were  on  the  north  river 
in  Currituck  county.  The  Hatteras  Indians  were 
seated  on  the  banks  of  Cape  Hatteras,  In  the  year 
1700  these   Indians   gave  information  that   among 

*  Lawson's  history  of  North  Carolina,  p.  234,  235. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  3$ 

their  ancestors  were  white  people  who  could  read.  -chap. 
This  account  probably  was  true,  as  many  of  those  L 
Indians  had  grey  eyes,  by  which  they  were  distin-  ~"~ 
guished  from  all  other  Indians  on  the  continent. 
They  valued  themselves  extremely  on  their  affinity  to 
the  English,  and  were  ready  to  do  them  every  kind 
office.*  Hence  arises  a  probable  conjecture  that  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh's  people,  who  were  lost  in  Virginia, 
removed  to  the  Cape  and  mingled  with  these  Indians. 
The  Neus  and  the  Pamptico  Indians  were  set- 
tled, the  former  on  the  river  Neus  and  the  latter  on 
Pamptico  sound.  There  were  also  the  Jaupims  settled 
on  Jaupim  river.  Lawson  represents  that  besides  these 
original  tribes  there  were  five  others  consisting  in  the 
whole  of  nearly  a  thousand  Indians,  who  had  lately 
removed  into  the  colony.  Among  these  were  the 
Saponas,  settled  on  a  creek  of  that  name,  in  Nash 
county  ;  the  Keiauwees  on  the  north  fork  of  the  Sa- 
vannah ;  the  Shoccories,  on  Shocco  creek,  in  Warren 
county  ;  and  the  Occonechos  on  Occonechee  creek, 
near  the  town  of  Halifax.  Of  all  these  tribes  there 
are  now  remaining  in  North  Carolina  sixty  Indians 
only.  These  are  the  remains  of  the  Tuscaroras,  on 
the  Roanoke  in  Bertie  county.  For  many  years  they 
have  been  under  legislative  protection.! 

In  South  Carolina  were  eight  very  considerable  in  South 
tribes.  The  Stonoes  and  Westoes,  the  Serrannas,  Carohna- 
Cherokees,  Catawbaws,  Corees,  Yamosees,  and  Con- 
garees.  But  at  this  period  it  is  impossible,  with  cer- 
tainty, to  determine  the  geographical  situation  of  the 
most  of  them.  The  Stonoes  probably  were  settled 
on  the  Stono.  The  Westoes  were  a  formidable  tribe 
and  peculiarly  inimical  to  the  English.  They  seem 
to  have  been  in  the  vicinity  of  Charleston,  and  be- 
gan very  early  to  give  the  Carolinians  much  trouble. 
In  their  distress,  providence  interposed  and  gave 
them  relief.     About  the  year  sixteen  hundred  and 

*  Lawson,  p.  62. 
j  Letter  of  the  Hon.  Benjamin  Hawkins  member  of  Congress. 


gia. 


40  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   seventy  the  Serannas  made  war  upon  them,  and  it 
L       was  managed  with  such  implacable  animosity  and  de- 
*"  struction,  as  terminated  in  the  almost  total  extirpa- 

tion of  both  nations.  The  Catawba ws  were  on  Cataw- 
baw  river,  a  little  south  of  the  boundary  line,  between 
North  and  South  Carolina.  TheCherokees  originally 
inhabited  as  far  down  as  the  Eutaw  springs,  but  they 
have  been  driven  between  one  and  two  hundred  miles 
to  the  westward.  Their  present  situation  is  in  about 
ten  degrees  west  longitude  from  Philadelphia,  and  in 
about  thirty  four  degrees  and  forty  minutes  of  north 
latitude.*  The  Congarees  seem  to  have  been  seat- 
ed on  the  river  of  that  name.  The  Yamosees  were 
south  of  Charleston  not  far  north  of  Savannah. 
in^Geor-  jn  Georgia  were  the  upper  and  lower  Creeks,  the 
Chickasaws,  Chacktaws,  Natchez,  and  Alibamous. 
The  Muscogee,  or  Creek  Indians  are  seated  about 
mid  way,  between  Savannah  and  the  Missisippi. 
Their  principal  towns  lie  in  thirty  two  degrees 
of  north  latitude,  and  eleven  degrees  and  twen- 
ty minutes  west  longitude  from  Philadelphia.  Their 
country  is  hilly  but  not  mountainous.  The  soil  is 
in  a  high  degree  fruitful.  The  country  abounds  in 
creeks  and  rivulets,  whence  the  inhabitants  derived 
their  name.  They  consist  of  three  divisions,  the  up- 
per and  lower  Creeks,  and  the  Seminolas.  The  two 
former  are  nearly  in  the  centre  between  the  north  and 
south  line  of  the  state.  The  Seminolas  are  seated 
south  easterly  from  them  on  the  Appalachicola  and 
Flint  rivers.  Their  country  is  flat,  well  watered,  and 
fertile. 

The  Chacktaws  inhabit  a  fine  extensive  tract  of 
country,  between  the  Missisippi  and  Alabama  rivers. 
Their  country  is  hilly,  interspersed  with  large  fertile 
plains.  These  from  the  shape  of  their  heads,  are 
sometimes  called  flat  heads.  This  peculiar  shape  is 
not  natural  but  artificial.     As  soon  as  the  male  chil- 

*  By  a  late   divisional  line  between  South  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
their  country  now  falls  within  the  limits  of  Georgia. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  4 

dren  are  born,  the  nurse  provides  a  wooden  case,  the  chap, 
top  of  which  is  made  in  the  form  of  a  brick.  In  L 
this  the  child  is  laid  on  its  back,  with  its  head  in 
the  upper  part.  In  this  it  is  gently  compressed,  by 
a  bag  of  sand  on  its  forehead,  until,  from  the  tem- 
ples upward,  the  head  receives  a  form  resembling 
that  of  a  brick.* 

The  Chickasaws  are  settled  on  the  head  branches 
of  the  Tombeckbe,  Mobile,  and  Yazoo  rivers,  in  the 
north  west  extremity  of  the  state.  Their  central  town 
is  in  latitude  thirty  four  degrees  and  twenty  three 
minutes,  and  fourteen  degrees  thirty  minutes  west 
longitude. 

The  Alibamous  are  seated  on  the  Alibama  river, 
partly  between  the  Creeks  and  Chacktaws. 

The  Natchez  are  near  the  banks  of  the  Missisippi 
in  the  south  western  extremity.  Charlevoix  rep- 
resents this  to  have  been  a  great  nation,  once  able 
to  raise  four  thousand  warriors.  When  he  visited 
them  in  1721,  lie  says  they  were  not  able  to  send 
two  thousand  fighting  men  into  the  field. |  In  1764, 
Bonquet  estimates  them  at  no  more  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty.  Charlevoix  represents  their  country  as 
most  fertile  and  pleasant.  He  recommends  it,  as  the 
best  adapted  of  any  place  for  the  capital  of  Louisia- 
na.J  He  intimates,  that  these  Indians  were  afraid  of 
their  French  neighbours,  and  that  the  haughtiness 
and  cruelty  of  their  chiefs,  made  them  scatter  and 
remove  as  far  from  them  as  they  possibly  could. 
When  the  chief  died,  all  his  guard  must  die  also, 
and  go  with  him  to  the  world  of  spirits.  Numbers 
of  infants  were  sacrificed  on  the  occasion,  their  little 
corpses  thrown  on  the  ground  and  trodden  to  pieces, 
while,  in  a  horrible  procession,  the  Indians  carried 
their  dead  chief  to  their  temple.  Sometimes  the 
death  of  one  of  these  chiefs  would  occasion  the  death 
of  a  hundred  other  persons.     So  infatuated  were  this 

*  Bahrain's  Traveis,p, 517.  fCharlevoix's  Letters,  vol.u.p.26Q.   *p.253. 

Vol.  I.  6 


42 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OP  THE 


Between 
Virginia 

and  New- 
Biigland. 


chap,   people,  that  they  thought  it  an  honour  to  be  put  to 
1        death,  that  they  might  accompany  their  sachem  to  his 
paradise.* 

The  Indians  inhabiting  the  tract  of  country  north 
of  Virginia,  between  that  and  New-England,  and  as 
far  north  as  the  Kittatinney  mountains,  seem  to  have 
called  themselves  by  the  general  name  of  Lenopi. 
Charlevoix  calls  them  Loups,  in  our  language  wolves. 
The    English    commonly   called   them   Delawares. 
They  consisted  of  live  general  divisions.     The  Chi- 
hohooki,  Wenami,   Munsey,  Wabinga,  or  Mohick- 
ander  Indians,  and  the  Mohiccons,  or  Mahattans.  The 
Chihohockies  inhabited   on  the  west  of  Delaware, 
which  they  called  Chihohocki.     The  Wanamies  in- 
habited the  country  of  New-Jersey,  from  the  Rariton 
to  the  sea.    The  Munsies  dwelt  on  the  upper  streams 
of  the  Delaware,  from   the  Kittatinney   mountains 
down  to  the  western  branch  of  the  Delaware.     The 
Mohickanders,  or    Mahikanders,    sometimes  called 
river  Indians,  inhabited  on  Hudson's  river  between 
Albany  and  New  York,f  and  between  Hudson's  riv- 
er and  the  west  branch  of  Delaware.     On  the  south 
they  bordered  on  the  Rariton  and  Mahattan  Indians. 
The  Mohiccons,  Mahattans,  or  Manhantans  occupied 
York  and  Staten  islands.     Their  chief  seat  was  on 
York  island,  which  wras  originally  called  Manhattans. 
This  division  of  the  Lenopies  were  closely  connect- 
ed with  the  Shawanese.     This  tribe  was  seated  on 
the  Susquehanna  and  spread  over  the  country  west- 
ward as  far  as  the  Allegany  mountains.     After  the 
settlement  of  those  parts,  by  the  Dutch  and  English, 
most  of  those  clans  gradually  moved  oif  to  the  north- 
ward and  westward.     The  Mohickanders  removed 
into  Canada,  and  some  of  them  settled  with  the  Ab- 
enaquies  at  St.  Francis.     Others  of  them  appear  to 
have  settled  at  Scahkook,  with  the  Indians  driven 
from  New-England.     Some  of  the  Mohiccons  seem 
to  have  removed  to  the  east  branch  of  the  Susque- 


*  Charl.L.  p.  258,  261,  262,  263,  264.     f  Colden's  hist.  vol.  i.  p.  260. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  43 

hanna.  The  Munsies  settled  at  Diahago  and  other  chap. 
villages  up  the  north  branch  of  the  same  river.  Part 
of  the  Delaware  Indians  are  settled  at  the  same  plac- 
es.  Another  part  of  them  inhabit  between  Ohio  and 
lake  Erie,  and  the  branches  of  Bever  creek,  Cayano- 
ga,  and  Muskingum. 

The  numerous  Indian  nations  of  New- England  in  the 
were  distinguished  by  general  names  and  divisions.  ^r^inceef 
The  eastern  Indians  were  known  by  the  general  name 
of  Tarrenteens.  These  had  their  residence  on  Ken- 
ebeck  and  the  other  rivers  in  the  province  of  Main, 
and  the  adjacent,  eastern  country.  The  subdivisions 
and  names,  which  took  rise  from  the  several  rivers 
and  places  of  their  residence,  as  the  Penobscot,  Am- 
oriscoggin,  Norridgewock,  Sauco,  and  St.  John's  In- 
dians, were  lot  known  till  many  years  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  English  settlements. 

The  northern  Indians,  including  those  of  New- 
Hampshire  and  Massachusetts,  were  termed  Abergin- 
ians.     Of  these  there  were  numerous  subdivisions. 

In  New-Hampshire  were  the  Newichewannocks,  inNew- 
on  the  principal  branch  of  Piscataqua  river.  On  Mer-  Hampshire. 
rimack  river  inhabited  the  Wainooset,  Patucket, 
Amoskeag,  and  Penicook  Indians.  At  Newbury  fails 
was  a  noted  clan.  The  Indian  settlements  extended 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river  nearly  fifty  miles  up  in- 
to the  country.  Indeed,  it  is  not  improbable  that 
there  were  some  scattering  settlements  as  far  up.  as 
the  very  head  of  the  river. 

In  Massachusetts,  there  was,  near  the  mouth  of  in  Massa- 
Charles  river,  a  general  rendezvous  of  Indians.  The  chusetts* 
original  name  of  this  river  was  Massachusett.  From 
this  the  Indians  and  the  country  upon  it  derived  their 
name.  Massachusetts  mount,  in  the  town  of  Dor- 
chester, was  the  seat  of  the  great  Massachusett  sa- 
chem. His  sachemdom  spread  not  only  over  the 
whole  circle  which  forms  the  harbour  of  Boston  and 
Charlestown,  round  Maiden,  Chelsea,  Nantasket, 
Hingham,  Weymouth,  Braintree,  and  Dorchester ; 
but  over  Milton,  Stoughton,  and  various  other  plac- 


44  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   es,  on  and  abou   Charfcs  river.     At  Aga warn,  which 
*•        the  English  named  Ipswich,  was   another   sachem 
~" mmm    and  tribe  of  considerable  note.     At  Naumkeag  and 
Saugus,  comprehending  the  towns  of  Salem,  Marble- 
head,  and  Lynn,  was  another  division. 

The  Nipnets  were  an  inland  tribe,  seated  on  sev- 
eral large  ponds  and  small  rivers  in  Oxford  and  the 
adjacent  towns.     Oxford  was  their  chief  seat. 

ithin  the  old  colony  of  Plymouth  were  three 
principal  sachemdoms.  One  comprehended  the  ter- 
ritory from  Eell  river,  in  Plymouth,  to  the  south 
shore  of  the  cape,  and  from  Wood's  hole  on  the  west, 
to  the  eastern  part  of  Barnstable.  Within  this  were 
several  petty  sachems  and  divisions,  of  which  Mash- 
pee  was  the  chief.  On  the  eastern  part  of  the  cape, 
from  Nobscusset,  now  Yarmouth,  was  another  sa- 
chemdom. The  capital  of  this  was  Nan  set,  since  nam- 
ed Estham.     These  were  called  the  Nauset  Indians. 

The  Nantucket  Indians  were  numerous.  Both 
on  this  isl  md,  and  at  Martha's  vineyard,  were  dis- 
tinct tribes  and  sachems. 

The  situation  of  the  Wampanoags,  or  Pokanock- 
ets,  afterwards  called  Philip's  Indians,  was  on  the 
westernmost  line  of  Plymouth  colony.  Their  princi- 
pal seat  was  at  Pokanocket,  since  named  Bristol. 
Here  their  great  sachem  Massasoiet  had  his  residence 
when  the  English  came  to  Plymouth.  His  territory 
comprehended  the  towns  of  Bristol,  Tiverton,  Little 
Compton,  Swanzey,  and  Barrington.*  He  had  a  seat 
at  Namasket,  Middleborough,  as  well  as  at  Bristol. 
To  him  both  the  cape  and  Nipnet  Indians  were  sup- 
posed to  be  tributary,  or  in  some  kind  of  subjection. 
Part  of  the  territory  of  the  Wampanoags,  though  the 
whole  of  it  formerly  was  within  the  limits  of  Plym- 
outh and  Massachusetts,  was,  about  the  year  1741, 
by  commissioners  from  New- York,  adjudged  to 
Rhode  Island.  Their  adjudication  was  afterwards 
confirmed  by  his  British  majesty  in  council. 

*  Hutch,  vol.  i.  p.  403. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  45 

The  Tarrenteens  waged  perpetual  war  with  the   chap. 
Massachusett  Indians,  and   were  not  less  terrible  to       h 
them,  than  the  Mohawks  were  to  the  other  Indians  in 
New- England 

In  the  winter  and  spring  of  1 6 1 7,  the  plague,o»*  some  Mortality 
other  mortal  disease,  broke  out  among  the  Indians,be-  Kd£L 
tween  the  Narragansetts  and  Penobscot,  and  almost  en-  M7. 
tirely  depopulated  that  whole  tract  of  country.  So  many 
thousands  of  them  died  that  the  living  could  not  bury 
them.  Their  skulls  and  bones  for  several  years  af- 
ter, were  to  be  seen  above  ground  at  the  principal 
places  of  their  residence.*  This  so  weakened  them, 
that  for  the  future  they  could  make  little  or  no  resist- 
ance against  their  enemy.  After  the  English  settled 
in  the  country,  they  often  fled  to  their  houses  for 
protection.  They  reported,  that  the  Tarrenteens, 
when  they  had  taken  them,  tied  them  to  trees  and 
ate  the  flesh  off  from  their  bones.  Through  the  in- 
fluence of  French  neighbourhood,  they  early  imbib- 
ed prejudices  against  the  English,  which  never  could 
be  eradicated.  They  were  the  first  Indians,  in  Amer- 
ica, who  used  fire  arms.  With  these,  and  ammuni- 
tion, they  were  supplied  by  the  French.  They  were  a 
sore  scourge  to  the  province  of  Main  and  New- Hamp- 
shire. Charlevoix  calls  them  Abenaquies.  The  re- 
mains of  them  fled  from  the  coasts  of  New-England 
and  settled  in  Canada  on  the  banks  of  St.  Francis. f 
The  Indians  on  Long  Island,  and  from  the  Wam- 
panoags  westward  as  far  as  the  we  tern  line  of  Con- 
necticut appear  to  have  had  the  general  name  of  the 
southern  Indians.  The  principal  tribes  in  this  gen- 
eral division,  were  the  Narragansetts,  Pequots,  Mo- 
hegans,  the  river  Indians,  and  the  Meilowacks,  or 
Long  Island   Indians. 

The  Narragansetts  were  situated  along  the  sea  coast,  Their  situ, 
round  point  Judith,  on  Narragansett  bay,  and  nearly,  ^^m, 
as  far  westward  as   Stonington.     They  consisted  of  and. 

*  Prince's  Chron.  part  i.  p.  46.  f  Charl.  vol.  i.  p.  190,  191. 


46  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  six  or  seven  principalities,  under  the  great  sachem 
L  Miantonomo.  Wood  represents  them  as  the  most 
numerous  Indian  nation  in  New-England.  They 
were  the  most  rich  and  industrious.  They  were  the 
most  curious  operators  of  the  Wampumpeage,  and 
the  general  mart  of  all  kinds  of  wild  merchandize. 
The  northern,  eastern,  and  western  Indians  pro- 
cured all  their  corn  from  those  southern  mint-mas- 
ters.* 

The  principal  seat  of  the  Pequots  was  at  New 
London  and  Groton.  According  to  tradition,  they 
were  originally  an  inland  tribe,  but  came  down  from 
the  country,  and  by  their  prowess,  seated  themselves 
along  the  sea  coast,  over  that  fine  tract  of  country,  ex- 
tending from  about  the  western  boundary  of  New  Lon- 
don,to  the  eastern  line  of  Connecticut.  They  were  the 
most  warlike  Indians  in  New- England.  They  had 
extended  their  conquests  over  a  great  part  of  Connecti- 
cut. More  than  twenty  Indian  kings,  were  either 
their  tributaries,  or  subject  to  their  control. 
iWConneet-  The  Mohegans  lay  north  of  the  Pequots.  Their 
chief  seat  was  at  Mohegan,  between  New  -London  and 
Norwich.  These  two  tribes  spread  over  the  princi- 
pal part  of  the  country  contained  in  the  three  coun- 
ties of  New  London,  Windham,  and  Tolland. 

The  river  Indians  were  those  settled  on  Connecti- 
cut river.  Of  these  the  Windsor  Indians  were  the 
most  numerous.  Between  thirty  and  forty  years  af- 
ter the  settlement  of  the  town,  the  proportion  between 
the  Indians  and  white  people  was  estimated  at  nine- 
teen to  one.  At  Hartford,  Wreathersfield,  Middle- 
town,  and  East-Haddam  were  considerable  bodies 
of  Indians.  In  the  towns  of  Farmington  and  Syms- 
bury  they  were  numerous.  In  the  county  of  New 
Haven  were  four  considerable  clans.  There  were 
not  less  in  the  county  of  Fairfield.  In  almost  every 
town  in  Connecticut  there  were  scattering  settlements 

*  Wood's  New-England's  prospect,  chap.  iii.  p.  72. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  47 

of  the  natives.     Most  of. the  towns  in  the  state  have   chap. 
deeds  from  the  Aborigines  by  which  their  lands  are       L 
holden. 

The  Indians  west  of  Connecticut  were  generally 
termed  by  the  people  of  New-England,  the  western 
Indians.  Among  the  Indians  of  Connecticut  they 
were  termed  Mohawks.  Agreeably  to  Roger  Will- 
iams, this  name  imports  cannibals,  and  is  derived  from 
the  Indian  word  moho,  to  eat.  This  seems  to  have 
been  a  general  name,  sometimes  given  to  the  five  na- 
tions. They  probably  were  thus  named  from  the 
Mohawks,  who  formerly  were  the  principal,  and  the 
most  warlike  tribe  among  them.  They  were  ex- 
ceedingly terrible  and  troublesome  to  the  Indians  in 
the  western  parts  of  Connecticut.  They  ran  upon  them 
with  this  dreadful  yell,  Hadree,  hadree,  succornce, 
succomce,  We  come,  we  come  to  suck  your  blood. 
Wood  relates  that  they  delighted  in  human  flesh  and 
sometimes  ate  their  prisoners.*  As  these  formida- 
ble enemies  came  from  the  westward  it  seems  to  have 
been  a  general  name  for  all  the  western  Indians. 

The  five  nations  were  known  among  the  English 
by  the  names  of  Mohawks,  Oneydas,  Onondagoes, 
Cayugas^  and  Senekas.  The  French  called  them  Iro- 
quois. Each  of  these  nations  was  subdivided  into 
three  tribes  or  families.  They  distinguished  them- 
selves, by  three  different  ensigns,  the  Tortoise,  the 
Bear,  and  the  Wolf.  Whenever  the  sachems,  or  any 
of  the  old  men,  signed  any  public  paper,  they  put  on 
it  the  mark  of  their  family. 

The  country  of  the  Mohawks  was  on  the  Mohawk  situation** 
river.  One  of  their  principal  castles  was  about  eigh-  jj^jjj* 
teen  miles  west  of  Schenectada.  The  Oneydas  were 
settled  on  the  east  side  of  Oneida  lake  and  head 
branches  of  Susquehanna.  The  situation  of  the 
Onondagoes  was  upon  and  eastward  of  the  lake  Onon- 
dago.  The  Cay u  gas  wrere  settled  near  the  north 
branch  of  the  Cayuga  lake.     The  Senekas  were  sit- 

*   Colden's  hist.  p.  66,  67,  68,  69. 


48  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF   THE 

chap,  uated  on  the  southern  banks  of  lake  Ontario,  on  the 
L  Chenessee,  and  extended  southward  as  far  as  the  head 
— —— "  wattrs  of  Susquehanna  and  the  Ohio.  They  ex- 
tended westward  beyond  the  falls  of  Niagara.*  The 
five  nations  took  this  situation  before  the  commence. 
merit  of  the  English  settlements.  Their  original  seat 
however,  was  on  and  about  the  island  of  Montreal. 
But  the  Adirondacks,  who  then  inhabited  nearly 
three  hundred  miles  above  the  three  rivers,  gave 
them  so  much  trouble,  that  about  the  beginning  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  they  removed  thence,  and 
driving  off  the  Satanas,  settled  on  the  ground  which 
they  have  since  occupied.  The  Satanas  fled  to  the 
banks  of  Missisippi,  and  are  the  people  whom  the 
Their  con-  French  call  Shaovonons.  The  five  nations  conquer- 
quests.  e(j  tjle  Adarondacks  and  finally  drove  them  from 
their  country.  They  are  called  by  the  French  Al- 
gonquins.  They  were  one  of  the  most  numerous 
and  warlike  of  all  the  Indian  nations  in  North  x^mer- 
ica ;  but  were  nearly  extirpated  by  the  five  nationsf. 
One  part  of  the  remains  of  them  now  inhabit  near  Trois 
Rivieres,  and  another  part  of  them  towards  the  heads  of 
the  Outawais  river.  The  Hurons  joined  with  the  Adi- 
rondaks  in  the  war  with  the  five  nations  and  suffered 
no  less  than  the  latter.  The  five  nations  conquered 
all  the  country  west  of  lake  Ontario  as  far  as  lake 
Huron.  They  carried  their  conquests  as  far  south- 
ward as  lake  Erie.  Charlevoix  represents,  that  had 
it  not  been  for  the  interposition  of  the  French,  the 
five  nations  would  have  not  only  destroyed  those  but 
all  the  other  nations  in  Canada,  who  ventured  to  op- 
pose them.  He  says  they  set  all  Canada  on  fire.  He 
mentions  the  Abenaquies,  as  the  only  people  to 
whose  country  they  had  not  given  disturbance.:]: 

Within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  they  con- 
quered the  whole  territory  of  the  Lenopies,  obliged 
them  to  put  themselves  under  their  protection,  de- 

*  Colden's  map,  in  his  history  of  the  five  nations,  vol.  i. 
f  Colden,  vol.  i.  p.  23  and  29.     '  *  Vol.  i.  p.  308,  309. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  49 

prived  them  of  the  power  of  making  war,  and  con-    chap. 
fined  them  to  raising  corn,   hunting,  and  fishing  for        L 
subsistence.    This  the  Indians  termed  reducing  their  *" 

enemies  to  the  state  of  women.  This  was  the  state 
of  those  Indians  when  the  English  began  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Jersies  and  Pennsylvania.  The  five  na- 
tions had  spread  their  conquests  over  all  the  back 
parts  of  Virginia,  and  penetrated  nearly  as  far  down 
as  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  They  had  carried  their 
conquests  eastward  nearly  as  far  as  Connecticut  river. 
The  Indians  on  Long  island,  Hudson's  river,  and  in 
the  western  parts  of  Connecticut  paid  them  an  annu- 
al tribute.*  Their  limits  were  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Sorel,  at  the  north  end  of  lake  Champlain  to  the 
south  side  of  the  lakes  Erie  and  Ontario,  and  on  both 
sides  of  the  Ohio,  till  it  falls  into  the  Missisippi.  On 
the  north  of  those  lakes  they  claimed  the  whole 
country  south  of  the  river  Outawais,  as  far  west  as 
lake  Huron  ;  and  even  beyond  the  streights  between 
that  and  lake  Erie.f  All  this  last  mentioned  exten-  Cession  to 
sive  country,  south  of  the  river  Outawais,  the  Five  Ua£ mi. 
Nations  ceded  to  king  William,  June  19th,  seven-  ♦ 
teen  hundred  and  one.  By  virtue  of  this  cession, 
and  the  alliance  of  the  five  nations  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, the  French  settlements  within  this  territory,  or 
any  part  of  their  country  were  considered  as  encroach- 
ments on  the  English  or  their  allies. 

The  war,  in  which  the  Five  Nations  made  those  Long  w*h. 
conquests,  was  long  and  bloody.  They  seem  to  have 
continued  it,  with  very  little  intermission,  either  with 
the  Indian  nations  or  with  the  French,  and  some- 
times wTith  both,  for  considerably  more  than  half  a 
century.  They  not  only  in 'a  manner  extirpated  the 
nations  round  them,  but  greatly  diminished  them- 
selves. Their  enemies,  sometimes,  gave  them  terri- 
ble defeats.  It  was  only  by  the  policy  of  adopting 
their  captives,  whole  clans,  and  sometimes  whole  na- 

*  Smith's  hist.  N.  York,  p.  134,  135.         f  Ibid,  p.  135,  136,  137- 

Vol.  I.  7 


50  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,    tions  of  other  Indians,  that  they,  in  any  measure, 

L        preserved  their  numbers,  and  for  so  long  a  period, 

continued  formidable  to  the  whole  country.     Impla- 

I"iStacable  caD*e  was  tne  animosity  with  which  these  savage  na- 
tions fought.  When  once  they  were  victorious,  one 
scene  of  devastation  encouraged  and  roused  them  to 
another.  Like  hungry  lions,  the  taste  of  blood  en- 
kindled their  rage  and  inflamed  their  thirst.  The  pas- 
sion of  revenge  seemed  to  possess  their  whole  souls, 
and  hurry  them  on  to  mutual  destruction. 

They  olten  travelled,  singly,  or  in  very  small  par- 
ties, to  the  distance  of  three  or  four  hundred  miles, 
and  lurked  about  the  parties  and  villages  of  each  other 
to  shed  blood,  and  revenge  the  deaths  and  wrongs  of 
their  respective  friends  and  nations.* 

Reflections.  How  affecting  is  the  portrait,  which  these  savage 
nations  exhibit  of  the  natural  blindness,  turpitude, 
and  misery  of  man  ?  How  striking  is  the  evidence 
which  they  present  of  his  need,  both  of  human  and 
divine  instruction !  Though,  in  his  vanity,  he  would 
be  wise,  yet  is  he  not  born  like  the  wild"  ass's  colt  ? 
Who  can  contemplate  the  habitations  of  darkness 
and  cruelty,  but  with  a  touching  sense  of  the  inesti- 
mable preciousness  of  the  blessings  of  civilization 
and  the  gospel  ?  How  much  greater  happiness  do 
mankind,  in  a  very  few  years,  enjoy,  under  their  be- 
nign influence,  than  in  whole  ages,  where  their 
cheering  and  ennobling  light  have  never  shone  ? 
These  only  give  the  gentleman  and  the  christian 
their  superiority  to  the  wild  American.  These  re- 
cover the  woman  from  slavery  and  abuse,  to  the 
original  dignity  and  tenderness  of  treatment,  due  to 
that  part  of  human  nature,  which  was  made  of  the 
flesh  and  bone  of  man.  These  rescue  her  offspring 
from  neglect  and  cruelty ;  prevent  them  from  falling 
a  bloody  sacrifice  to  evil  spirits ;  provide  for  their 
tender  nursing,  their  civil  and  christian  education. 
The  latter  of  these,  only  reveals  the  path  of  life,  and 

*  Colden's  hist.  vol.  i.  p.  26,  27- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  51 

cheers  the  heart  with  the  enlivening  prospects  of  a  chap. 
blissful  immortality.  Where  is  the  christian  or  the  IL 
gentleman,  who  can  look  upon  the  savage,  and  con- 
template  who  maketh  him  to  differ,  that  no  man  hath 
any  thing  but  what  he  hath  received,  and  not  feel 
his  heart  warm  with  gratitude  to  Him,  from  whom 
is  derived  every  good  gift  ?  Can  Americans  be  in- 
nocent, if,  while  they  enjoy  an  accumulation  of 
blessings,  possess  the  country,  and  witness  the 
wretchedness  of  the  Aborigines,t*hey  neglect  any  prop- 
er measures,  or  spare  any  pains,  to  communicate  to 
them,  the  blessings  of  civilization,  liberty,  and  Chris- 
tianity ? 


CHAPTER  II. 

Attempts  of  the  French  and  Spaniards  to  make  settlements  in  Carolina. 
Patent  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  his  attempts  to  plant  a  colony.  Sketches 
of  the  patents,  discovery,  and  settlement  of  Virginia,  New-York,  Plymouth, 
Massachusetts,  Maryland,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode-Island  :  and,  of  the 
principal  occurrences  attending  their  settlement. 

1  HE  first  attempts,  for  permanent  settlements,  in 
any  part  of  the   United  States,  were  made  by  the 
French.     Jasper  Coligni,  one  of  the  principal  com-  French  at- 
mandersofthe  protestant  armies  in  rrancfc,  appre-  {JJJJJJ't 
hensive  of  the  dangers  in  which  he,  and  his  adherents  Carolina. 
must  be  involved,  should  the  cause  in  which  he  was 
embarked  prove  unsuccessful ;  projected  the  planting 
of  a  colony  in  America.  Probably,  he  designed  this  as 
a  retreat  for  himself  and  his  friends  whenever  the  ex- 
tremity of  their  affairs  should  make  it  necessary.    By 
his  influence,  it  seems  that  Chattillon,  admiral    of 
France,  despatched  two  ships,  under  the  command 
of  John  Ribault,  in  prosecution  of  the  design.     He  1502. 
made  a  discovery  of  the  river  Albemarl,*  and  eight 
others  in  that  vicinity.     He  sailed  up  one,  which  he 
named  port  Royal,   many  leagues,  built  a  fort  and 

*   Named  by  the  French  the  river  May,  from  the  circumstance  of 
their  entering  it  on  the  first  day  of  that  month. 


§2  A  GENERAL  HISTORY   OF  THE 

chap,  left  a  colony,  under  the  command  of  capt.  Albert. 
11  By  his  severity,  he  provoked  the  people  to  a  mutiny, 
in  which  he  was  slain,  and  the  colony  ruined.  Two 
years  after,  Chattillon  despatched  Rene  Laudinier 
with  three  ships  to  the  river  Albemarl.  On  this 
he  built  a  fort,  and  in  honour  to  Charles  IX.  of 
France,  named  it  Carolina.  From  this  circumstance 
the  Carolinas  took  their  name. 
1565.  The  next  year  Ribault  arrived  a  second  time  in 

Carolina,  with  seven  ships,  to  recruit  their  infant 
plantation,  and  make  a  more  sure  footing  in  the 
country.  But,  by  this  time,  the  Spaniards,  who 
claimed  it,  by  virtue  of  the  discovery  of  Ponce  de 
Leon,  were  alarmed  and  began  to  meditate  ven- 
Are  massa-  geance  on  their  rivals.  Pedro  Melendes  arriving  in 
Spaniards!6  ihe  river,  soon  after  massacred  Ribault  and  his  whole 
company.  Laudinier,  getting  intelligence  of  the 
slaughter  of  his  countrymen,  made  his  escape  to 
France.  Melendes  took  possession  of  the  country, 
erected  three  forts,  and  left  twelve  hundred  men  for 
their  defence.  About  three  years  after,  to  revenge 
these  injuries,  the  French  despatched  Dominique 
French  re-  de  Gourges  to  Carolina.  He  put  most  of  the  Span- 
l$6&.  iards  to  the  sword,  rased  their  forts  and  returned  to 
France.*  These  disastrous  events  appear  to  have 
discouraged  both  nations  from  any  further  attempts 
to  make  settlements  in  Carolina.  For  a  complete 
century,  it  remained  a  vast  wilderness,  reserved,  in 
providence,  to  be  planted  with  English  protestants, 
and  to  form  an  extensive  and  important  part  of  the 
American  empire. 

Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  the  first  Englishman,  who 
attempted  the  plantation  of  a  colony  on  the  northern 
Patent  to  continent.  In  fifteen  hundred  eighty  four,  queen 
sir  waiter  Elizabeth,  by  letters  patent,  granted  to  him  all  such 
mS  '  lands  as  he  should  discover  in  North  America,  be- 
25th,  1584.  tween  thirty  three  and  forty  degrees  of  north  latitude, 
to  dispose  of  in  fee  simple,  or  otherwise  to  any  of 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p,  ?9}  100 and  101.     Hist,  S.  C-  vol.  i.  p.  18,  19.  20. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  53 

her  majesty's  subjects.     The  only  reservation  made    chap. 
to  the  crown,  by  the    patent,  was  a  fifth  part  of  the        n- 
gold  and  silver  ore,  wThich  should  be  found  in  such 
countries,  in  lieu  of  all   other  services  whatsoever. 
This  was  the  general  tenour  of  all  the  charters  given 
to  the  colonies. 

He  formed  a  society  among  his  friends,  by  whose 
assistance  he  was  enabled  early  in  the  spring  to  send 
out  two  ships,  on  discovery,  commanded  by  the  cap- 
tains Amidas  and  Barlow.  They  arrived,  the  next 
July,  at  the  island  of  Wokoken,  on  the  coast  of 
North  Carolina,  and  taking  possession  of  the  country 
named  it  Virginia,  in  honour  of  their  virgin  queen. 
From  this  circumstance,  the  name  of  Virginia,  was 
for  many  years,  given  to  the  whole  country  of  the 
United  States.  They  made  a  successful  voyage; 
importing  into  England,  furs,  skins,  sassafras,  cedar, 
pearls,  and  tobacco.  The  latter  of  these  was  a  great 
curiosity,  as  it  was  the  first  ever  seen  in  England. 
It  was  represented  as  a  sovereign  remedy  for  almost 
every  disorder,  and  as  a  plant  of  inestimable  value. 

The  success  of  this  voyage,  gave  Sir  Walter  and 
his  friends  the  idea,  that  the  riches  of  the  country 
were  immense.  Therefore  the  next  spring  they  1585, 
fitted  out  a  fleet  of  seven  sail  under  the  command 
of  Sir  Richard  Greenville.  ^  In  June,  he  arrived  at 
Wokoken,  and  having  explored  the  country,  he  fix- 
ed on  the  island  of  Roanoah,  for  a  plantation.  A 
colony  of  108  men,  was  left  on  the  island,  under  the 
command  of  Mr.  Ralph  Lane.  In  less  than  a  year 
they  were  reduced  to  such  forlorn  circumstances, 
that  Sir  Francis  Drake  arriving  on  the  coast,  took 
them  on  board  his  fleet,  and  transported  them  to  En- 
gland. Soon  after  they  sailed  Sir  Richard  Green- 
ville arrived  :  and,  though  he  could  not  find  the  first, 
yet  he  ventured  to  leave  a  second  colony.  They 
consisted  of  fifty  men,  who  were  plentifully  furnish- 
ed with  all  kinds  of  provisions  for  two  years. 

The  next  year,  Sir  Walter  despatched  a  third  com-  issr. 
pany  to  Virginia,  with  a  charter  of  incorporation,  ap- 


54 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


pointing  Mr.  John  White  governour,  with  twelve 
assistants.  They  were  named  the  governour  and 
assistants  of  the  city  of  Raleigh  in  Virginia.  The 
company  consisted  of  115  men,  women,  and  children. 
On  their  arrival,  they  found  that  the  second  colony 
had  been  destroyed,  yet  they  landed,  determining 
to  brave  all  dangers  in  making  a  permanent  settle- 
ment in  the  country.  These,  however,  were  neg- 
lected and  all  perished.  After  these  disasters,  no 
further  attempts  were  made  to  plant  colonies  on  the 
continent  until  the  succeeding  reign. 
The  first        James  I.  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  rei^n,  by  letters 

Virginia  .  *  *->  * 

patents,  patent,  made  a  division  of  Virginia  into  two  colonies. 
jjgj  10th»  The  southern,  lying  between  34  and  41  degrees  of 
north  latitude,  which  was  called  the  first,  he  granted 
to  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Sir  George  Sommers,  Rich- 
ard Hackluit,  clerk,  prebendary  of  Westminster,  and 
others  under  the  name  of  the  London  Company. 
The  northern,  termed  the  second  colony,  between 
38  and  45  degrees,  he  granted  to  the  company  of 
Plymouth. 

The  London  company  fitted  out  three  small  ships, 
under  the  command  of  captain  Christopher  Newport, 
to  make  discoveries  and  plant  a  colony  in  south  Vir- 
ginia. 
1607  The  company  arrived  in  the  bay  of  Chesapeak, 

Segment  on  the  26th  of  June,  1607.  They  sailed  up  the 
town!"™ s"  river  Powhatan,  erected  a  fort,  and  began  a  plantation, 
which,  in  honour  to  their  prince,  was  named  James- 
town. The  company  consisted  of  one  hundred 
persons.*  Their  council  were  Bartholomew  Gos- 
nold,  John  Smith,  Edward  Wingfield,  Christopher 
Newport,  John  Ratcliffe,  John  Martin,  and  George 
Kendal.  Mr.  Wingfield  was  elected  president  of 
the  council.  They  brought  over  Mr.  Robert  Hunt 
for  their  minister.  He  was  the  first  cler^man  in 
the  United  States :  and  appears  to  have  been  a  man 
of  an  excellent  spirit,  and  singularly  worthy  character, 

*  Smith's  hist.  Virg.  p.  43,  44. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  5$ 

He  had  great  influence  in  healing  the  divisions,  and    chap. 
promoting  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  company.  1L 

Before  their  arrival  the  Indians  had  been  exaspe- 
rated,  by  the  imprudent  and  cruel  treatment  which 
they  had  received  from  the  English.  In  1585,  Sir 
Richard  Greenville  burnt  a  whole  Indian  town,  and 
destroyed  their  corn,  merely  to  revenge  their  stealing 
a  silver  cup.  Mr.  Lane  and  his  company  slew  one 
of  their  sachems,  and  killed  and  captivated  several 
of  their  men.*  They  therefore  made  repeated  attacks 
on  the  colony,  and  in  a  short  time,  killed  and 
wounded  nearly  twenty.  By  the  middle  of  July  Di  t  Qf 
they  were  so  distressed  with  the  badness  and  scarcity  the  colony 
of  provision,  with  sickness,  labour,  and  continual 
guarding  against  the  enemy,  that  scarcely  ten  of  the 
whole  company  could  walk,  or  even  stand  alone. 
By  the  end  of  the  month  fifty  of  them  were  no  more. 
Among  the  dead  was  that  enterprizing  gentleman 
captain  Gosnold,  the  projector  of  the  whole  scheme 
of  the  plantation. 

To  increase  their  misfortunes  the  president  em- 
bezzled the  public  stores,  and  attempted  to  run  away 
with  the  company's  bark,  and  to  return  to  England.f 
It  was  therefore  found  necessary  for  the  common 
safety,  to  displace  him.  Mr.  RatclifFe  was  elected 
to  the  presidency.  But  it  very  soon  appeared,  that 
his  abilities  were,  by  no  means  equal  to  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  company.  The  weight  of  government 
fell  therefore  on  captain  John  Smith,  a  gentleman 
singularly  adapted  to  the  management  of  their  affairs. 
He  was  a  man  of  quick  discernment,  superior  judg- 
ment, undaunted  courage,  invincible  industry  and 
resolution.  With  his  whole  ability  he  addressed 
himself  to  build  the  town  and  retrieve  their  affairs. 
He  went  first,  and  bore  the  largest  share  in  labour, 
hardship,  and  danger.  By  his  industry  and  enter- 
prize  before  winter,  lodgings  were  provided  for  the 
sick,  and  the  whole  company  were  tolerably  housed. 

*  Smith's  hist.  p.  5,  6,  9  f  F  46. 


56 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


chap.    But  such  was  the  badness  and  want  of  provisions, 

n-       that   they   were  still    feeble    with    hunger.      While 

*]  captain  Smith  was  employing  his  utmost  exertions 

en  captive'  and  jeoparding  his  life,  for  the  welfare  of  the  colony, 

he  was   captivated   by    the   warriors   of   Powhatan. 

After  he  had  been  carried,  for  some  time,  in  triumph, 

from  place  to  place,  the  savage  prince  determined 

upon  his  immediate  death. 

Having  placed  himself  and  his  court  in  all  the 
majesty  and  terror,  which  savage  state  and  magnifi- 
cence could  exhibit,  two  large  stones  were  brought 
before  him,  and  captain  Smith  was  dragged  forward 
and  laid  upon  them,  that  his  brains  might  be  instantly 
beat  out  with  clubs.  In  this  critical  moment 
providence  wrought  wonderfully,  both  for  his  own 
and  the  colony's  preservation.  In  the  very  instant 
of  execution,  when  no  intreaties  could  avail,  Poca- 
saved  by  hontas  the  emperor's  darling  daughter,  with  surpris- 
Pocahontas.  .^  tenclernesSj  flymg  to  j^  relief,  clasped  his   head 

in  her  arms,  and  laid  her  own  upon  it,  risking  her 
life  for  his.  Such  an  effect  had  this  on  the  emperor, 
that  he  not  only  suffered  him  to  live,  but,  with  a 
trusty  guard,  sent  him  immediately  back  to  James- 
town. He  was  careful  to  send  back  to  the  emperor, 
to  his  women  and  children,  such  presents  as  should 
give  general  satisfaction. 
Distress  of  On  his  return  he  found  the  colony  in  the  utmost 
amestown.  jjjstrega  an(j  COnfusion.  Hunger,  discontent,  and 
mutiny  all  united  their  influence  to  make  them  mis- 
erable. However,  his  authority  and  address,  soon 
recovered  them  to  a  better  state.  His  little  preserver 
Pocahontas,  with  her  wild  train,  once  in  four  or  five 
days  made  him  a  visit,  and  brought  him  such  quan- 
tities of  provision,  as  saved  the  lives  of  many,  who 
otherwise  must  have  perished  with  famine.  Thus, 
by  this  humane  savage,  only  about  thirteen  years 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  57 

.of  age,  it  pleased  the  Supreme  Ruler  to  save  this   chap. 
distressed  people.* 

While  these  affairs  were  transacting  in  the  colony, 
care  was  taken,  by  the  company  in  London,  to  fur- 
nish it  with  all  necessary  supplies.  Captains  Newport 
and  Nelson  were  despatched  with  provisions  and  men 
to  recruit  the  plantation.  Captain  Newport  arrived 
soon  after  the  setting  in  of  the  winter,  but  Nelson 
was  driven  off  the  coast  to  the  West  Indies.  The 
company  supposed  that  he  was  lost. 

The  arrival  of  captain  Newport  gave  great  relief  1607. 
and  joy  to  the  plantation.     Instead  of  famine  they 
had  a  present  supply  of  provisions.     The  care  of 
the  company  in  London  to  send  them  all  necessary 
supplies,  the  addition  made  to  their  numbers,  and 
the  present  apparent  friendship  of  Powhatan  and  his 
confederates,  gave  new  spirits  to  the  colony.    Before 
the  arrival  of  captain  Newport,  their  numbers  were 
reduced  to  forty  men.      The  new  recruits  were  a 
great  addition  to  their  strength,  and  alleviated  their 
fears.     They  had  erected  them  a  church,  and  their 
animosities,  through  the  good  offices  of  Mr.  Hunt, 
had  been  so  quieted,  that  the  ordinances  of  the  gos- 
pel were  regularly  administered,  and  the   affairs  of 
the  colony  wore  a  more  favourable  aspect  than  they 
had  ever  before  done.     But  a  variety  of  untoward 
circumstances  united  their  influence  to   disappoint 
all  these  flattering  prospects.  Captain  Newport's  van-  Newport's 
ity  and  imprudence  4n  visiting  Powhatan  in  a  kind  vanity. 
of  princely  state,  lavishing  his  bounties  upon  him, 
giving   swords   and   almost   every  thing  which   he 
asked,  made  him  much  more  self  important  and  in- 
solent, and  had  a  mischievous  influence  on  the  In- 
dians in  general.     Beside  other  ill  effects,  it  raised 
their   corn   and   all   other  commodities,  which   the 
colonists  had  occasion  to  purchase  of  them,  to  a  price, 
ten  or  twelve  times  above  what  had  before  been  us- 

*  Smith's  hist.  Virg\  p.  49,  50,  51.  See  also  his  letter  to  queen 
Ann,  consort  of  James  1.  in  1616,  preserved  in  Smith's  and  Beverh's 
histories. 

Vq*.  I.  8 


58 

CHAP. 
II. 


James- 
town 
burnt. 


1608. 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ual.  So  much  time  was  wasted  in  this  unhappy- 
business,  that  the  ship's  crew  consumed  much  of  the 
provision,  which  they  brought  for  the  colony.  They 
spent  more  weeks  at  Jamestown,  than  they  ought  to 
have  tarried  days.  To  these  unlucky  circumstances 
succeed  a  still  greater  misfortune.  In  the  depth  of 
winter,  their  store  house,  in  which  their  provisions 
were  chiefly  lodged,  took  fire,  and  with  their  whole 
town,  their  fortifications,  arms,  apparel,  bedding,  and 
a  great  quantity  of  private  goods,  were  consumed. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Hunt  lost  his  whole  library,  and  all 
his  furniture  excepting  the  clothes  which  he  wore. 
Such  however  were  his  fortitude  and  patience,  that  it 
is  remarked,  he  was  never  once  heard  to  complain. 

The  company  were  now  reduced  to  a  small  allow- 
ance of  meal  and  water.  The  winter  was  uncom- 
monly severe,  and  by  the  loss  of  the  town,  they  were 
so  exposed  to  the  inclemencies  of  the  weather,  and 
so  pinched  with  famine,  that  by  the  spring  more  than 
one  half  of  them  were  in  their  graves.  The  survivers, 
when  the  warm  season  advanced  applied  themselves 
to  the  rebuilding  of  the  town,  church,  and  fortifica- 
tions. While  they  were  thus  employed,  captain 
Nelson  arrived  from  the  West  Indies,  with  the  pro- 
visions and  recruits  which  had  been  sent  out, 
the  last  year,  in  company  with  captain  Newport. 
The  whole  number  of  men,  which  came  over  in  these 
ships  to  recruit  the  colony,  were  a  hundred  and 
twenty.  Nothing  could  be  more  welcome  or  give 
greater  joy  to  these  famished  pilgrims,  than  this  un- 
expected and  seasonable  relief. 

Remarkable  was  the  divine  conduct  towards  them. 
They  suffered  correction,  but  were  not  destroyed. 
When  stripped  of  all  external  means  of  defence,  en- 
feebled with  famine,  and  thinned  by  the  hand  of 
d^ath,  they  might  have  been  swallowed  up  quickly ; 
but  the  sav.'ge  nations  were  restrained  and  touched 
them  not.  When  naked  and  destitute,  he  who 
clothes  the  gr^ss,  and  feeds  the  fowls,  sent  them  sup- 
plies. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  59 

In  September  captain  Smith,  who  was  indeed  the    chap. 
life  of  the   colony,  was  chosen  president,  and  took, 
on  himself  the  administration  of  government.     He 
discovered  the  principal  rivers  in  the  southern  states 
with  the  countries  adjacent. 

He  obtained  numerous  victories  over  the  Indians, 
and  made  peace  with  their  kings.  He  baffled  all  the 
crafty  designs  of  Powhatan,  and  induced  him  to 
make  peace  with  him  and  the  colony,  after  he  hid 
tried  every  stratagem,  which  his  imagination  could 
devise  for  its  extirpation.  The  planters  travelled 
with  safety  into  every  part  of  the  country.  Under 
his  administration  the  colony  flourished,  and  became 
formidable  to  all  the  surrounding  Indian  nations.  A 
plantation  was  begun  at  the  falls,  and  another  at  Nan- 
semund.  He  had  a  peculiar  presence  of  mind  on 
the  most  sudden  and  pressing  emergencies  ;  a  quick- 
ness, penetration,  and  nobleness  of  thought  peculiar 
to  himself.  He  had  high  ideas  of  the  honour  of  his 
country  and  of  the  public  good. 

Meanwhile  the  colony  had  its  enemies  both  in  Vir- 
ginia and  in  England.  A  number  of  unprincipled, 
idle,  factious  men  were  constantly  disturbing  its  inter- 
nal peace ;  and  gross  misrepresentations  were  made 
of  it  to  the  company  in  London.  They  were  possess- 
ed of  a  thousand  golden  dreams,  and  far  more  intent 
on  immediate  gain,  than  on  making  a  permanent  set- 
tlement in  the  country.  Not  receiving  those  profit- 
able returns,  which  they  idly  expected,  they  were 
filled  with  vexation  and  resentment.  Therefore,  old  char- 
making  interest  with  his  British  majesty,  they  obtain-  ^ed:Ja°" 
ed  a  new  charter,  entirely  abrogating  the  authority  23,1609. 
and  council  in  Virginia  :  and,  appointing  Sir  Thom- 
as West,  lord  Delaware,  captain  general,  Sir  Thom- 
as Gates  lieutenant,  and  Sir  George  Sommers  admi- 
ral, with  many  other  gentlemen,  to  various  offices 
for  life. 

They  sailed  from  England  the  last  of  May,  with  a  1609. 
fleet  of  nine  ships,  on  board  of  which  were  five  hun- 
dred people.    The  admiral's  ship,  on  board  of  which 


60  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.   Were  the  three  noblemen  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  oth- 

er  persons,  was  cast  away  in  a  hurricane,  on  one  of 

the  Bermuda  islands.  A  catch  was  lost  at  the  same 
time.  The  other  ships  arrived  safe  at  Virginia. 
Many  of  the  company  who  came  in  them,  were  poor 
gentlemen,  broken  tradesmen,  rakes,  and  libertines, 
much  better  calculated  for  the  subversion,  than  for 
the  establishment  of  a  commonwealth.  Headed  by  a 
number  of  seditious  captains,  they  threw  the  colony 
into  such  a  state  of  anarchy  and  confusion,  that  it 
was  by  the  greatest  feats  of  courage,  and  at  the  con- 
tinual hazard  of  the  president's  life,  that  he  was  able 
to  stem  the  torrent  of  faction  and  immorality,  which 
they  raised.  In  this  state  of  affairs,  he  was  exceed- 
ingly burnt,  by  the  accidental  firing  of  a  bag  of  pow- 
der. Such  were  his  wounds  and  agonies,  that  they 
incapacitated  him  for  those  personal  services  which  he 
had  rendered  the  colony ;  and  which,  in  its  present 
exigencies,  were  highly  necessary.  He  therefore 
went  on  board,  and  returned  to  England. 
State  of  He  left  the  colony  furnished  with  three  ships,  good 
c1k  C9QUy  fortifications,  twenty  four  pieces  of  cannon,  arms,  am- 
munition, apparel,  commodities  for  trading,  and  tools 
for  all  kinds  of  labour.  At  Jamestown  there  were 
nearly  sixty  houses.  The  settlers  had  begun  to  plant 
and  to  fortify,  at  five  or  six  other  places.  The  num- 
ber of  inhabitants  was  nearly  five  hundred.  They 
had  just  gathered  in  their  Indian  harvest,  and,  be- 
sides, had  considerable  provision  in  their  stores. 
They  had  between  five  and  six  hundred  hogs,  an 
equal  number  of  fowls,  some  goats,  and  some  sheep. 
They  had  also  boats,  nets,  and  good  accommodations 
for  fishing.*  But  such  was  the  sedition,  idleness, 
and  dissipation  of  this  mad  people,  that  they  were 
soon  reduced  to  the  most  miserable  circumstances. 
No  sooner  was  captain  Smith  gone,  than  the  savages, 
provoked  by  their  dissolute  practices,  and  encouraged 
by  their  want  of  government,  revolted  ;    hunted  and 

*  Styth's  hist   p.  10r.     Smith's,  p.  96. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  61 

slew  them  from  place  to  place.      Nansemund,  the   chap. 

plantation  at  the  falls,    and  all  the  out  settlements    

were  abandoned.     In  a  short  time  nearly  forty  of  the  160v 
company  were  cut  off  by  the  enemy.     Their  time  W»,»ick- 
and  provisions    were  consumed  in  riot,  their  utensils  [^msine?n 
were  stolen  or  destroyed,  their  hogs,  sheep,  and  fowls 
killed  and  carried  off  by  the  Indians.     The  sword 
without,   famine  and    sickness   within,    soon   made 
among  them  surprising  destruction.       Within  the 
term  of  six  months,  of  their  whole  number,  sixty  on-  lglQ 
ly  survived.     These  were  the  most  poor  famishing 
wretches,  subsisting  chiefly  on  herbs,  acorns,    and 
berries.     Such  was  the  famine,  that  they  fed  on  the 
skins  of  their  dead  horses ;  nay,  they  boiled  and  ate 
the  flesh  of  the  dead.*     Indeed  they  were  reduced 
to   such  extremity,  that  had  they  not  been  relieved, 
in  eight  or  ten  d-«ys,  the   whole  colony  would  have 
been  extinct.     Such  are  the  dire  effects  of  idleness, 
faction,  and  want  of  proper  subordination. 

Unhappy,  indeed  was  it,  that,  during  this  whole 
period,  captain  Piercy,  on  whom  the  government 
devolved,  was  so  very  sick  and  weak,  that  he  could 
do  little  or  nothing,  for  the  support  of  government 
or  the  relief  of  the  plantation. 

In  this  extremity  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and  Sir  George 
Sommers  arrived,  from  the  Bermudas,  with  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty   people.      But  the  colonists  were  so  Colony 
dispirited,  that  they  entirely  broke  up';  and,  leaving  breaks  up. 
the  town  and  fortifications  standing,  embarked  and 
set  sail  for  England.     In  this  crisis  providence  again 
interposed,  to  prevent  the  abandoning  of  this  fine 
country,  and  to    plant  it  with  protestant  churches. 
Before  they  were  out  of  the    bay,  lord    Delaware  Returns, 
meeting  them,  by  his  authority  and  address,  prevail- 
ed with  them  to  return. 

On  the  10th  of  June  1610,  his  lordship  went  on 
shore,  and  after  attending  public  worship,  published 
his  commission.     He  made  an  oration  to  the  people, 

*  Styth's  hist.  p.  117.     Smith's,  p.  105,  106. 


g2  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  pressing  them  to  an  immediate  reformation,  and  as- 
suring them,  that  unless  it  should  be  effected,  he 
would  cut  off  the  delinquents  by  the  sword  of  jus- 
tice. He  constituted  all  necessary  officers,  and  ap- 
pointed to  every  man  his  place  and  employment. 
By  severe  government  and  his  lordship's  influence 
the  colony  was  reduced  to  a  tolerable  degree  of  in- 
dustry, harmony,  and  subordination. 
1610  A  coincidence  of  events  so  remarkable,  as  conspir- 

ed for  the  preservation  of  these  distressed  colonists, 
could  be  ascribed  to  nothing  but  the  divine  superin- 
tendence. Had  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and  Sir  George 
Sommers  arrived  but  a  few  days  later  they  would 
have  all  been  famished.  Had  the  town  and  fortifi- 
cations been  destroyed,  at  their  embarkation,  which 
was  prevented  only  by  the  solicitations  and  influence 
of  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  it  might  have  discouraged 
them  and  prevented  their  return.  At  least  it  wouid 
have  subjected  them  to  great  labour  and  distress, 
as  they  would  have  had  neither  houses  to  cover,  nor 
fortifications  to  defend  them.  Had  they  sailed  soon- 
er, or  lord  Delaware  arrived  later,  probably,  they 
would  not  have  fallen  in  with  each  other.  Had  the 
town  been  deserted  a  longer  time,  the  savages,  doubt- 
less, would  have  made  the  discovery,  and  set  it  on 
fire.  After  a  combination  of  all  these  circumstances, 
had  not  his  lordship  brought  with  him  a  year's  pro- 
vision, their  relanding  would  have  been  only  to  a 
second  destruction. 

1611.  ^kg  next  year  tjiey  received  a  recruit  of  six  hun- 
dred people,  more  than  two  hundred  cattle,  an  equal 
number  of  hogs,  and  a  great  variety  of  necessaries  for 
a  new  plantation.*  Sir  Thomas  Dale  began  the 
settlement  of  the  second  town  in  Virginia,  which  he 
named  Henrico,  in  honour  to  prince  Henry,  his  maj- 
esty's eldest  son.    Another  plantation  was  also  begun 

1612.  at  Bermuda.  The  next  year  there  arrived  eighty 
more  to  strengthen  the  colony  and  advance  its  set- 

*  Prince's  Chron.  part  i.  p.  33,  34,  and  Smith,  p.  109, 110. 


UNITED  STATES   OF  AMERICA.  Q{ 

dement.  But  the  progress  of  settlement  and  cultiva-  chap. 
tion  was  exceedingly  slow.  The  natives  were  very 
inimical  and  troublesome.  The  supplies  sent  from 
England  were  by  no  means  adequate  to  the  numbers 
they  were  designed  to  support.  This  reduced  the 
colonists  to  such  straits,  that  too  often  they  plundered 
the  natives,  or  obliged  them,  by  force  of  arms,  to 
deliver  them  their  provisions.  These  practices  begat 
in  them  deep  and  lasting  hatred,  provoked  them  to 
retaliation,  and  bred  continual  animosities  and  alarms. 
Sir  Thomas  Smith,  treasurer  of  the  London  company, 
and  others,  concerned  in  supplying  and  ordering  the 
the  colonists,  sought  their  own  private  emolument, 
rather  than  the  growth  and  prosperity  of  the  colony. 
Too  many  of  those  who  came  over,  were  men  unac- 
customed to  business,  and  instead  of  labouring  them- 
selves, were  either  idle,  or  else  employed  considera- 
ble numbers  of  the  company  merely  in  serving  their 
whims  and  pleasures.  It  was  observed  by  one  of 
the  planters,  "That  in  Virginia,  a  plain  soldier,  that 
can  use  a  pickaxe  and  spade  is  better  than  five 
knights."  The  planters  were  unexperienced  in  the 
business  of  planting  new  countries.  As  yet  they 
had  no  farms,  and  did  not  consider  themselves  as 
labouring  for  their  own  advantage.  Five  or  six  men 
would  not  therefore  accomplish  more  in  a  day,  than 
a  single  man  would  have  done  in  his  own  service. 
They  were  governed  by  a  severe  and  bloody  code  of 
military  laws,  which  were  made  still  more  severe  and 
bloody,  by  the  arbitrary  manner  in  which  they  were 
executed.  All  these  circumstances  combined  their 
influence  to  dispirit  the  colonists,  beget  discontent, 
and  retard  the  progress  of  settlement  and  cultivation. 

In  1613  a  very  lucky  circumstance  took  place,  April 
which  for  a  number  of  years,  put  a  more  favourable  1QI3- 
aspect  on  the  affairs  of  Virginia.  Mr.  Rolfe,  who 
was  afterwards  made  secretary  of  the  colony,  a  worthy 
gentleman,  and  Pocahontas,  the  Indian  princess,  who 
had  once  saved  the  colony,  and  at  other  times  render- 
ed it  important  services,  fell  deeply  in  love  with  each 


£4  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap     other.      No   sooner  was  it  known  to   Sir  Thomas 

Dale,  than  he  set  on  foot  a  negociation  of  marriage. 

Marriage    The  emperor  Powhatan  gave  his  consent  to  the  con- 

of  Poca-   tract :  and  in  April  their  hands  were  joined  in  wed- 

liontas,      Jock.     On  this  commenced  an  alliance  of  friendship 

and  commerce  between  the  English,  Powhatan,  and 

his  subjects,  which  continued  during  his  life. 

Great  attention  was  given  by  Mr.  Rolfe  and  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Whitaker  to  the  instruction  of  Pocahontas, 
in  the  English  language  and  christian  religion. 
Eager  was  her  pursuit  of  knowledge,  and  her  pro- 
Gives  ficiency  was  equal  to  her  engagedness.  She  soon 
peace  to  renounced  her  paganism  and  embraced  Christianity. 
She  was  baptized  by  the  name  of  Rebekah,  and  was 
afterwards  generally  known  by  the  appellation  of  the  la- 
dy Rebekah.  She  was  the  first  convert  from  among  the 
Aborigines  of  North  America,  to  the  christian  pro- 
testant  faith.  About  three  years  after  her  marriage, 
Mr.  Rolfe  made  a  visit  with  her  to  England.  She 
was  introduced  to  her  majesty  queen  Anne,  and  treat- 
ed with  great  respect  by  lord  Delaware,  his  lady,  and 
other  persons  of  quality.  The  company  in  London 
gave  order  for  the  maintenance  both  of  herself  and 
her  child.  But,  on  this  visit,  she  closed  the  scene  of 
life  with  a  calm,  joyful  hope  in  the  divine  mercy. 
She  left  a  son,  Thomas  Rolfe,  who  had  an  honourable 
1616.  education  in  England.  He  came  over  to  Virginia, 
where  he  lived  and  died,  in  affluence  and  honour. 
His  descendants  are  among  some  of  the  most  re- 
spectable families  in  Virginia. 

The  colony  under  the  auspices  of  peace,  and  the 
judicious  administration  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  made 
some  considerable  advances,  and  its  afmirs  were  put 
into  an  easy  and  prosperous  train.  But  as  he  had 
now  been  five  years  in  the  country,  he  had  a  great 
desire,  and  it  became  necessary  to  return  to  England, 
for  the  management  of  his  own  affairs.  In  April 
1616,  he  therefore  embarked,  and  the  next  June  ar- 
rived safe  at  Plymouth. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  65 

Mr.  George  Yeardley  was  appointed  deputy  govern- 
our  in  his  absence,  but  was  soon  superseded  by  cap- 
tain Samuel  Argall.  This  was  effected  by  the  lord 
Rich,  an  opulent  and  powerful  member  of  the  Vir- 
ginia company,  Argall  was  a  friend  and  relation  of 
Sir  Thomas  Smith  the  treasurer,  and  lord  Rich  was 
one  of  the  treasurer's  peculiar  favourites.  He  there- 
fore not  only  procured  for  him  an  appointment  to  be 
deputy  governour  of  Virginia,  but  also  to  be  admi- 
ral of  the  country  and  seas  adjoining.  It  was  not 
sufficient,  that  the  Virginians  were  already  under 
martial  law,  but  this  was  done  to  strengthen  his  arm 
with  more  absolute  despotism,  that  not  a  Virginian 
might  dare  to  move  his  tongue  against  him.  Lord 
Rich,  having  concerted  his  measures,  entered  into 
partnership  with  captain  Argall,  and  it  appeared  to 
be  their  united  design,  to  enrich  themselves  by  the 
government. 

In  May  1617,  he  arrived  at  the  seat  of  government,  161?. 
in  Virginia.  He  was  a  man  of  singular  art  and  cun- 
ning; his  avarice,  cruelty,  and  despotism  were  equal 
to  his  subtilty.  His  whole  art  was  employed  for  the 
purposes  of  gain.  Such  was  his  rapacity,  that  in  the 
short  term  of  about  two  years,  he  almost  ruined  the 
colony.  At  the  close  of  his  administration,  the  state 
of  it,  in  some  respects,  was  not  so  good,  and  but  in 
few  others  much  better,  than  it  was,  at  the  departure 
of  captain  Smith,  nine  years  before.  He  had  undone 
almost  every  thing  which  lord  Delaware,  Sir  Thom- 
as Gates,  and  Sir  Thomas  Dalt,  had,  with  so  much 
labour  and  expense,  accomplished.*  The  compa- 
ny's lands  he  had  depopulated  and  ruined.  After  ex- 
pending eighty  thousand  pounds  sterling,  after  twelve 
years  labour  and  the  loss  of  more  than  twelve  hun- 
dred lives  they  had  settled  only  six  or  seven  towns. 
Sixteen  hundred  and  seventy  souls  had  been  import- 
ed into  the  colony  ;  and,  at  this  period,  the  inhabi- 
tants amounted  only  to  four  hundred.  The  extreme 

*  Styth's  history,  and  history  of  North  America,  published  in  tie 
new  American  Magazine,  from  1758  to  17§0. 

Vol.  I.  9 


05  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  sufferings  of  the  people,  by  reason  of  sickness,  fam- 
ine, the  plots  and  murders  of  the  Indians,  the  oppres- 
sion and  rapacity  of  their  governours,  were  almost 
incredible. 

It  was  with  an  ardent  and  impatient  desire,  that 

the  people  waited  for  the  return  of  lord  Delaware,  to 

the  government.     But   he  died  on  his  passage,  in 

iDviathrJf  1618,  near  the  mouth  of  Delaware  bay.     From  this 

lord     Del-  7  .     .  i      •        1  • 

aware.  circumstance  it  is  supposed  to  have  derived  its  name. 
Early  iii  the  year  1619,  Sir  George  Yeardley  was 
1619.  appointed  governour.  About  the  beginning  of  May, 
YeIrd7-OU1  ^e  arr^ve^  at  lne  seat  °f  government.  It  is  not  easy 
arrives,  to  describe  the  joy  which  his  arrival  gave  the  Virgin- 
ians. From  that  day  they  considered  themselves  as 
emancipated  from  slavery,  and  restored  to  the  rights 
and  happiness  of  English  subjects.  Affairs  had  tak- 
en an  entirely  new  and  happy  turn  for  the  colonists. 
Sir  Edwin  Sandys  was  elected  governour  and  treas- 
urer of  the  Virginia  company,  in  London,  instead  of 
Sir  Thomas  Smith.  Mr.  John  Fanar  was  chosen 
deputy  treasurer.  These  were  men  of  great  abili- 
ties and  influence  ;  and  their  friendship  to  the  colo- 
ny, and  zeal  for  its  prosperity  were  not  inferior  to 
their  powers  and  influence.  An  instrument  was  pre- 
pared, giving  the  ancient  planters  a  full  discharge 
from  all  services  to  the  colony,  excepting  those 
which  should  be  voluntary,  or  which,  by  the  laws  of 
nations,  they  were  obliged  to  render.  There  was  al- 
so granted  to  them  a  most  ample  confirmation  of  their 
estates,  both  real  and  personal. 

The  chief  cause  of  granting  these  privileges  was 
the  rapines  and  personal  impositions  of  captain  Ar- 
gall.  Great  complaints  were  exhibited  against  him, 
and  governour  Yeardley  had  orders  to  try  him  in  the 
colony,  where  the  evidence  of  his  mal-ad ministration 
could  be  exhibited.*  But  he  got  intelligence  of  it, 
before  the  arrival  of  his  lordship,  made  his  escape  to 
England,  and  could  never  be  brought  to  justice.     A 

*  American  Magazine,  and  StyUYs  history. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  67 

certain  writer  of  his  history  observes,  "  He  would   chap. 
have  been  hanged,  had  it  been  in  any  other  reign 
than  that  of  James  the  first." 

In  this  year  there  arrived  in  the  colony  1216  per- 
sons ;  and  four  new  towns  were  settled.*  A  plan 
was  also  set  on  foot  for  sending  over  an  hundred  or 
more  young  women  for  wives,  to  give  greater  con- 
tentment  and  plant  families  in  the  colony.  In  this 
and  the  next  year  about  a  hundred  and  forty  were 
sent  over,  and  had  a  tract  allowed  them  called  Maids 
town. 

As  the  first  planters  of  Virginia  were  generally 
single  men,  they  had  no  sooner  made  provision  for 
a  comfortable  subsistence,  than  they  began  to  be  sen- 
sible that  the  want  of  wives  was  a  capital  inconven- 
ience. Any  woman  therefore,  who  could  produce 
testimonials  of  her  modesty  and  good  qualities,  how- 
ever poor,  might  depend  on  a  good  match  in  Virgin- 
ia. The  men  were  so  far  from  expecting  a  fortune 
with  a  woman,  that  it  was  not  an  uncommon  busi- 
ness for  them  to  buy  a  deserving  wife,  at  the  price 
of  a  hundred  pounds.  They  flattered  themselves 
that  they  had  a  good  bargain.f 

On  the  24th  of  June  the  governour  summoned  1619. 
the  first  General  Assembly  ever  convened  in  Ameri- 
ca. In  this  early  period  there  was  no  county  in  Vir- 
ginia. The  representatives  were  chosen  from  towns, 
or  boroughs.  This  gave  the  lower  house  of  assem- 
bly the  appellation  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  a 
proper  name  for  the  representatives  of  boroughs. 
This  name  hath,  from  this  circumstance,  ever  since 
obtained,  though  the  representatives  of  counties  are 
much  more  numerous  than  those  of  towns.  From 
this  time  the  colonists  were  liberated  from  trials  by 
martial  law,  and  restored  to  the  rights  of  men,  and 
of  English  subjects. 

Some  idea  of  their  distresses,  prior  to  this  happy 
era,  may  be  obtained  from  a  declaration  of  the  council 

•  Smith's  hist.  Virg.  p.  127.     f  Beverley's  hist.  Virginia,  p>  248, 


§g  A  GENERAL  HISTORY   OF   THE 

chap,  and  general  assembly  of  Virginia,  about  five  years  af- 
__  ter,  addressed  to  his  British  majesty,  James  the  first. 
In  this  they  aver,  u  That  in  the  twelve  years  of  Sir 
Thomas  Smith's  government,  the  colony  for  the  most 
part,  remained  in  great  want  and  misery,  under 
most  severe  and  bloody  laws,  contrary  to  the  express 
letters  of  the  king's  most  gracious  charters  ;  and  as 
mercilessly  executed  here  ;  oftentimes  without  trial 
or  judgment  :  That  the  allowance  for  a  man,  in  those 
times,  was  only  eight  ounces  of  meal  and  a  pint  of  pease 
a  day,  both  the  one  and  the  other  being  mouldy,  rot- 
ten, and  full  of  cobwebs  and  maggots,  loathsome  to 
man,  and  not  fit  for  beasts  ;  which  forced  many  to 
fly  to  the  savage  enemy  for  relief,  and  afterwards  be- 
ing retaken  were  put  to  sundry  kinds  of  death,  as 
hanging,  shooting,  breaking  upon  the  wheel,  and 
the  like  :  That  others  were  forced,  by  famine,  to 
filch  for  their  bellies,  of  whom  one,  for  stealing  two 
or  three  pints  of  oat- meal,  had  a  bodkin  thrust  through 
his  tongue,  and  was  chained  to  a  tree  till  he  starved : 
1619.  That  if  a  man,  through  sickness,  had  not  been  able 
to  work,  he  had  no  allowance  at  all,  and  so  conse- 
quently perished  :  That  many,  to  avoid  cruel  perse- 
cutions, dug  holes  in  the  earth,  and  there  hid  them- 
selves till  they  famished  :  That  their  want  was  some- 
times so  excessive,  that  they  were  constrained  to  eat 
dogs,  cats,  rats,  snakes,  toadstools,  horse  hides,  and 
what  not  :  That  many  others  fed  on  the  corpses  of 
dead  men  :  That  the  towns  were  only  James  city, 
Henrico,  Charles  hundred,  West  and  Shirley  hun- 
dred, and  Kickquotan  ;  all  which  were  ruined  in 
those  times,  except  ten  or  twelve  houses  in  James 
town :  That  if  through  the  aforesaid  calamities  many 
had  not  perished,  there  would,  without  doubt,  have 
been  a  thousand  people  in  the  colony,  whereas  when 
Sir  George  Yeardley  arrived  govern  our,  he  found 
not  above  four  hundred,  most  of  them  in  want  of 
corn,  and  utterly  destitute  of  cattle,  swine,  poultry, 
and  other  necessary  provisions. "  Such  was  the  origi- 
nal of  the  ancient  and  respectable  state  of  Virginia. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  59 

Before  this  time  his  majesty  had  issued  his  letters,  chap. 
to  the  several  bishops  of  his  kingdom,  instituting  a 
collection  for  erecting  a  college  in  Virginia,for  theedu-  Colwein%. 
cation  of  the  children  of  infidels  in  the  knowledge  of  stituted. 
God.  Fifteen  hundred  pounds  had  been  contributed  for 
this  pious  purpose,  and  there  were  expectations  of  a 
much  larger  sum.  Ten  thousand  acres  of  land  were  ap- 
propriated to  its  support.  In  this  and  the  succeed- 
ing year  a  hundred  tenants  were  sent  over  to  culti- 
vate the  lands.  Half  their  profits  were  appropriated 
to  the  college,  to  erect  buildings,  maintain  instructors 
and  scholars.  Mr.  George  Thorpe,  of  his  majes- 
ty's privy  chamber,  and  one  of  the  council  of  the 
Virginia  company  in  England,  came  over  as  the  com- 
pany's deputy  and  superintendant  of  the  college.  It 
was  designed  for  the  mutual  benefit  both  of  the  En- 
glish and  Indians. 

This  year  was  remarkable  for  great  plenty  and 
great  mortality.  There  died  not  less  than  three 
hundred  inhabitants. 

King  James,  in  an  arbitrary  and  unjust  manner,  oblig- 
ed the  company,  at  their  own  charge  to  transport  a  hun- 
dred convicts  into  Virginia.  Thus  early  was  the  prac- 
tice of  transporting  persons  of  dissolute  and  abandoned 
characters  into  Virginia,  as  a  place  of  disgrace  and  pun- 
ishment. Styth  has  this  remark  upon  it,  "That  it  has 
been  a  great  hindrance  to  the  growth  of  the  colony,  and 
laid  one  of  the  finest  countries  in  British  America,  un- 
der the  unjust  scandal  of  being  a  hell  upon  earth,  ano- 
ther Siberia,  only  fit  for  malefactors  and  the  vilest  of 
the  people." 

While  this  colony  was  making  a  firm  settlement,  the 
business  of  more  particular  discovery  had  been  pros- 
ecuted in  North  Virginia,  and  preparations  were  mak- 
ing for  the  plantation  of  colonies,  in  that  part  of 
the  continent. 

In  1609,  Henry  Hudson,   an  Englishman,  in  the  Hudson** 
service  of  the  Dutch  East  India  company,  discover-  J™**** 
ed  Hudson's  river  and  ranged  along  the  coast  from 
Cape  Cod  to  thirty  degrees  of  north  latitude.     This 


70  ^  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  gave  rise  to  the  Dutch  claims  in  this  part  of  Amer- 

11       ica. 
Grant  of       *n  1614,  the  States   General   granted  to  certain 
the  states  Dutch  merchants  a  patent  for  an  exclusive  trade  on 
16W ral     Hyson's  river.     For  the  convenience  of  trade  they 
erected  two  forts  on  the  river,  one  at  Albany  and 
another  on  the  island  of  New- York.     The  court  of 
England  disowned  their  claim,  and  captain    Argall 
making  them  a  visit  obliged  them  to  submit  to  the 
government  of  Virginia.     However,  the  States  Gen- 
eral in  1621  made  a  grant  of  the  country  to  the  West 
India  company,  who  began  to  extend    their  settle- 
ments, increase  the  number  and  strength  of  their 
fortifications,  and  renounce  all  subjection  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  England. 

In  1614,  captain  John  Smith,  who  had  been  pres- 
ident in  Virginia,  made  particular  discoveries  of  the 
coasts  of  North  Virginia,  drew  maps  of  the  country 
and  named  it  New- England. 
*iaiuiE""       King  James  I.  by  his  letters  patent,  November  3d, 
tem,  Nov.  1620,  incorporated  the  Duke  of  Lenox,  the  mar- 
3d,  1620.   quises  of  Buckingham  and   Hamilton,  the  earls   of 
Arundel  and  Warwick,  with  divers  other  persons, 
by  the  name  of  the  Council  established  at  Plymouth 
in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  or- 
dering, and  governing  New-England  in  America; 
and  granted  to  them,  their  successors  and  assigns, f 
all  that  part  of  America,  lying  from  40  degrees  of 
north  latitude,  to  the  48th  degree  inclusively  ;    and 
in  length  of,  and  within  all  the  breadth  aforesaid, 
throughout  the  main  lands,  from  sea  to  sea.     This 
is  the  civil  basis  of  all  the  patents  and  plantations 
which  divide  the  New- England  states. 
Settle.  The  settlement  of  New- England  commenced  the 

pivmmffi,  same  year>  at  tne  place  named  Plymouth.  A  com- 
1  pany  of  pious  people,  to  the  number  of  a  hundred 
and  one,  arrived  at  Cape  Cod  on  the  11th  of  Novem- 
ber. They  were  a  part  of  Mr.  John  Robinson's 
church  and  congregation,  who,  by  the  heat  of  perse- 
cution, had,    some  years  before,  been  driven  into 


Plymouth. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  71 

Holland.  Their  design  was  to  make  a  settlement  chap. 
on  Hudson's  river,  or  in  the  adjacent  country.  For 
these  parts  they  had  obtained  a  patent.  But  the  1620> 
Dutch  had  determined  to  make  a  firm  settlement  on 
the  river,  and  therefore  bribed  the  master  of  the  ship 
to  carry  them  further  to  the  northward.  Finding 
themselves  without  the  limits  of  their  patent,  by  vol- 
untary compact,  they  formed  into  a  body  politic, 
binding  themselves,  in  the  name  of  God,  to  submit 
to  such  laws  and  officers,  as  should  be  judged  most 
subservient  to  the  general  good.  They  declared 
themselves  the  lawful  subjects  of  king  James  :  That 
they  had  undertaken  the  voyage,  for  the  glory  of 
God,  the  advancement  of  the  christian  faith,  and  the 
honour  of  their  king  and  country. 

Doleful  was  the  condition  of  these  pious  strangers!  Sad  condi- 
By  the  length  and  hardships  of  the  voyage,  they  were  *!°£  ° f  the 
reduced  to  an  enfeebled  and  sickly  state.  They  had 
been  betrayed  with  respect  to  the  place  of  set- 
tlement, were  without  a  patent,  or  so  much  as  a  pub- 
lic promise  that  they  should  enjoy  their  liberties 
either  civil  or  religious.  In  a  distressing  season  they 
were  cast  on  an  unknown  and  barbarous  coast,  des- 
titute of  every  accommodation  for  their  comfort. 
There  were  no  houses  to  cover  them,  no  friends  to 
entertain  them,  no  civilized  town  or  city,  whence  on 
any  emergency  they  might  derive  succour :  a  vast 
wilderness,  replete  with  savage  beasts  and  men, spread 
itself  horribly  round  them. 

It  was  the  middle  of  December  before  they  arriv- 
ed in  the  harbour  which  lies  before  the  town.  It 
was  the  25th  of  the  month  when  they  began  to  erect 
the  first  house  for  a  general  store.  The  hardships 
they  endured  in  building  themselves  huts  and  un- 
lading their  provisions  scarcely  admit  of  description. 
The  harbour  was  so  shallow,  that  their  ship  lay  at 
more  than  a  mile's  distance  from  the  town ;  and  it 
was  often  so  stormy  for  several  days  together,  as  to 
prevent  all  communication  between  them.  They 
were  often  obliged,  in  this  cold  season,  to  wade  and 


72  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

labour  in  the  water  to  get  their  provisions  and  furni- 
ture on  shore.     In  less  tnan  three  months,  the  scur- 
sickness    vv  ana<  other  diseases,  which  their  long  voyage,  the 
and  mor-  extremity  of   the  weather,  their  excessive  fatigues, 
ta  lty'        the  want  of  necessary    provisions  and    habitations, 
brought  upon  them,    reduced  them  to  one  half  of 
their  original  numbers.     So  general  was  the  sick- 
ness, at  some  times,  that  there  were  only  six  or  sev- 
en well  persons  in  the  plantation.     It  was  with  great 
difficulty  that  they  were  able  to  tend  the  sick  and 
bury  the  dead.* 

A  combination  of  circumstances,  singularly  prov- 
idential, is  observable  in  the  settlement  and  preser- 
vation of  these  pious  pilgrims  in  New-England.  On 
1621.  Hudson's  river,  and  its  vicinity,  the  Indians  were 
very  numerous,  and  had  they  not  been  disappointed 
with  respect  to  their  original  design,  probably  they 
would  have  fallen  a  prey  to  savage  cruelty.  In  New- 
England  providence  had  prepared  the  way  for  their 
settlement.  The  uncommon  mortality  in  1617,  had 
in  a  manner  depopulated  that  part  of  the  country,  in 
which  they  began  their  plantation.  They  found 
fields,  which  had  been  planted,  without  owners,  and 
a  fine  country  round  them,  in  some  measure  cultivat- 
ed, without  an  inhabitant.  The  scattering  Indians, 
who  survived,  had  been  particularly  exasperated  at 
the  villanous  conduct  of  captain  Hunt.  About 
six  years  before,  he  had  kidnapped  twe#ty  Indians 
at  this  place,  and  seven  at  Nauset,  and  sold  them  for 
slaves ;  yet  such  were  the  restraints  laid  upon  them, 
that  during  the  whole  winter,  not  one  of  them  came 
into  the  town,  nor  were  they  seen  but  at  a  distance. 
They  meditated  the, extirpation  of  the  colonists,  met, 
in  great  numbers  and  held  a  Pawaw  in  a  hideous 
swamp ;  where,  for  three  days  together,  they  delib- 
erated on  the  subject,  and  in  their  diabolical  manner 
poured  out  their  execrations  against  them.f  Had 
they  known    their  circumstances,  they  might  have 

*  Prince's  Chron.  part  i,  p.  103,  104.  f  Ibid,  part  i.  p.  99: 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  73 

Gut  them  off  with  the  greatest  facility;  but  of  these    chap. 
they  had  no  intelligence.  V 

The  winter  broke  up  sooner  than  usual,  and  as  1621 
the  warm  season  advanced  the  mortality  began  to 
abate,  the  sick  and  lame  to  recover,  and  the  people 
to  assume  new  life  and  courage. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  March  an  Indian  came  boldly  March 
into  the  town,  and  to  their  surprize  gave  them  this  16th- Sam- 
friendly   salutation,    Welcome  Englishmen  !    Wei-  hJToth* 
come  Englishmen  !  He  was  a  petty  sachem,  whose  town, 
name  was  Samoset,  who  had  got  a  smattering  of  the 
English  language  from  the  fishermen  on  the  eastern 
coast.      They  gave  him  a  friendly  reception,    and 
on    his  part,  he  communicated  to  them  important 
intelligence,  respecting  the  country.     The  govern- 
our  despatched  him  to  Massasoiet  to  invite  him  to 
an  interview  with  them  at  Plymouth.     He  proved  a 
faithful  messenger,  and  on  the  twenty  seconc1  of  the 
month  he  came  to  them  in  company   with  Squanto, 
the  only  surviving  Indian  of  that  place.     He  was  one 
of  the  twenty,  whom  captain  Hunt  kidnapped  and 
sold  in  Spain ;   but  he  had  been  brought  back  first  to 
London,  where  after  living  some  time,  he  returned 
to  his  native  country.      He   was  friendly  and  could 
speak  English.     They  reported  that  Massasoiet,  the 
greatest  king  of  the  Indians,  was  just  at  hand,   with 
his  brother,  Quadequina  and  their  suit.     He  soon  ^sTts01" 
approached  the  town  with  an  armed  train  of  sixty  &e  nan- 
men.     Governour  Carver  sent  a  message  to  him  in- tation- 
viting  him  into  the  town.     After  exchanging  hosta- 
ges, Massasoiet    with  twenty  men  unarmed  advanc- 
ed   to  the    brook,  where  he  was  met  by  a  file  of 
Musketeers,  and  conducted  to  a  house,  where,  in 
state,  they  seated  him,  with  his  train,  upon  a  green 
rug,  and  a  number  of  cushions.     Immediately  came 
the  governour  with  drum,  trumpet,  and  another  file 
of  musketeers.     Having  passed  friendly  salutations 
and  kissed  each  others  hands,  they  sat :  and  after  an 
entertainment  prepared  for  the  purpose,  they  entered  Treaty  of 
into  a  perpetual  league  of  friendship,  commerce,  and  peace, 

Vox..  I.  L* 


74  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  mutual  defence.  Massasoiet  was  to  give  notice  of 
the  treaty  to  all  his  confederates,  diat  they  might  not 

Ma .        injure  the  plantation ;  but  enjoy  all  the  advantages  of 

22d.  the  alliance.  The  governour  conducted  the  Indian 
prince  to  the  brook,  where  he  was  received,  and  sa- 
luting each  other  they  parted.  Quadequina  and  his 
troop  were  then  conducted  into  the  town,  and  enter- 
tained in  a  manner  highly  pleasing  to  them  and  their 
prince.  Having  finished  their  business,  the  hostages 
were  exchanged,  and  the  royal  train  departed.  The 
savage  king  was  a  tall  portly  man,  in  the  best  period 
of  life,  of  a  grave  countenance  and  sparing  of 
speech.*  This  treaty  gave  general  peace  to  the 
country,  and  laid  a  foundation  for  an  amicable  cor- 
respondence with  the  original  nations,  not  only  high- 
ly beneficial  to  Plymouth,  but  to  all  the  future  settle- 
ments for  many  years. 

Squanto  stayed  with  the  colonists,  was  their  inter- 
preter among  the  nations,  instructed  them  in  the  man- 
ner of  planting  and  dressing  their  corn,  and  with  re- 
spect to  the  most  advantageous  places  for  their  fishe- 
ry. He  was  their  guide  to  places  unknown,  their 
assistant  in  matters  of  treaty  and  commerce,  and  be- 
yond all  expectation,  an  instrument  of  great  public 
good  to  the  colony.  He  continued  with  them  until 
his  death. y  Another  Indian  named  Hobbamock, 
one  of  Massasoiet's  pianese,  a  stout  young  man,  and 
of  much  influence  among  the  Indian  nations,  came 
and  resided  among  them,  and  was  not  less  faithful 
and  beneficial  to  the  plantation  than  Squanto.  Thus, 
without  their  seeking,  the  Supreme  Ruler,  sent  them 
interpreters  and  messengers  of  peace  ;  and  overruled 
an  instance  of  villany,  which  had  thrown  all  the  In- 
1621.  dians,  in  New-England,  into  a  state  of  hostility  to- 
wards the  English,  for  their  advantage,  and  for  the 
benefit  of  all  the  future  plantations. 

April,  Soon  after  the  treaty  with  Massasoiet,  the  compa- 

gove ,-nour       sustained  a  sore  loss  and  affliction,  in  the  death  of 

Carver  J 

*  Prince's  Chron.  parti. p.  100 — 103.     f  New-England  Memorial  p. 27- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  75 

Mr.  John  Carver  their  governour.  He  was  a  gentle-  ch  w. 
man  of  singular  piety,  condescension,  fortitude,  and 
public  spirit.  He  had  been  agent  for  the  company 
in  England,  and  had  spent  the  greatest  part  of  a  good 
fortune  in  the  present  enterprize.  He  had  greatly 
endeared  himself  to  the  colony,  not  only  by  many 
important  public  services,  but  by  his  great  humili- 
ty, and  numerous  kind  offices  in  private  life.  They 
gave  him  all  the  honours  at  his  funeral  which  were 
in  their  power :  and,  under  their  afflictions  exhibited 
an  example  of  brotherly  love,  patience,  submission, 
and  fortitude,  not  less  extraordinary  than  their  suf- 
ferings.* \ 

Mr.  William  Bradford  was  chosen  to  succeed 
him  in  the  government,  and  Isaac  Allerton  was  ap- 
pointed his  assistant. 

Sensible  of  the  importance  of  peace  with  the  na-  Embassa„ 
tives,  the  beginning  of  July  the  governour  despatched  dors  sent 
messengers  with  presents  to  Massasoiet ;  more  firm-  to.  Massa* 
ly  to  engage  his  friendship  and  establish  the  peace  : 
to  view  the  country  and  obtain  a  more  perfect  knowl- 
edge of  its  numbers  and  military  strength.  Among 
other  things  they  presented  their  royal  ally  with  a 
red  cotton  coat  with  lace  trimmings,  which  very 
highly  pleased  his  savage  majesty.  In  return,  he 
treated  them  with  all  the  honours  and  civilities  in  his 
power.  Mr.  Winslow  was  lodged  in  the  royal  bed, 
which  was  constructed  of  a  few  planks,  elevated 
about  a  foot  from  the  ground.  At  one  end  of  it 
lodged  the  king  and  queen,  under  a  thin  mat ;  and  at 
the  other,  Mr.  Hopkins  the  other  embassador,  with  a 
number  of  Massasoiet's  grandees.  The  Indians  in 
the  country,  on  their  way,  treated  them  with  uncom- 
mon kindness ;  supplying  them  with  provisions,  car- 
rying their  baggage,  and  even  conveying  them  on 
their  backs  over  the  rivers  and  deep  waters. 

In  November,  their  agent  Mr.  Cushman  arrived 
in  the  ship  Fortune,  with  a  recruit  of  thirty-five  new 

*  N.  Eng.  Memorial,  p.  33,  34. 


76  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   planters,  unhappily  she  brought  no  provisions  for  the 
.  plantation,  and  was  but  poorly  furnished  for  her  own 

1621.  people.  Her  immediate  return  was  necessary  ;  but 
she  could  not  sail,  till  she  was  victualled  by  this 
needy  people,  who  were  in  want  themselves.  Such, 
however  were  their  self-denial  and  exertions,  that  in 
about  a  month  she  was  victualled,  and  laden  with  furs 
and  other  articles  to  a  large  amount. 

By  reason  of  the  increase  of  their  numbers,  and  the 
diminution  of  their  stores,  it  now  became  necessary, 
to  put  all  the  planters  on  half  allowance,  for  the  term 
of  six  months.  They  had  enjoyed  a  great  degree  of 
health  during  the  summer  and  fall,  and  with  exemplary 
harmony  and  diligence,  had  prosecuted  the  various 
business  of  the  plantation.  By  the  close  of  the  year 
they  had  built  seven  dwelling  houses,  and  four  for 
public  use.  These  small  beginnings  cost  them  not 
only  many  lives,  but  nearly  two  thousand  pounds 
sterling,  exclusive  of  all  private  expenses. 

Early  the  next  winter  reports  were  spread  that  the 
Narragansets  were  meditating  an  attack  on  the  plan- 
tation. It  was  therefore  determined  to  empale  the 
whole  town,  inclosing  the  top  of  the  hill  under  which 
March  it  was  built.  By  the  beginning  of  March  the  fortifi- 
1622.  cations  were  completed,  the  people  assigned  to  their 
respective  posts,  and  every  precaution  was  taken  to 
prevent  a  surprise. 

Meanwhile  great  accessions  had  been  made  to  the 
colony  in  Virginia.  Twenty-one  ships  had  arrived, 
in  which  came  over  1300  men,  women,  and  children. 
This  was  effected  principally  by  private  adventurers. 
They  considered  the  work  as  truly  christian  and  glo- 
rious in  itself,  and  of  the  highest  consequence  to  the 
realm  of  England.  Sir  Francis  Wyat  had  been  ap- 
pointed governour,  and  came  over  with  special  di- 
rections, that  the  colony  should  regard  the  service 
of  Almighty  God,  and  train  up  the  people  in  the  prac- 
tice of  religion  and  virtue.  But  while  the  affairs  of 
the  colony  were  assuming  the  most  flattering  aspect, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  77 

it  was,  all  on  a  sudden,  surprised,  and  came  near  a   chap, 
total  destruction. 

Most  of  its  settlements  had  been  made  in  a  scatter-  1622% 
ing  manner,  where  the  planters  could  find  a  rich  vein 
of  land,  or  an  agreeable  situation.  The  Indians  had 
such  constant  familiarity  with  them,  that  they  knew 
every  hut,  field,  and  corner,  where  they  might  be 
found.  They  were  not  insensible  of  the  advantage, 
which  these  circumstances  afforded  them,  to  surprise 
and  cut  them  all  off  at  one  fatal  blow.  They  saw 
with  pain  the  encroachments  they  were  making  on 
their  lands,  and  though  they  kept  up  the  fairest  ap- 
pearances, yet  they  had  laid  up,  in  their  revengeful 
breasts,  the  remembrance  of  all  the  past  injuries 
ivhich  they  had  received.  Opechancanough,  succes- 
sor to  Powhatan,  was  a  haughty,  politic,  and  bloody 
man,  intent  on  the  destruction  of  the  English,  when- 
ever a  fair  opportunity  should  present.  He  there- 
fore concerted  the  plan  of  a  general  massacre  of  the 
colony.  So  general  was  the  combination,  among  all 
his  confederates,  and  so  deeply  laid  the  plot,  that  they 
had  warning  through  all  their  habitations  ;  and  every 
nation  and  party  had  their  station  and  part  assigned 
them. 

On  the  22d  of  March,  about  noon,  when  the  men  Massacre 
were  generally  unarmed  and  at  work,  they  rose  upon  jJ^JJck' 
them,  and  in  one  hour,  nay,  almost  in  the  same  in-  22d. 
stant,  three  hundred  and  forty  seven  men,  women, 
and  children  fell  by  their  bloody  hands.  So  silent 
and  sudden  was  the  destruction,  that  few  perceived 
the  weapon  by  which  they  fell.  In  this  general  car- 
nage six  of  their  council  were  slain.  The  murderers 
slew  all  before  them,  without  pity  or  remorse,  with- 
out regard  to  age,  sex,  dignity,  or  friendship.  This 
massacre  would  have  been  much  more  dreadful  than 
it  was,  had  it  not  been  for  a  merciful  interposition  of 
providence.  A  christian  Indian  had  been  solicited, 
by  his  brother,  the  preceding  evening,  to  kill  one 
Mr.  Pace,  with  whom  he  lived  :  and  by  this  cir- 
cumstance, became  acquainted  with  the  design  which 


78  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  hacl  been  formed  of  extirpating  the  whole  colony  on 
the  morrow.  Instead  of  murdering  Mr.  Pace  he 
1622.  immediately  acquainted  him  with  the  plot.  Intelli- 
gence of  it  was  communicated  to  Jamestown  and 
other  places  with  all  possible  despatch.  Wherever 
it  came,  and  the  people  were  on  their  guard,  the  sav- 
ages ran  off  abandoning  their  attempt.  Such,  how- 
ever, was  the  slaughter,  as  gave  a  grievous  wound 
to  this  yet  weak  and  infant  colony.  It  spread  such 
general  consternation,  that  the  small  plantations  were 
abandoned,  and  the  people  drawn  together  at  five  or 
six  of  the  best  and  most  defensible  towns.  In  the 
hurry  and  confusion  of  moving,  many  cattle  and  a  great 
quantity  of  goods  were  left,  and  afterwards  destroyed 
by  the  Indians.  They  plundered  and  burned  houses, 
mills,  the  iron  works,  and  every  thing  which  came 
in  their  way.  Mr.  Thorpe  the  superintendant  of  the 
college  was  slain,  the  college  lands  deserted,  and  that 
benevolent  institution,  which  was  designed  for  their 
benefit,  was  entirely  defeated  by  their  own  hands.* 
Some  of  the  inhabitants  sustained  such  losses,  that 
they  were  reduced  to  famine. 

While  the  Virginians  were  mourning  their  losses, 
the  people  of  New-Plymouth,  who  through  the  win- 
ter, had  subsisted  at  half  allowance,  began  to  ex- 
perience the  distresses  of  famine.  By  the  beginning 
of  May,  they  had  expended  their  provisions.  With 
all  the  earnestness  of  a  people,  on  the  point  of  fam- 
ishing, they  looked  for  supplies  ;  but  they  looked  in 
vain.  The  Fortune,  which,  with  so  much  exertion 
Great  and  self  denial,  they  had  fitted  for  sea,  and  by  the 
scarcity,  return  of  which  they  expected  a  supply,  just  as  she 
arrived  on  the  English  coast,  was  taken,  carried  into 
France,and  robbed  of  every  thing  valuable.  But  in  this 
extremity,  his  liberal  hand  who  supplies  the  wants 
of  every  living  thing,  made  provision  for  their  relief. 
Captain  Hudson,  who  came,  that  spring,  on  a  fish- 
ing voyage  into  the  eastern  parts  of  New-England, 
sent  to  the  governour  an  obliging  letter,  certifying  him 

*  Styth's  hist,  from  p.  208—213. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  79 

of  the  massacre  of  the  Virginians  ;  and  expressing  chap. 
his  wishes,  that  the  plantation  might  derive  caution 
and  benefit,  from  the  slaughter  of  their  countrymen.  1622 
The  governour  immediately  despatched  Mr.  Win- 
slow  to  represent  to  him  the  pitiable  state  of  the  colo- 
ny ;  and,  if  possible,  to  obtain  some  assistance.  Great 
was  the  humanity,  with  which  the  captain  treat- 
ed Mr.  Winslow.  He  not  only  furnished  him 
with  what  provisions  he  could  spare,  but  used  his 
influence  with  others  on  the  coast,  to  excite  the 
same  benevolence.  By  these  means,  so  much  bread 
was  obtained,  as  amounted  to  four  ounces  a  day, 
for  each  person  till  the  harvest.  On  the  return  of 
Mr.  Winslow,  he  found  the  people  indeed  in  a  most 
miserable  condition.  Both  their  strength  and  their 
flesh  failed,  for  want  of  bread.  Some  began  to  swell, 
and  had  it  not  been  for  the  shell  fish,  which  they 
caught  along  the  shore,  they  must  have  perished. 

The  Indians  apprized  of  their  weakness  began  to 
insult  them,  boasting,  that,  in  a  short  time,  they 
should  be  able  to  cut  them  off  with  ease.  The  dis- 
aster in  Virginia,  with  these  insults,  so  alarmed  the 
colony,  that,  in  addition  to  their  other  works,  they 
built  a  strong  and  handsome  fort,  on  the  hill,  which 
overlooked  the  whole  town.  On  this,  they  moun- 
ted their  cannon,  and  kept  a  constant  guard.  It  was 
erected  not  only  with  a  view  to  the  common  safety, 
but  for  the  more  secure  and  convenient  celebration 
of  the  public  worship. 

Though  the  colonists  had  employed  their  utmost 
exertion   in  the  cultivation  of  the  earth,  and  in  trade  1623. 
with  the  Indians,  to  furnish  themselves  with  provisions, 
yet   as   they  had   no  supplies   from    England,  they 
had  again  the  next  year,  the  sad  experience  of  fam- 
ine.      In    the   months   of   February    and    March,  Want  of 
they    were    obliged    to    subsist    chiefly  on    ground provisIon- 
nuts,    clams,  muscles,  and  such   miserable  food  as 
could  be  obtained  from  the  gleanings  of  the  forest 
and  the  sea  shore.     They  therefore,  this  spring,  de- 
termined, if  possible,  to  take  such  effectual  measures 


gO  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap    to  obtain  a  plentiful  harvest,  as  should  prevent  their 
languishing,  in  future,  as  they  had  belore  done  with 
Exenions  nunger  and  want.     All  the  youth  were  ranged  under 
to  prevent  particular  families,  and  each  family   had  the  encour- 
famme.      agement  of  enjoying  the  advantages  of  its  own  labours. 
This  drew  the  whole  strength  of  the  colony  into  ex- 
ertion.    The  very  women  and  children  went  into  the 
field.     Such  quantities  of  corn  were  planted,  as  much 
exceeded  what  had  been  done  in  any  of  the  preceding 
years. 

But  by  the  time  their  planting  was  finished,  their 
provisions  were  spent,  and  they  had  neither  bread  nor 
corn  for  three  or  four  months.  At  night  they  knew 
not  where  they  should  find  a  morsel  in  the  morning.*' 
Some  were  appointed  to  hunt,  and  others  to  fish,  and 
what  could  be  obtained  in  these  ways  was  amicably 
divided  among  them.  Thus  they  subsisted  on  wild 
game  and  the  natural  fruits  of  the  country  till  the 
harvest. 

In  addition  to  this,  a  new  scene  of  distress  presen- 
ted. Notwithstanding  the  care,  which  the  people 
had  taken,  for  the  securing  of  a  plentiful  harvest,  yet, 
about  mid-summer  their  expectations  seemed  to  be 
wholly  defeated.  From  the  third  week  in  May,  till 
the  middle  of  July,  they  were  visited  with  uncom- 
mon drought  and  heat.  Not  only  the  blade,  but  the 
stalks  of  the  corn  withered,  as  though  they  had 
been  entirely  dead.f  The  ships  and  supplies,  which 
had  long  been  expected  from  England  did  not  arrive 
Despond-  and  it  was  concluded  that  they  were  lost.  The  peo- 
encyofthe  pje  therefore,  seeing  nothing  but  famine  and  certain 
co  oms  s.  destruction  before  them,  sunk  into  great  discourage- 
ment. They  say,  "  The  most  courageous  are  now 
discouraged.  Now  are  our  hopes  overthrown, 
our  joy  being  turned  into  mourning."  In  these 
depths  of  affliction  they  repaired  to  Him,  who  could 

*  Morton's  Memorial,  p.  49,  50.     Prince's  Cliron.  p.  ii.  p.  135. 
f  Page  137,  138,  139.     Mr.   Morton  mistaking  governour  Bradford, 
has  wrongly  placed  this  drought  in  the  preceding  year.     Several  oth- 
ers have  followed  his  mistake. 


t/NITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  8X 

furnish  a  table  in  the  wilderness,  and  sought  his 
merciful  interposition.  The  morning  of  their  fast, 
was  hot  and  fair  without  a  cloud;  but  before  the  public  1633. 
solemnities  were  concluded,  the  heavens  were  overcast. 
Soon  the  rain  began  to  descend  in  gentle  and  plente- 
ous showers  which  continued,byturns,for  several  days, 
till  the  earth  was  thoroughly  soaked.  The  corn  revived 
even  to  admiration,  and  promised  a  joyful  harvest. 

Soon  after  the  long  expected  ships  arrived.  With 
them  came  a  good  vessel,  built  for  the  service  of  the 
plantation. 

In  these  ships  arrived  sixty  new  planters,  generally  Fn.end? 
in  good  health.  Some  of  them  were  the  wives  and  chil- 
dren of  those,  who  came  first  to  Plymouth.  Some  others, 
Mr.  Timothy  Hatherly,  Mr.  George  Morton,  and  Mr. 
John  Jenny,  were  men  of  considerable  character,  and 
of  singular  importance  and  service  to  the   colony. 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  that  strange  composi-  Descrip- 
tion  of  chagrin,  sorrow,  sympathy,  and  joy,  which,  u°n. of 
at  this  meeting  presented  themselves  in  the  most  meeting: 
lively  colours.  The  first  planters  had  received  no 
supplies  of  clothing  since  their  arrival.  They  were 
therefore  not  only  pale  with  famine,  but  they  were 
miserably  clothed.  When  the  passengers  came  on 
shore  and  saw  their  extreme  poverty,  they  were  fill- 
ed with  sadness  and  dismay.  Some  burst  into  tears, 
and  passionately  wished  themselves  again  in  their 
native  country.  In  the  poverty  and  distress  of  this 
poor  people,  they  imagined  they  foresaw  their  own 
future  miseries.  Some  felt  the  lively  exercises  of 
sympathetic  commiseration  for  the  calamitous  state 
of  their  friends.  Others  greatly  rejoiced  at  the  pres- 
ent interview.  Parents  and  children,  husbands  and 
wives,  brethren  and  sisters,  embraced  each  other, 
with  endearments  peculiar  to  such  relatives,  after  a 
long  and  painful  separation.* 

The  best  dish,  with  which  the  colony  were  able 
to  furnish  these  welcome  guests,  was  a  lobster  with-  * 

*  New-England  Memorial,  p.  54. 

Vol.  I.  n  V 


g2  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  out  bread  or  any  other  article,  excepting  a  cup  of 
fair  spring  water.  They  made  this  remark  on  their 
1623.  manner  of  living.  "  The  long  continuance  of  this 
diet,  with  our  labours  abroad,  has  somewhat  abated 
the  freshness  of  our  complexion,  but  God  gives  us 
health."*  The  welcome  harvest  came,  and  the  face 
of  affairs  was  changed.  Plenty  succeeded  famine, 
and  their  hearts  were  filled  with  food  and  gladness. 
In  the  mean  time  the  Virginians  took  an  ample 
revenge  for  the  slaughter  of  their  fellow  colonists. 

Massacre  In  the  fall  after  the  massacre,  they  burned  several  of 

revenged.  ^  jn^jan  towns,  and  took  from  them  nearly  4,000 
bushels  of  corn.  In  consequence  of  these  depreda- 
tions, the  enemy  the  next  winter  were  reduced  to 
famine  and  great  distress. 

July  23d.  The  next  July,  four  or  five  different  parties  were 
detached  to  attack  them,  at  the  same  time,  in  so 
many  different  places.  They  all  falling  upon 
them  on  the  same  day,  made  a  very  consider- 
able slaughter.  Some  of  their  kings  and  war 
•  captains  were  slain,  their  corn  and  settlements 
destroyed.  They  were  so  weakened  and  brok- 
en, that  the  planters,  in  confidence  of  their  inabili- 
ty to  injure  them,  returned  again  to  the  towns  and 
settlements  which  they  had  abandoned.  The  har- 
vest was  plenteous,  and  the  state  of  the  colony  be- 
came easy  and  comfortable. 

1624.  Tne  next  spring  Mr.  Winslow,  agent  for  the  col- 

ony of  Plymouth,  brought  over  a  good  supply  of 
clothing  and  some  neat  cattle.  These  were  the  first 
imported  into  New-England.  Goats,  hogs,  and 
poultry,  had  been  transported  into  the  country,  and 
had  increased  exceedingly. 

London         a  qUO  warranto  was  this  year  issued,  by  his  Brit- 
company     •  *"•/*•  •  i  t-i  r 

dissolved,  isn  majesty,  against  the  great  London  company  for 
planting  Virginia.  It  consisted  of  more  than  a 
thousand  adventurers.  More  than  two  hundred  of 
them  were  earls,  knights,  and  noblemen,  of  the  first 

*  Prince's  Chron,  part  ii.  p.  140. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  83 

rank  and  character  in  the  nation.     Many  others  were    chap. 
merchants  and  gentlemen  of  principal  figure  and  for- 
tunes.    But  on  the  15th  of  July,  they  were  wholly     1624 
broken  up,  by  the  king  and  his  ministers.     Their 
records,  books  of  account,  and  papers,  were  all  seiz- 
ed and  taken  from  them.     They  had  paid  the  great- 
est attention  to  their  business,  and  neglected  their 
own  private  affairs,  to  promote  the  growth  and  pros- 
perity of  the  colony.      Beside  all    their   time  and 
trouble,  they  had  expended  more  than  a  hundred 
thousand    pounds   of  their    own  private  property. 
Great  sums  were  due  to  the  company.      Nearly  a 
thousand  pounds  were  due  from  Sir  Thomas  Smith, 
their  first  treasurer.     But  they  never  could  recover 
their  books,  papers,  nor  debts.     Neither  could  they 
ever  obtain  any  compensation,  for  the  damage  done 
to  them  and    the    colony,  by    governour   Argall.* 
Previous  to  the  incorporation  of  this  company  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  had  expended,  in  his  enterprises  and 
attempts  to  make  settlements,  40,000/.  without  the 
aid  of  a  shilling  from  the  crown.     Nor  had  the  gov- 
ernment ever  granted  the  least  aid,  nor  been  at  the 
least  expense  for  the  colony,  from  its  commence- 
ment to  the  then  present  time.f/ln  the  short  period 
of  about  seventeen  years  king  James  granted,  super- 
seded, or  vacated  three  successive  charters.     The 
first,  to  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and  others,  was  supersed-  charters 
ed,  by  his   letters   patent,   May  3d,    1609,   to  the vacated* 
earl  of  Salisbury  and  others,  incorporating  them,  by 
the  name  of  The  treasurer  and  company  of  adventur- 
ers and  planters  of  the  city  of  London,  for  the  first 
colony  in  Virginia.     This  grant  conveyed  to  them 
and  their  successors,  all  the  lands  in  Virginia,  two 
hundred  miles  north  and  south  of  point    Comfort, 
along  the  sea  coast :  and  this  breadth,  of  four  hun- 
dred miles,  throughout  all  the  main  land  from  sea 
to  sea.     It  also  conveyed  all  the  islands  within  one 
hundred  miles  of  any  part  of  it ;    with  all  the  com- 

•  Styth's  History,  book  V.  f  Jefferson's  Notes,  p.  194. 


£4,  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  modities,  jurisdictions,  royalties,  franchises,  and  pre- 
eminences within,  or  appertaining  to  the  same ;  in 
1624.  as  ample  a  manner  as  had  been  before  granted  to 
any  adventurer.  This  territory  was  to  be  holden  in 
common  soccage  of  the  king  and  his  successors,  giv- 
ing one  fifth  part  of  the  geld  and  silver  ore  in  lieu  of 
all  other  services.  /The  charter  established  a  coun- 
cil in  England  for  the  direction  of  the  enterprise. 
The  members  of  it  were  to  be  chosen  and  displaced 
by  the  voice  of  a  majority  of  the  company  and  ad- 
venturers. They  had  also  the  nomination  and  revo- 
cation of  governours,  officers,  and  ministers,  which 
they  should  judge  necessary  for  the  colony.  They 
were  vested  with  plenary  powers  of  establishing  laws, 
forms  of  government,  and  magistracy,  obligatory  not 
only  in  the  colony,  but  on  the  seas,  in  passing  from 
the  respective  countries.  It  also  granted  to  the  col- 
onists all  the  rights  of  natural  subjects,  as  if  born  and 
abiding  in  the  realm  of  England.  It  contained  a  de- 
claration, that,  in  all  doubtful  cases,  these  letters  should 
be  construed  in  such  a  manner  as  should  be  most 
for  the  benefit  of  the  grantees.  This  second,  was 
superseded  by  a  third  charter,  March  12th,  1612,  in 
which  were  included  all  islands  in  any  part  of  the 
ocean,  between  the  30th  and  41st  degrees  of  latitude, 
and  within  three  hundred  leagues  of  any  of  the  parts 
afore  granted.  The  design  of  this  was,  to  give  the 
company  and  colony  the  Summer  islands.* 
Civil  con-  By  virtue  of  the  authorities  given  by  these  char- 
5fv£gL  ters>  tne  company,  on  the  24th  of  July,  1621,  estab- 
*$.  lished  a   form  of  government  under  their  common 

seal.  This,  for  the  future,  ordained,  that  there  should 
be  two  supreme  councils  in  Virginia.  One  to  be 
called  the  council  of  state ;  to  be  placed  and  displac- 
ed, by  the  treasurer,  council  in  England,  and  com- 
pany, from  time  to  time,  whose  office  was  to  give 
advice  and  assistance  to  the  governour.  The  other, 
was  to  be  called  the  general  assembly,  to  be  conven- 

*  Styth's  History.    In  hia  appendix  the  charters  may  be  seen  at  large, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  85 

cd  once  annually  by  the  governour,  or  oftener  as  cir-  chap. 
cumstances  might  render  it  necessary.  This  was  to 
consist  of  the  council  of  state,  and  two  burgesses  out  162j 
of  every  town,  hundred,  or  plantation,  to  be  respec- 
tively chosen  by  the  inhabitants.  In  the  assembly 
all  matters  were  to  be  determined  by  a  majority  of 
the  votes  present.  The  governour  had  a  negative 
voice.  The  assembly  had  the  power  of  enacting 
laws  for  the  government  of  the  colony,  of  treating, 
consulting,  and  determining,  on  all  emergencies,  for 
the  common  safety  and  happiness.  Their  laws  and 
government,  were,  as  nearly  as  might  be,  to  imitate 
the  laws  and  policy  of  England.  No  laws  were  to 
have  any  validity  till  ratified  in  a  general  quarterly 
court  of  the  company  in  England,  and  returned  un- 
der their  common  seal.  It  was  provided,  nevertheless, 
that  after  the  government  of  the  colony  should  be 
well  framed  and  settled,  no  orders  of  the  council  in 
England,  should  bind  the  colony,  unless  ratified  in 
the  said  assembly.  This  was  the  ancient  constitu- 
tion of  Virginia.  The  company  transported  more 
than  9,000  English  subjects  into  Virginia,  which 
cost  them  150,000/.  Besides  this,  and  all  private 
expenses,  the  settlement  of  the  colony  cost  about 
4,000  lives.*  King  James,  on  the  dissolution  of  the 
company,  took  the  colony  into  an  immediate  depend- 
ence on  the  crown,  to  be  governed  by  mere  preroga- 
tive. 

At  the  close  of  this  year  the  town  of  New-  Ply m- 
outh  contained  thirty  two  dwelling  houses,  and  one 
hundred  and  eighty  inhabitants.  Such  had  been  their 
health,  for  the  term  of  three  years,  that,  among  the 
first  planters,  there  had  not  been  an  instance  of  death. 

In  November  1626  this  small  and  indigent  people  Nov.i62& 
came  to  a  composition  with  the  company  in  England. 
For  the  consideration   of  1800/.  sterling,  they  made 
a  consignment  of  all  their  lands,  stocks,  shares,  mer- 
chandizes, and  chattels  to  the  colony.     The  other 


*  Styth's  Hist.  p.  306,  compared  with  p.  311,  312. 


gg  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

debts  of  the  colony  were  not  less  than  600/.  Yet, 
such  was  the  harmony  and  industry  of  this  people, 
1626  ^at  in  a  few  years,  they  effected  the  payment  of  the 
whole  debt.  Such  was  their  brotherly  love,  that  they 
were  not  only  at  the  expense  of  bringing  over  their 
brethren  from  Ley  den  gratis,  but  of  furnishing  them 
after  their  arrival  with  a  year's  provisions.*  The  ex- 
pense of  this  was  considerably  more  than  the  whole 
amount  of  their  public  debt.f 

They  obtained  an  ample  patent,  from  the  council 
for  New-England,  conveying  to  them  a  considerable 
territory,  where  they  made  their  first  settlements. 
This  was  chiefly  within  the  limits  of  the  county  of 
Plymouth.  It  also  conveyed  another  tract,  under  the 
description  of  "All  that  part  of  New-England  between 
the  utmost  limits  of  Capersecont,  or  Camascecont, 
which  adjoineth  to  the  river  Kennebeck,  and  the  falls 
of  Negumke,  with  the  said  river  itself,  and  the 
space  of  fifteen  miles  on  each  side  between  the  bounds 
above  said."  The  council  granted  the  colony,  as 
ample  powers  of  government,  as  had  been  granted  to 
them  by  his  British  majesty's  letters  patent.  They 
had  no  charter,  or  powers  of  government,  from  the 
king;f  but  in  his  letters  to  the  colony  their  rights 
were  as  fully  recognized  as  those  of  the  other  colo- 
Constitu-  nies.  Their  government  was  entirely  by  voluntary 
NeVpiy-  comPact*  On  the  23d  of  March  the  governour  and 
mouth,  assistants  were  annually  elected  from  among  them- 
selves. •  Till  the  year  1624,  they  had  only  a  govern- 

*  Prince's  Chron.  part  ii.p.  166,  163,  169, 192. 

f  They  were  brought  over  at  four  different  times,  October  9th, 
1621,  36  arrived  ;  July,  1623,  60  ;  August,  1629,  35  with  their  fami- 
lies ;  probably  about  a  hundred  and  seventy  persons.  In  May,  1630, 
about  60  more  arrived  ;  making  in  the  whole  316.  From  accounts  now 
before  me,  it  appears,  that  the  whole  expense  of  their  transportation 
amounted  to  2690/.  sterling.  The  whole  number  of  Mr,  Robinson's 
congregation,  which  came  over,  was  about  417.  The  whole  expense 
cf  transporting  this  colony,  with  their  arms  and  effects  maybe  esti- 
mated at  4,690/.. 

*  They  expended  500/.  sterling  to  obtain  a  royal  charter;  his  maj- 
esty consented,  and  the  solicitor  was  ordered  to  draw  it  up,  but  the 
agents  petitioning  for  an  exemption  from  the  customs  for  seven  years 
inward  and  twenty  One  outward,  the  lord  treasurer  refused,  and  it 
jiever  passed  the  seals. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  67 

our  with  one  assistant.     From  this  period  five  were   chap. 

annually  chosen,  and  the  governour  had  a  double    ' 

voice.  The  number  of  assistants  was  afterwards  in-  162$, 
creased  to  seven.  The  governour  and  his  assistants 
went  under  the  general  name  of  the  associates  of  the 
colony  of  New- Plymouth.  They  were  to  all  intents 
the  representatives  of  the  people.  All  laws  were  en- 
acted and  all  government  managed  by  them  for  al- 
most twenty  years.  In  1639  the  towns,  for  the  first 
time  sent  deputies.  Their  first  general  assembly  was 
convened  the  same  year  on  the  fourth  of  June.  They 
had  a  few  laws,  which  they  termed  general  fundamen- 
tals ;  and  some  others  adapted  to  their  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances ;  but,  in  general,  they  were  governed 
by  the  common  law  and  statutes  of  England.  Their 
fundamentals  secured  to  them  all  the  rights  of  free 
born  English  subjects.  Agreeably  to  them,  no  acts, 
laws,  nor  ordinances  could  be  imposed  on  them,  but 
such  as  were  enacted  by  the  consent  of  the  body  of 
the  freemen  or  associates,  or  their  representatives  le- 
gally assembled.  No  person  could  be  endamaged 
with  respect  to  life,  limb,  liberty,  name,  or  estate, 
but  by  some  express  law  of  the  general  court,  or  by 
the  laws  of  England.  They  secured  to  them  the 
right  of  trial  by  jury  ;  and  made  provision,  that  jus- 
tice should  neither  be  sold,  denied,  nor  cause- 
lessly deferred  ;  but  impartially  administred  to  all. 
Thus,  after  all  preceding  attempts  to  make  settle- 
ments, in  this  part  of  the  continent,  though  made  by 
several  noble  personages,  and  at  great  expense  had 
failed,  this  small  and  indigent  people,  at  their  sole  ex- 
pense, by  their  union  and  industry  accomplished  a 
firm  settlement.  They  effected  a  general  peace  with 
the  natives,  and  established  a  free  and  permanent 
government. 

While  the  colony  of  New-Plymouth  was  rising  in- 
to public  credit  and  importance,  large  bodies  of  re- 
ligious people  in  England  were  making  prepara- 
tions for  more  extensive  settlements  in  New-England . 


88  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.       On  the  19th  of  March  1628,  the  council  for  New- 

England  granted  unto  Sir  Henry  Roswell,  Sir  John 

1628.     Young,  knights,    Thomas  Southcoat,    John   Hum- 
Massa-      phreys,  John  Endicot,  and  Simon  Whetcomb,  their 
patent,18    neirs>  assigns,  and  associates  for  ever,  all  that  part  of 
March      New-England  in  America,  which   lies  and  extends 
29th,  1628.  between  Merrimack  river  and  Charles  river  in  the 
bottom  of  Massachusetts-Bay,  and  three  miles  to  the 
north  and  south  of  every  part  of  Charles  river,  and 
three  miles  southward  of  the  southermost  part  of  said 
bay,  and  three  miles  north  of  every  part  of  Merri- 
mack  river,  and  "all  lands  and  hereditaments  what- 
soever lying  within    the  limits  aforesaid  north   and 
south,  in  latitude  and  in  breadth,  and  in  length  and 
longitude,  of   and  within    all  the  breadth  aforesaid 
throughout  the  main  lands  there,  from  the  Atlantic 
sea  and  ocean  on  the  east  part,  to  the  south  sea  on 
the  west  part."* 

•  Mr.  White,  minister  of  Dorchester,  in  England, 
was  fixed  in  the  design  of  making  a  settlement  in 
New-England,  for  the  purposes  of  religion ;  whither 
nonconformists  might  transport  themselves,  and  en- 
joy the  blessings  of  liberty  in  worship  and  discipline. 
Therefore  effecting  art  acquaintance  and  association 
between  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Matthew  Cradock, 
and  John  Venn,  Esquires,  who  were  of  the  Dorches- 
ter grantees,  and  a  number  of  religious  gentlemen  in 
London  and  its  vicinity,  he  negotiated  a  treaty  for 
the  patent  between  them  and  the  original  patentees. 
These  associates;  having  made  a  purchase  of  the  pa- 
tent, sent  over  Mr.  John  Endicot,  one  of  the  original 
patentees,  with  planters  and  whatever  was  necessary 
for  the  beginning  of  a  new  colony.  In  September  he 
arrived  at  Naumkeak  and  settled  the  town  of  Salem. 
He  was  agent  to  transact  all  the  affairs  of  the  compa- 
ny till  the  arrival  of  the  patentees  themselves. 

*  Governour  Hutchinson  fixes  this  in  1627,  but,  according  to  the 
present  manner  of  dating  it  was  1628.  It  was  formerly  customary 
not  to  begin  the  date  of  the  new  year,  till  nearly  three  months  after 
the  first  of  January. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  89 

The  patent  from  the  council  of  Plymouth  convey-    chap. 
ed  a  complete  right  to  territory,   but  no  powers  of 
government.      The    associates    therefore  addressed      1629 
king  Charles  I.  for  a  charter  of  incorporation,  which 
should  confirm  their  patent  and  vest  them  with  civil 
powers.  This  passed  the  seals  March  4th,  1629.  This  1st  chart- 
ordained,  that  there  should  be  a    governour,  deputy  s™husett§ 
governour,and  eighteen  assistants  annually  chosen  out  granted 
of  the  freemen  of  the  company  ;  that  they,  and  all  ^2gCh4tl1 
who  should  be  made  free  of  the  company,  should  be 
for  ever  a  body  corporate  and  politic,  by  the  name  of 
the  governour  and  company  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  New-England,  and  have  perpetual  suc- 
cession.    Matthew  Cradock  was  appointed  the  first 
governour  and  Thomas  Goff  deputy  governour.  Both 
the  governours  and  magistrates  were  zealously  engag- 
ed to  make  a  firm  settlement  in  New-England,  for 
the  purposes  of  religion.     Six  ships  were  furnished 
by  the  company,  and  despatched  to  New-England. 
In  them  were  brought  over  nearly  400  men,  women, 
and  children.     About  140  neat  cattle,  a  number  of 
horses  and  goats,  great  quantities  of  provisions,  arms, 
and  ammunition  were  also  transported  into  the  colo- 
ny.    The  expense  of  the  transportation  was  3,360/, 
sterling.  * 

About  a  hundred  of  these  planters  began  a  planta- 
tion at  Mishawam,  which  they  named  Charles- 
town. 

The  other  planters  settled  at  Salem,  where  the  num- 
ber of  inhabitants  was  now  between  three  and  four 
hundred.     Here  a  church  was  formed,  and  Mr.  Skel-  First 
ton  was  ordained  pastor,  and  Mr.  Higginson  teacher,  and^rdi- 
This  was   the  first  completely  organized  church  in  nation, 
New-England.  Auff.6th. 

Meanwhile  the  Massachusetts  company  in  England 
were  making  vigorous  preparations  for  a  much  larger 
embarkation  than  had  yet  been  made;  and,  for  the  bet- 
ter government  of  the  colony  and  the  encouragement 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p.  182,  183. 

Vol.  I.  12 


9Q  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   of  gentlemen  of  quality  and  religion,  the  company  had 
IL       resolved  on  the  transportation  of  the  patent  and  cor- 
1630     poration  itself  from  Old  to  New-England. 

Early  the  next  spring  fourteen  ships  were  ready  to 
sail,  furnished  with  all  necessaries  to  plant  a  per- 
manent colony.  Three  others  were  afterwards  pro- 
vided. Eleven  of  them  arrived  in  New- England  be- 
fore the  middle  of  July,  and  before  the  end  of  the 
year  the  whole  seventeen  arrived.  In  these  ships 
came  over  more  than  fifteen  hundred  people.*  Ma- 
ny of  them  were  gentlemen  of  estate  and  figure,  edu- 
cated in  the  best  towns  and  cities  in  England.  Be- 
fore the  sailing  of  the  ships  from  England,  there  had 
been  a  new  election  of  governours  and  magistrates,  of 
such  gentlemen  as  were  willing  to  transport  themselves, 
and  undertake  the  government  of  the  colony.  John 
Winthrop,  Esq.  was  chosen  governour,  and  Thom- 
as Dudley,  Esq.  deputy  governour.  The  govern- 
Govern-  ours  arrived  at  Salem  in  the  Arabella  on  the  twelfth 
June  12th.  °f  June*  Four  of  the  magistrates,  Sir  Richard  Sal- 
tonstall,  Mr.  Johnson  and  his  lady,  William  Cod- 
dington  and  Charles  Fines,  Esquires,  arrived  with 
them  in  the  same  ship.  With  the  people  came  over 
four  ministers,  Messrs.  Maverick,  Warham,  Wil- 
son, and  Philips ;  to  illuminate  the  infant  churches, 
and  proclaim  in  the  wilderness  the  glad  tidings  of  sal- 
vation. Besides  other  cattle  there  were  brought  over 
nearly  three  hundred  kine. 

The  governour  on  his  arrival  found  the  colony  in 
very  disagreeable  circumstances.  They  had  lost 
eighty  of  their  numbers  the  preceding  winter,and  many 
of  the  survivors  were  in  a  miserably  weak,  and  sick- 
ly condition.  They  had  not  corn  enough  to  last  them 
more  than  a  fortnight,  and  their  other  provisions 
were  very  scanty.  Such  was  the  scarcity,  that  they 
had  liberated  all  their  servants,  that  they  might  shift 
for  themselves.  The  whole  number  Avas  a  hundred 
and  eighty.     They  had  cost  them  sixteen  and  twen- 

*  Hutch,  vol,  i.  p.  19. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  91 

ty  pounds  a  head.     So  that  they  sustained  a  loss  of 
more  than  three  thousand  pounds. 

Sometime  in  July  the  governour  with  about  1500      16^ 
people  arrived  at  Char lestown.*     Here  and  at  Boston,  Towns 
a  considerable   number   of  the  patentees  fixed  their  settled* 
abode,  under  the  pastoral  care  of  Mr.  Wilson  ;  Messrs. 
Warham  and  Maverick  with  their  people  settled  at 
Dorchester.     Sir  Richard  Saltonstall  and  his  compa- 
ny planted  themselves  at  Watertown.     Mr.  Philips 
was  chosen  their  pastor.    Mr.  Pynchon  with  another 
company  settled  Roxbury.     The  famous  Mr.  Eliot 
and  Mr.  Weld,  who  came  into  New- England  the 
next  year,  were  elected  their  ministers. 

As  several  of  the  ships  had  a  long  passage  of  seven- 
teen or  eighteen  weeks,  many  of  the  people  came  on 
shore  in  a  feeble  and  sickly  condition  ;  and  for  want 
of  convenient  food  and  lodgings,  the  sickness  exceed- 
ingly increased.  So  great  was  the  mortality,  that  be-  Molality. 
fore  the  close  of  the  year  two  hundred  of  them  were 
in  their  graves.  Among  these  were  some  of  their 
principal  characters.  With  them  was  that  excellent 
and  pious  lady,  Arabella,  who  was  celebrated  for  ma- 
ny virtues.  Though  she  had  been  educated  in  a  par- 
adise of  plenty  and  pleasure,  in  the  family  of  the  earl 
of  Lincoln,  yet  she  sacrificed  ease,  friends,  and  life  it- 
self, for  the  noble  purposes  of  planting  liberty  and 
Christianity  in  the  wilds  of  America.  Mr.  Johnson 
her  husband  survived  her  but  a  few  weeks.  He  died 
at  Boston  in  September  with  great  composure  and 
triumph,  rejoicing,  that  he  had  lived  to  see  a  church 
gathered  in  America.  He  was  the  second  in  the 
council,  and  had  much  the  largest  fortune  of  any,  who, 
at  that  time,  came  into  New-England.  He  was  high- 
ly characterized  for  wisdom,  piety,  and  benevolence. 
Mr.  Rossiter,  another  of  the  council,  died  in  October. 

The  whole  number  of  planters  who  arrived  in  the 
colony,  from  the  beginning,  before  the  close  of  the 
year  was  about  2000 ;  of  these  100  returned  to  Eng- 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p.  240. 


92 


CHAP. 
II. 


1631. 
Extreme 
eloid. 


Scarcity. 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

land,  200  died,  the  remaining  1,700  settled  eleven 
towns  or  villages,each  consisting,on  an  average,  of  150 
inhabitants,  nearly  thirty  families.* 

By  the  24th  of  December  the  weather  became  ex- 
tremely severe.  The  rivers  shut  over,  and  many  of 
the  people  froze.  Such  a  Christmas  as  the  succeed- 
ing day  they  had  never  before  seen.  From  this  time 
to  the  tenth  of  February  it  continued  so  extremely 
cold,  that  they  had  sufficient  employment  to  keep 
themselves  in  any  tolerable  measure  comfortable.  The 
poorer  sort  of  people,  lying  in  tents,  hovels,  and  mis- 
erable huts,sufrered  extremely  indeed.  Many  of  them 
died  of  the  scurvy  and  other  diseases.  By  spring 
they  were  generally  reduced  to  a  company  of  mourn- 
ers. There  was  scarcely  a  family  in  which  there  had 
not  been  a  death. f  Beside  the  sickness  and  loss  of 
friends,  they  were  reduced  to  great  distress  for  want  of 
provisions.  Several  of  the  ships,  which  came  the  last 
year,  neglected  to  bring  their  complement  of  provis- 
ion ;  and  much  of  that  which  had  been  brought  was 
damaged.  Many  therefore,  before  the  spring,  were 
obliged  to  subsist  upon  clams,  muscles,  and  other  shell 
fish, with  acorns  and  ground  nuts  instead  of  bread.  So 
great  and  general  was  the  scarcity,  that  even  at  the 
governour's  house  the  last  bread  was  in  the  oven. 
Such  were  the  extremities,  to  which  people  of  the  best 
fortunes  and  characters  were  reduced,  to  plant  church- 
es in  the  wilderness,  and  transmit  to  posterity  the  in- 
valuable enjoyments  of  liberty  and  undefiled  religion. 

Captain  Pierce  had  been  despatched,  late  in  the  fall, 
to  Ireland  for  provisions  ;  but  the  people  imagined  he 
had  been  taken  or  cast  away,  and  seeing  no  human 
prospect  of  relief  they  fell  into  great  fear  and  despond- 
ency. A  public  fast  had  been  appointed  on  the  sixth 
of  February,  to  seek  the  divine  aid.  He  who  delights 
to  appear  in  the  greatest  extremities  and  to  magnify 
his  mercies  by  the  seasonableness  of  them,  gave  this 
pious  people  sweet  experience  of  the  faithfulness  of 


*  Prince's  Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  31. 
I  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  6,  18,  20.      Hutch,  vol. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  93 

his  promise,  "Before   they   call    I   will  answer,  and   chap. 
whiles  they  are   yet  speaking  I  will  hear."      The 
very  day  before  the  appointed  fast,  Captain  Pierce      1631 
arrived,  in  the  ship  Lyon,  laden  with  provisions.  She 
had  a  stormy  passage  ;  and,  even  after  she  got  into 
the  harbour,  rode  amidst  drifts  of  ice  ;  yet,  in  mercy  Relief, 
to  this  famishing  colony,   came  safe  into  port.     On 
this  joyful  occasion,  the  governour   appointed  the 
twenty  second  of  the  month  a  day  of  thanksgiving 
throughout  the  plantations.* 

The  company  had  lost  on  board  their  ships  in  their 
passage  from  England,  and  in  the  winter,  more  than 
half  their  cattle.  A  milch  cow  was  valued  from 
twenty  five  to  thirty  pounds  sterling.  Provisions, 
in  England,  were  this  year,  excessively  dear.  Every 
bushel  of  wheat  flour  cost  fourteen  shillings  ster- 
ling. Peas  and  Indian  corn  each  bore  the  price 
often  shillings  by  the  bushel.  The  threats  and  hos- 
tile appearances  of  the  Indians  put  the  colony  into 
almost  continual  fear  and  alarm.  It  was  happy  in- 
deed, that,  in  their  feeble  state,  they  were  only  alarm- 
ed. On  this  account,  however,  they  sustained  no 
inconsiderable  damage.  It  disconcerted  their  plans, 
retarded  their  building  and  settlements  for  several 
months.  By  a  combination  of  these  various  circum- 
stances the  colony  was  exceedingly  impoverished.  Colony 
The  estates  of  the  undertakers,  in  particular,  receiv-  |n11lp^ver" 
ed  an  essential  injury.  The  stock,  in  which  they 
were  jointly  engaged,  to  the  amount  of  three  or  four 
thousand  pounds,  wa»reduced  to  so  many  hundreds. f 

At  a  general  court  of  election,  May  18th,  govern- 
our  Winthrop  and  governour  Dudley  were  re-e)ected 
to  their  respective  offices,  in  which  they  continued 
for  many  years. 

While  plantations  were  increasing  in  New- England 
a  plan  had  been  concerted  for  the  settlement  of  a  new 
colony  in  the  northeast  part  of  Virginia.  Sir  George 
Calvert,    Lord  Baltimore,  who  had  been  secretary  to 

*  Prince's  Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  18.  f  Ibid.  vol.  ii.p.  9,  10. 


94  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  James  I.  having  avowed  his  adherence  to  the  Romish 
faith,  for  the  more  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  his  re- 
1632.  hgion,  made  a  voyage  to  Virginia.  He  was  one  of 
the  original  associates  of  the  Virginia  company,  and 
a  member  of  the  corporation  till  its  dissolution.  In 
Virginia  therefore,  he  hoped  to  find  a  peaceful  retreat. 
•But  the  Virginians  were  staunch  churchmen,  and 
would  tolerate  no  profession  but  their  own.  His  lord- 
ship received  such  ill  treatment  from  them,  as  deter- 
mined him  upon  another  adventure.  Finding  that 
there  were  large  tracts  of  land  on  the  Chesapeak,  ac- 
commodated with  many  fine  rivers,  without  an  Eng- 
lish inhabitant,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  planting  a 
colony  for  himself.  That  he  might  observe  what 
would  quadrate  with  his  own  inclinations,  and  more 
accurately  fix  the  boundaries  of  the  colony  which  he 
designed,  he  made  a  journey  to  the  northward  and 
explored  the  country  on  the  bay.  On  application  to 
Charles  I.  he  made  him  a  grant  agreeable  to  his  wishes. 
April  15th  But  before  the  patent  passed  the  seals,  his  lordship 
w^as  no  more.  The  patent  therefore  came  out  to  his  son 
Cecil,  bearing  date  June  20th,  1632.  This  was  a  con- 
siderable defalcation  of  Virginia,  originating  entirely 
from  the  treatment  of  lord  Baltimore.  It  probably  pav- 
ed the  way  for  the  more  capital  ones  which  succeeded. 
Settle-  The  next  year  lord  Baltimore  appointed  his  brother, 

mentof  Leonard  Calvert,  Esq.  governour;  who  came  over 
163§! an  '  With  about  two  hundred  planters,  and  began  the  set- 
tlement of  the  colony  at  Yamaco,  an  Indian  town  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Patowmac.  |  They  were  generally 
Roman  catholicks  and  gentlemen  of  good  families. 
Some  of  the  principal  planters  were  the  governour, 
his  brother  George  Calvert,  Jeremiah  Hawley,  Thom- 
as Cornwallis,  Richard  Gerrard,  Edward  Winter,  and 
Henry  Wiseman,  Esquires.  These  with  several 
others  seem  to  have  been  of  the  governour's  council. 
Lord  Baltimore  gave  his  colony  the  name  of  Mary- 
land, in  honour  to  Henrietta  Maria  queen  of  King 
Charles  I.  It  is  said  that  the  cost  of  its  settlement, 
only  for  the  two  first  years,  in  the  transportation  of 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  '95 

planters,  provisions,  other  stores,  utensils,  &c.  was   chap. 
not  less  than  40,000/.  sterling.*  IL 

Various  circumstances  united  their  influence  to  16344 
advance  the  settlement  of  Maryland.  The  charter 
of  incorporation  was  one  of  the  most  ample,  which 
had  been  granted  to  any  subject  in  the  kingdom.  It 
not  only  conveyed  the  lands  in  the  fullest  manner, 
but  authorized  a  free  assembly,  without  the  least  roy- 
al interference.  Liberty  of  conscience  was  allowed 
to  christians  of  all  denominations.  The  country  was 
inviting.  Presents  were  made  to  the  Indians  to  their 
satisfaction  ;  so  that  the  colony  was  in  perfect  peace. 
These  circumstances,  together  with  the  rigid  princi- 
ples of  the  Virginians,  and  some  of  the  other  colo- 
nists, had  influence  to  expedite  the  settlement.  Re- 
markable it  was,  that  under  a  Roman  catholick  pro- 
prietary, puritans  were  indulged  that  liberty  of  con- 
science, which  was  denied  them  by  their  fellow  pro- 
testants.  Emigrants  flocked  in  such  numbers  into  the 
colony,  that  it  soon  became  populous  and  flourishing. 

During  the  civil  wars  in  England  lord  Baltimore 
was  deprived  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Maryland.  After 
the  restoration,  his  son  Charles,  Lord  Baltimore,  ob- 
tained a  confirmation  of  the  grant  made  in  1632,  but 
as  he  was  a  Roman  catholick,  the  crown  retained  ju- 
risdiction and  appointed  all  civil  officers.  The  pro- 
prietor afterwards  became  a  protestant,  and  enjoyed 
both  property  and  jurisdiction. 

The  growing  spirit  of  intolerance  in  England,  made 
it  more  and  more  necessary  for  puritans  to  seek  an 
asylum  in  America.  In  1632  and  the  three  suc- 
ceeding years  many  worthy  characters  arrived  in 
Massachusetts,  and  the  settlements  were  greatly  in- 
creased. The  freemen  became  too  numerous  to  meet 
in  general  court,  once  every  three  months.  Besides  it 
was  by  no  means  consistent  with  the  safety  of  the  colony, 
as  it  exposed  the  plantations  to  a  surprise  by  the  In- 
dians.   In  1634  the  freemen  therefore  elected  deputies,  The  first 

*  Douglas,  vol.  ii.  p,  357,  338. 


96 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
II. 

1634. 
General 

Assembly 
in  Massa- 
chusetts* 

May  1634. 


Constitu- 
tion of 
Massa- 
chusetts. 


Old  patent 

ofConnec- 

ticut, 

March 

19th,1631. 


in  their  respective  towns,  who,  at  the  general  court  in 
May,  met  with  the  magistrates  in  a  general  assembly. 
It  was  the  first  ever  convened  in  New- England. 
Till  this  time,  both  the  legislative,  as  well  as  execu- 
tive power,  had  been  almost  entirely  in  the  hands  of 
the  governour  and  assistants.  This  was  indeed  agree- 
able to  the  charter.  It  did  not  authorize  a  general 
assembly.  The  freemen  nevertheless  concluded  that 
it  implied  an  assembly,  as  it  vested  them  with  the 
rights  of  Englishmen.  At  any  rate  they  were  de- 
termined to  secure  their  just  and  natural  rights.  It 
was  therefore  resolved,  that  each  plantation  should 
choose,  and  send,  two  or  three  of  their  number  to 
the  general  court:  and  that  these  deputies  of  the 
several  towns  should  have  the  powers  and  voices  of 
all  the  freemen  in  the  commonwealth  :  that  none  but 
the  general  court  had  power  to  raise  monies  and 
taxes,  to  dispose  of  lands  and  confirm  the  propriety, 
to  make  laws  and  appoint  officers  civil  and  military. 
It  was  also  resolved,  that  the  general  court  should 
not  be  dissolved,  without  the  consent  of  a  majority 
of  the  court.  Every  freeman  was  to  give  his  own 
voice  in  the  election  of  governours  and  assistants, 
but  in  all  other  matters  their  deputies  acted  for  them. 
It  was  soon  found  that  four  general  courts  in  a  year 
were  inexpedient,  and  it  was  determined  that  there 
should  be  two  only.  The  civil  body,  as  thus  settled, 
continued  without  any  material  alteration  till  the 
dissolution  of  their  charter.* 

Soon  after  the  commencement  of  settlements  in 
the  Massachusetts,  a  plan  was  conceived  of  planting 
a  colony  on  Connecticut  river  and  the  adjacent  coun- 
try. C3n  the  19th  of  March,  163  l,f  Robert,  earl  of 
Warwick,  president  of  the  council  of  Plymouth, 
granted  unto  the  right  honourable  viscount  Say  and 
Seal,  Lord  Brook,  &c.  to  the  number  of  eleven, 
their  heirs,  assigns,  and  associates  for  ever,  "  all 
that  part  of  New-England  in  America,  which  lies 

*  Hutch,  vol.  i.  p.  35,36,37.  f  March  19th,  1630,  according  to 

the  old  way  of  dating1,  was  March  19th,  1631. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  97 

and  extends  itself  from  a  river  there,  called  Narra-    chap. 

gansett  river,  the  space  of  forty  leagues  upon  a  straight    __ 

line  near  the  sea  shore  toward  the  southwest,  west,  and  1635 
by  south,  or  west  as  the  coast  lieth  towards  Virgin- 
ia, accounting  three  English  miles  to  the  league,  and 
all  and  singular  the  lands  and  hereditaments  whatso- 
ever, lying  and  being  within  the  lands  aforesaid, 
north  and  south  in  latitude  and  breadth,  and  in  length 
and  longitude  of  and  within  all  the  breadth  aforesaid 
throughout  all  the  mainlands  there,  from  the  west- 
ern ocean  to  the  south  seas." 

A  number  of  capital  characters,  who  had  arrived 
in  the  Massachusetts,  some  in  1630,  and  others  in 
1633,  determined,  with  their  companies,  to  make  set- 
tlements under  this  patent.  Of  this  number  were 
John  Haynes  and  Roger  Ludlow,  Esquires,  Messrs. 
Hooker,  Warham,  and  Stone.  In  prosecution  of  their  Settie- 
design,  on  the  15th  of  October,  1635,  about  sixty  £™tof. 
men,  women,  and  children,  from  Dorchester,  Cam-  cut. 
bridge,  and  Watertown  commenced  their  journey,* 
through  the  wilderness  to  Connecticut  river,  and 
began  the  settlement  of  Windsor,  Hartford,  and 
Weather  sfield.  In  November  Mr.  John  Winthrop, 
agent  for  their  lordships  Say  and  Seal,  Brook,  &c. 
arrived  in  the  mouth  of  the  river,  built  a  fort  at 
Say-Brook,  and  took  possession  of  the  adjacent 
country. 

The  next  June  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Stone  with 
their  people,  Mr.  Warham's  from  Dorchester,  and 
a  number  from  Watertown,  removed  to  the  river. 
About  a  hundred  men,  women,  and  children,  with 
packs,  cattle,  &c.  took  their  departure  from  Cam- 
bridge and  travelled  more  than  a  hundred  miles, 
through  a  hideous  and  trackless  wilderness,  to  their 
new  settlements.  These  companies,  with  no  other 
guide  than  the  compass,  made  their  way  over  moun- 
tains, through  swamps  and  rivers,  not  passable,  but 
with  great  difficulty.     They  had   no  covering  but 

*  Governour  Wlnthrop'l  manuscript*. 

Vol.  I.  13 


winter 


93  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  the  heavens,  nor  were  their  lodgings  much  prefera- 
ble to  Jacob's  pillow.  They  were  nearly  a  fortnight 
1636  on  their  journey.  This  adventure  was  the  more 
remarkable,  as  many  in  these  companies,  were  per- 
sons of  high  life,  who  had  formerly  lived  in  England 
in  honour,  affluence,  and  delicacy. 
Distress-       Their  sufferings  the  next  winter  were  extreme. 

s  of  the  The  vessel,  on  board  of  which  were  their  principal 
stores,  froze  up  in  the  mouth  of  the  river.  Num- 
bers of  them  scattered  down  the  river,  if  possible, 
to  discover  their  provisions.  Some  ventured  back 
into  the  Massachusetts,  and  others  perished  in  the 
wilderness.  Their  distresses  were  greatly  increased 
by  the  Pequot  Indians,  who,  commencing  hostilities, 
killed  their  cattle,  burned  their  dwellings,  attacked  the 
fort  at  Say-Brook,  slew  and  captivated  their  inhabitants. 
Though  the  planters  had  been  invited  by  the  na- 
tives to  make  settlements  on  the  river,  and  had  made 
fair  purchases  of  their  lands,  yet  the  Pequots  deter- 
mined to  extirpate  them.  With  policy,  which  would 
have  done  honour  to  the  greatest  statesmen,  they 
attempted  to  conciliate  the  Narragansetts,  with  whom 
they  had  been  at  war,  and  to  unite  them  in  the  de- 
sign of  expelling  the  English  from  the  country.  They 
represented  that  they,  who  were  merely  foreigners, 
were  overspreading  the  country,  and  depriving  the 
original  inhabitants  of  their  ancient  rights  and  pos- 
sessions :  That  unless  they  were  soon  prevented,  they 
would  entirely  dispossess  the  original  proprietors  : 
That  by  a  general  combination,  they  could  either 
destroy  or  drive  them  from  the  country.  To  great 
advantage,  they  represented  the  facility  and  safety 
with  which  it  might  be  effected  :  That  there  would 
be  no  need  of  coming  to  open  battles  :  That  by  kil- 
ling their  cattle,  firing  their  houses,  laying  ambushes 
on  the  roads,  in  the  fields,  and  wherever  they  might 
surprise  and  destroy  them,  they  might  accomplish 
their  wishes.  They  represented  that  if  the  English 
should  destroy  the  Pequots,  they  would  also  soon 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  99 

root  out  the  Narragansetts.*     So  just  and  politic   chap. 
were  these  representations,  that  nothing  but  that  thirst 
for  revenge,  which  inflames  the  savage  heart,  could      163r 
have  prevented  their  effect. 

The  colony,  sensible  of  the  immediate  necessity  CaP*«  ^a- 

r    .  J. '  .  .      ,  .  t     J   son  sent  a- 

of  the  most  vigorous  measures  with  this  enemy,  des-  gainst  the 
patched  captain  John   Mason,  with   ninety  English-  Pe(ill°ts» 
men  and  about  seventy  river  and   Mohegan  Indians,  x  ay 
to  attack   the   enemy  in  their  fortifications.     This 
was  a  small  force  indeed  to  employ  against  an  enemy, 
who  were  the  scourge  and  dread  of  almost  every  In- 
dian nation  in  New- England.     It  consisted  however 
of  nearly  half  the  fencible  men  in  the  colony.    More 
could  not  have  been  spared,  consistently  with  the 
safety  of  the  infant  plantations.     Besides,  such  was 
the  scarcity  of  provisions,  that  these   were,  with  no 
small  difficulty,  supplied. 

On  the  26th  of  May,  1637,  towards  the  dawning  Surprises 
of  the  day,  captain  Mason  surprised  Mistic  one  of  ^rltstlcMav 
the  principal  forts  of  the  enemy.  After  a  general  fire  26th. 
of  the  musketeers,  he  entered  the  fort  sword  in  hand. 
But  notwithstanding  the  suddenness  of  the  attack, 
the  blaze  and  thunder  of  their  arms,  the  enemy  made 
a  manly  resistance.  After  a  severe  conflict,  in  which 
many  of  the  enemy  fell,  and  a  number  of  the  En- 
glish were  sorely  wounded,  victory  still  hung  in  sus- 
pense. The  enemy  from  within,  and  behind  their 
wigwams,  taking  the  advantage  of  every  covert, 
maintained  an  obstinate  defence.  In  this  critical 
state  of  the  action,  the  captain  had  recourse  to  a  suc- 
cessful expedient.  He  put  fire  into  the  mats  with 
which  the  wigwams  were  covered,  and  instantly  re- 
treating surrounded  the  fort.  The  fire  spreading  rap- 
idly, before  the  wind,  soon  wrapped  the  houses  in 
one  general  flame.  The  enemy  were  seized  with 
astonishment.  Some  climbed  the  palisadoes  and 
were  instantly  killed  by  the  fire  of  the  English.  Oth- 
ers desperately  sallying  forth,  from  their  burning  cells, 

*  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  24,25. 


100  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  were  immediately  shot,  or  cut  in  pieces  by  the  sword. 
In  about  an  hour  the  whole   design  was  accomplish- 
1637.     e<^*     ^n  tne  f°rt  were  seventy  wigwams  ;  and  it  was 
supposed,  between  four  and  five  hundred  Indians. 

The  victory  was  complete,  yet  the  victorious 
army  was  in  distress.  The  men  were  greatly  fa- 
tigued with  watching,  long  marches,  and  the 
sharpness  of  the  action.  The  morning  was  hot, 
and  water  hardly  to  be  obtained.  They  had  sus- 
tained the  loss  of  two  men  slain,  and  sixteen 
wounded,  nearly  a  quarter  of  the  men  in  action. 
They  had  about  eight  miles  to  march,  with  their 
wounded  men,  to  reach  the  shore,  where  they  were 
to  meet  their  vessels.  Beside,  they  were  in  con- 
stant expectation  of  an  attack,  by  a  fresh  and  nu- 
merous enemy,  from  a  neighbouring  fortress.  No 
sooner  had  they  begun  their  march  than  they  were 
attacked  by  the  enemy  ;  who  hung  upon  their  rear, 
five  or  six  miles,  sometimes  shooting  from  rocks 
and  trees,  and  at  other  times  hazarding  themselves 
in  the  open  field.  At  length  the  enemy  finding  that 
they  could  gain  no  considerable  advantage,  and  that 
wounds  and  death  attended  every  attempt,  they  gave 
over  the  pursuit. 

Soon  after  a  detachment  of  nearly  two  hundred 
men  from  the  Massachusetts  and  New  Plymouth 
arrived,  to  assist  Connecticut  in  prosecuting  the  war. 
On  their  way  to  Connecticut  they  obtained  a  victory 
over  some  hundreds  of  the  enemy,  killing  and  taking 
a  considerable  number. 

Sassacus,  the  great  Pequot  sachem,  and  his  war- 
riors were  so  panic-struck,  with  the  loss  of  Mistic, 
that,  burning  their  wigwams  and  the  royal  fortress, 
they  fled  towards  Hudson's  river.  The  troops  from 
the"  Massachusetts  and  New  Plymouth,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Connecticut  soldiers,  under  captain 
Mason,  pursued  them  as  far  as  a  great  swamp  in 
Fairfield  ;  where  they  had  another  action.  In  this 
the  enemy  were  entirely  vanquished.  Many  were 
killed  and  more  captivated.     In  the  whole,  first  and 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  XQi 

last,  it  was  supposed  that  about  700  were  killed  and    chap 
taken.     Others  fled  their  country  ;  some  united  with       IL 
the  Mohegans  under  Uncas,  and  some  with  other     1638 
tribes.     This  conquest  was  of  great  importance  to 
the  colonies.     It  rendered  the  English  terrible  to  all 
the  Indian  nations  in  New-England,  so  that  they  re- 
mained peaceable  for  many  years. 

In  this  expedition  the  English  became  acquaint- 
ed with  the  rivers,  harbours,  and  pleasant  country 
west  of  Connecticut  river.  The  report  which  was 
made  of  it  gave  birth  to  the  scheme  of  settling  a 
second  colony  under  the  old  Connecticut  patent. 

The  next  year   therefore,  Mr.  John  Davenport,  New  Ha- 
Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  Francis  Newman  and  their  *e"  ■**-.- 
company,  generally  Mr.   Davenport's  people    from  isth',1638. 
London,  began  the  settlement  of  the  town  and  gov- 
ernment of  New- Haven. 

Mr.  Henry  Whitfield,  William  Leet,  Esq.  and  a  Guilford 
large  number  of  passengers  from  Surry  and  Kent  and  MU* 
were  in  company  with  Mr.  Davenport,  and  the  next  or  '      " 
year  settled  the  town  of  Guilford.     The  same  year 
another  part  of  Mr.  Davenport's  company  began  a 
plantation  at  Milford.     Of  his  company  were  Ed- 
ward Hopkins  and  Thomas  Gregson,  Esquires.  The 
former  was   afterwards   governour  of  Connecticut, 
and  the  latter  one  of  the  magistrates  of  New- Haven. 
This  is  supposed  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  afflu- 
ent companies,  which  ever  came  into  New- England. 
Mr.  Eaton  had  been  governour  of  the  East  India 
company,  and  for  his  good  services,  had  received 
ample  rewards.      He  and   Mr.   Hopkins  had  been 
merchants  in  London,  and  had  acquired  very  hand- 
some fortunes.      Mr.  Gregson  and  others  were  in 
affluent  circumstances.     They  laid  out  the  town  of 
New-Haven,  in  a  number  of  squares,  in  the  form  of 
an  elegant  city. 

Till  the  beginning  of  this  year  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut had  been  governed  chiefly  by  five  or  six  of 
their  principal  characters,  who  met  in  court,  and 
appear  to  have  acted  as  magistrates,  for  the  public 


102  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

weal.  Roger  Ludlow,  Esq.  a  gentleman  bred  to 
the  law,  and  one  of  the  magistrates  in  Massachusetts, 
1639.  till  his  removal  to  Connecticut,  was  the  first  magis- 
trate. In  the  important  affair  of  the  Pequot  war, 
deputies  from  the  respective  towns  were  for  the  first 
time  admitted  to  act  in  the  general  court.  But  as 
there  was  no  fixed  constitution  of  government,  the 
freemen  on  the  14th  of  January,  by  voluntary  compact, 
formed  themselves  into  a  distinct  commonwealth.* 
Constitu-  The  constitution  ordained,  That  there  should  be 
Connecti-  annually  two  general  assemblies  ;  one  on  the  second 
cut,  Jan.  Thursday  in  April,  and  the  other  on  the  second 
Hth,i639.  Thursday  in  September:  That  the  first  should  be 
called  the  Court  of  Election,  in  which  the  govern- 
ours,  magistrates,  and  other  public  officers  should 
be  chosen.  The  governour  and  magistrates  were  to 
be  chosen  by  the  whole  body  of  the  freemen.  It 
provided,  That  the  towns  should  send  deputies  to 
the  several  assemblies  :  That  in  the  general  court, 
should  consist  the  supreme  power  of  the  common- 
wealth :  That  they  only  should  have  power  to  make 
laws,  grant  levies,  admit  freemen,  dispose  of  lands, 
and  to  transact  all  matters  respecting  the  good  of  the 
commonwealth. 
First  gen-  At  the  general  election  in  April,  John  Haynes, 
tion,AprH.  -^S(l-  was  chosen  governour,  and  Roger  Ludlow, 
Esq.  deputy  governour.  Messrs.  George  Wyllys, 
Edward  Hopkins,  Thomas  Wells,  John  Webster, 
and  William  Phelps  were  elected  magistrates.  The 
towns  sent  twelve  deputies.  Of  these  consisted  the 
first  general  court  or  assembly  in  Connecticut. f 
The  laws  of  the  colony  ordained,  that  no  man's  life 
should  be  taken  away ;  no  man's  honour  or  good 
name  be  stained ;  no  man's  person  arrested,  restrain- 
ed, banished,  dismembered,  nor  in  any  wise  punish- 
ed :    That  no  man's  wife,  children,  goods,  or  estate 

*  This,  agreeably  to  the  old  way  of  dating*,  is  set  in  the  record 
January  14th,  1638,  because  the  date  of  the  new  3  ear  was  not  begun 
till  after  the  25lh  of  March. 

f  Records  of  Connecticut. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  JQ3 

should  be  taken  from  him;  nor  in  any  wise  endam-  Chap. 
aged  under  colour  of  law,  or  countenance  of  author- 
ity, unless  by  virtue  of  some  express  law  of  fthe  1639 
colony  warranting  the  same,  established  by  the  gen- 
eral court,  and  sufficiently  published  ;  or  in  case  of 
the  defect  of  such  law,  in  any  particular  case,  by 
some  clear  and  plain  rule  of  the  word  of  God,  in 
which  the  whole  court  should  be  agreed.*  They 
also  ordained,  that  law  and  justice  should  be  admin- 
istered to  all  without  partiality  or  delay  :  That  no 
person  should  be  restrained  or  suffer  imprisonment 
until  sentenced  to  it  by  law,  excepting  in  crimi- 
nal cases,  contempt  in  open  court,  and  when  suffi- 
cient bail  was  not  obtainable. 

On  the  4th  of  June  all  the  free  planters  of  New 
Haven  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  ^on^of*11* 
constitution  of  civil  government.  Mr.  Davenport  New  Ha- 
introduced  the  business  by  a  sermon  from  those  ]^.n»  ^une 
words  of  Solomon,  "Wisdom  hath  builded  her  house, 
she  hath  hewn  out  her  seven  pillars."  After  which 
it  was  unanimously  agreed,  That  the  Scriptures  were 
a  perfect  rule,  for  the  government  of  all  men,  ia 
commonwealth,  as  well  as  in  matters  of  the  church : 
That  in  the  choice  of  magistrates  and  officers,  mak- 
ing and  repealing  laws,  dividing  allotments  of  inher- 
itance, and  all  things  of  the  like  nature,  they  submit- 
ted themselves  to  the  rules  held  forth  in  the  Scrip- 
ture :  That  church  members  only  should  be  free 
burgesses,  and  that  they  only  should  choose  magis- 
trates and  officers  among  themselves,  to  have  power 
of  transacting  all  the  public,  civil  affairs  of  the  plan- 
tation ;  of  making  and  repealing  laws,  dividing  inher- 
itances, deciding  differences  that  may  arise,  and  do- 
ing all  things  and  businesses  of  the  like  nature. 

Twelve  men  were  chosen,  for  trial,  out  of  which 
they  were  to  elect  seven  for  the  pillars  of  the 
church,  to  whom  all  the  other  church  members,  or 
free  burgesses  were  to  be  gathered  to  complete  the 
building. 

*  First  Connecticut  Law  hook. 


104  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.        Having  thus  laid  the  foundations,  they  proceeded 
in  October,  to  their  first  general  election. 
1639  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  was  elected  governour. 

First  dec-  Messrs.  Robert  Newman,  Matthew  Gilbert,  Nathan- 
Haven1  N#  *e*  ^  urner?  and  Thomas  Fugill,  were  chosen  his  as- 
Oct.  25th.  sistants.  It  was  agreed,  that  there  should  be  a  re- 
newed choice  of  all  officers  at  the  general  court  to  be 
holden  annually  on  the  last  Wednesday  in  October. 
It  was  ordained,  That  the  word  of  God  shall  be  the 
only  rule  to  be  attended  unto  in  ordering  the  affairs 
of  government  in  the  plantation.* 

Two  years  after  a  deputy  governour  was  chosen, 
and  in  the  year  1643,  all  the  towns  in  the  plantation 
sent  their  deputies  ;  which  practice  continued  as  long 
as  the  colony  existed  in  a  distinct  capacity.  This 
general  court  appointed  that  there  should  be  holden 
two  general  courts  annually ;  to  consist  of  the  gov- 
ernour, deputy  governour,  magistrates,  and  two  dep- 
uties from  every  town  in  the  jurisdiction.  The 
general  court  was  to  meet  on  the  first  Wednesday  in 
April  and  the  last  in  October.  The  same  constitu- 
tion of  government,  for  substance,  was  now  adopted 
by  New  Haven,  which  had  been  established  in  Con- 
necticut.! 

The  first  planters  of  New  Haven  were  men  of  let- 
ters and  enterprise.  They  designed  it  for  a  great 
trading  city.  They  planned  and  were  about  erecting 
an  academy ;  but  unhappily,  their  designs  did  not 
succeed.  They  made  purchases  and  began  settle- 
ments at  Delaware  bay,  bat  the  Dutch,  to  their  great 
loss  and  damage,  seized  on  their  buildings,  persons, 
and  goods ;  and  entirely  broke  up  their  plantations. 
At  sea  they  lost  a  rich  ship,  and  some  of  their  prin- 
cipal men.  These  losses,  with  the  great  expense  of 
settling  a  new  country,  so  impoverished  them,  that 
they  were  obliged  to  leave  the  accomplishment  of 
that  to  posterity,  which  they  designed  to  have  effected 
themselves. 

*  Records  of  New  Haven, C,    f  Records  N.H.  Fol.  vol.  i.  p.  73.74,75. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  105 

Mr.  Roger  Williams,  who  had  been  expelled  the  Mas-   chap. 
sachusetts,  on  die  account  of  his  religious  sentiments, 
began  the  settlement  of  Providence  in  Rhode  Island,      1638. 
the  same  year  in  which  plantations  were  begun  in 
Connecticut. 

In  1638,  Mr.  William  Coddington,   John  Clarke,  Settle- 
William  Hutchinson,  &x.  to  the  number  of  eighteen,  ShodeLsl- 
voluntarily  incorporated  themselves  for  the  purposes  and, 
of  civil   government.    They  elected  Mr.  Codding- 
ton  their  magistrate.     By  the  advice   and  friendly- 
offices  of  Mr.  Williams,  they  made  a  purchase,  and 
obtained  a  deed   of  the  island  Aquetneck,  of  the 
Indian  sachems,*  who  were  the  original  proprietors. 
They  began  a  settlement  at  Pocasset,  on  the  east  end 
of  the  island.  A  considerable  number  of  their  friends 
followed  them,  the  succeeding  summer  :    so  that  by 
the  next  spring  they  had   a  sufficient  number  to  be- 
gin  a   second  plantation,   on  the    west  end   of  the 
island.     The  island  was  divided  into  two  townships, 
Portsmouth    and   New- Port ;      and   called    Rhode 
Island. f  Various  circumstances  conspired  to  give  the 
colony  a  rapid  settlement.  The  country  was  inviting, 
and  the  natives,  through  the  influence  of  Mr.  Will- 
iams, were  entirely  peaceable  and  friendly.     He  was 
a  gentleman  of  benevolence,  and  those  who  repaired 
to  him  were  sure  of  meeting  with  the  kindest  treat- 
ment.    Whatever  his  errors  were,  he  was,  in  one 
important  point,  more  illuminated  than  his  brethren ; 
"  That  to  punish  a  man  for  any  matters  of  conscience 
is  persecution."     His   followers  imbibed  the  same 
sentiments.     It  was  therefore  a  fundamental  article 
with  the  Rhode  Islanders,  that  "every  man  who  sub- 
mits peaceably  to  the  civil  authority,  may  peaceably 
worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own 
conscience,  without  molestation."     While  the  Mas- 
sachusetts,  therefore,   were   excommunicating   and 
banishing  people,  for  their  religious  sentiments,  here 
they  found  a  welcome  retreat. 

'The  deed  bears  date  March24th,1638.    fCallender's  Century  Sermon. 

Vol,  I.  14 


106 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF   THE 


chap.       As  the  plantation  had  no  patent,  Mr.  Williams 

went  to  England,  and  obtained  of  the  earl  of  War- 

io44.     wick,  a  free  and  absolute  charter  of  incorporation  of 
Patent  of  providence   and    Rhode  Island    Plantations.     The 
suidMarch  *orm  °f  government  was  left  to  the  free  choice  of  the 
mh.         colony.     It  was  determined  that  the  supreme  pow- 
tion.StltU    er  should  remain  in  the  body  of  the  people  :  That  a 
court  of  commissioners,  consisting  of  six  persons, 
chosen  by  each  of  the  four  towns   of  Providence, 
Portsmouth,  New- Port,  and  Warwick,  should  have 
legislative  authority ;  whose  acts  were  to  bind  the 
colonists  unless  repealed  by  the  major  part  of  the 
freemen.  A  president  and  four  assistants  were  annually 
to  be  chosen,  as  conservators  of  the  peace.     They 
were  the  judges  of  the  court  of  trials,  with  the  as- 
sistance of  the  two  justices  of  the  particular  town,  in 
which,  from  time  to  time,  the  court  should  be  holden. 
Each  town  had  a  committee  of  six  persons  elected 
to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  town,  and  to  try  small 
causes.     From  this  there  was  an  appeal  to  the  su- 
preme   court   of  president    and  assistants.       This 
was  the  constitution  of  Rhode- Island  under  their  first 
patent.     The  first  general  assembly  was  convened  on 
the  19th  of  May,  i647.     This  assembly  enacted  a 
body  of  laws  and  began  a  regular  and  permanent 
mode  of  government.     In  the  first  years  of  their  set- 
tlement, they,  like  their  neighbours,  were  greatly  dis- 
tressed for  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  * 

Thus,  in  about  thirty  years,  were  all  the  old  colo- 
nies settled,  and  those  in  New-England  in  less  than 
twenty  from  the  first  arrival  at  Plymouth.  In  this 
short  period  a  land  which  had  not  been  sown,  was 
turned  into  gardens,  fruitful  fields,  and  pleasant  hab- 
itations. Colonies  presented  themselves  along  the 
coast  nearly  a  thousand  miles.  A  world,  which  for 
numerous  ages,  had  been  replete  with  the  habitations 

*  January  22d,  1639,  it  was  found  that  there  were  but  108  bushels  of 
corn  to  96  persons  :  which,  at  the  proportion  of  one  bushel  and  half  a 
peck  each,  was  not  more  than  sufficient  to  supply  them  six  weeks,  and 
yet  it  was  more  than  so  many  months  to  harvest.  Callender's  Sermon, 
p.  94,  95.     Fish,  fowl,  and  venison  prevented  their  famishing1. 


Observa- 
tions. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  107 

•f  darkness  and  cruelty,  became  illuminated  with  the  chap. 
light  of  life,  and  peopled  with  the  disciples  of  Jesus.  ll 
His  sanctuary  was  built  like  high  places,  and  from 
the  regions,  where  beasts  of  prey  and  savage  men 
poured  out  their  hideous  roar,  and  devils  had  been 
worshipped  instead  of  God,  there  ascended  prayers 
and  praises  to  his  glorious  name.  There  were  his 
ordinances  constantly  celebrated.  The  wilderness 
and  solitary  place  were  glad,  the  desert  rejoiced  and 
blossomed  as  the  rose. 

In  view  of  these  settlements,  and  of  the  important 
revolution  which  they  made  in  the  new  world,  the 
conduct  of  providence  appears  very  conspicuous  and 
merits  special  attention.  The  time  of  the  settlement  0n  ih& 
of  the  colonies  appears  to  have  been  very  providential;  settie- 
and  an  important  step  towards  the  liberty  and  happi-  ment. 
ness  of  which  they  are  now,  as  states,  in  possession. 
Had  the  settlement  commenced  directly  after  the  dis- 
covery of  America,  or  at  any  period  before  the  reform- 
ation, the  planters  would  have  been  Roman  Catholicks. 
The  ignorance,  superstition,  bigotry,  and  slavish 
principles  of  the  Romish  church,  would  have  been 
transported  into  America  ;  propagated,  and,  proba- 
bly, fixed  in  the  colonies.  Had  it  been  deferred  to 
a  later  period  than  that,  in  which  it  was  accomplish- 
ed, the  French,  probably,  would  have  made  the  set- 
tlement and  annexed  the  country  to  the  crown  of 
France, 

As  early  as  1613  they  had  built  a  fort  at  Mount 
Mansel,  another  at  St.  Croix,  and  fortified  Port  Roy- 
al :  and  though  captain  Argall  the  same  year  reduced 
them,  and  carried  off  their  shipping,  ordnance,  pro- 
visions, and  cattle  to  Virginia,*  yet  Biencourt  and  a 
small  plantation  of  Frenchmen  were  at  Port  Royal 
when  the  English  came  first  to  Plymouth. f  The 
French  laid  claim  to  Penobscot  and  the  whole  of 
Acadia,  In  1631,  Cardinal  Richlieu  ordered  several 
companies  to  Nova   Scotia.      The  next  year  they 

*  Prince's  Chron.  part  i.  p.  37,  |  Part  ii.  p.  94. 


1Q8  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

sent  a  small  vessel  to  Penobscot  and  robbed  the  En- 
glish trading  house. 

The  Dutch  claimed  a  considerable  part  of  Con- 
necticut, and  had  not  the  English  prevented  them, 
they  would,  the  very  next  year,  have  made  settle- 
ments  on  the  river.  The  Spaniards  laid  claim  to  the 
southern  states,  and  built  a  fort  at  St.  Augustine  be- 
fore the  English  made  any  permanent  settlement  in 
Virginia.  There  is  a  great  probability,  that  had  not 
the  settlements  commenced  at  the  very  period  in 
which  they  were  effected,  the  English  would  not 
have  had  the  least  possession  on  the  continent  of 
North  America. 

At  no  other  period  could  the  country  have  been 
planted  with  men  of  their  noble  spirit,  and  sentiments 
of  liberty  and  religion :  nor  with  those  who  with 
such  care  and  pains,  would  have  transmitted  them  to 
posterity. 

To  no  other  cause  than  a  special  divine  agency, 

can  that  love  of  liberty  and  undefiled  religion,  that 

courage,  self-denial,  and  spirit  of  enterprise  be   as- 

Qnthedif.  cribed,  which  animated  the    first    colonists.      The 

ficuityof    difficulties  of  making  settlements  in  new  countries 

new  set-  i       ji  i  ,  t  •    i  j 

tiements.  are  hardly  conceivable.  Little  circumstances  and 
misfortunes,  which  in  old  countries  would  scarcely 
be  noticed,  in  distant  and  uncultivated  regions,  pro- 
duce consequences  the  most  serious  and  alarming. 
Small  damages,  a  little  waste  of  provisions,  disaster 
by  fire  or  enemies  ;  the  loss,  or  too  late  arrival,  of  a 
single  ship,  drought  or  unfavourable  seasons,  by  land 
or  sea,  might  produce  famine,  pestilence,  mortality, 
and  such  scenes  of  distress  as  admit  of  no  descrip- 
tion. It  was  making  an  uncommon  sacrifice,  and 
required  an  extraordinary  share  of  magnaminity 
to  leave  their  pleasant  European  seats  and  connex- 
ions ;  to  commit  their  treasures,  families,  and  lives 
to  the  mercy  of  a  vast  ocean,  and  to  encounter  the 
fatigues  and  dangers  of  making  settlements  in  a  wil- 
derness, at  the  distance  of  three  thousand  miles  from 
their  native  country.     Immense  labour  and  patience 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA  109 

are  necessary  to  convert  a  wilderness  into  fruitful  chap. 
fields  and  pleasant  habitations.  It  is  a  work  of  time 
and  requires  great  expense,  to  reduce  an  unculti- 
vated country  into  profitable  farms,  to  furnish  them 
with  cattle  and  proper  utensils  for  husbandry.  Till 
these  could  be  accomplished,  our  venerable  ancestors 
were  obliged  to  deny  themselves  many  of  the  neces- 
saries, and  almost  all  the  delicacies  of  life.  The  on- 
ly grain,  which,  at  first,  was  generally  raised,  in  the 
country,  was  Indian  corn.  This,  when  prepared  in 
the  best  manner,  makes  but  the  coarsest  and  poorest 
sort  of  bread.  Till  mills  could  be  erected  it  was 
only  pounded  in  mortars,  which  rendered  the  bread 
still  worse.*  Of  orchards,  the  pleasant  fruits  and 
liquors  of  Europe,  for  many  years,  they  had  little  or 
no  enjoyment.  They  planted  themselves  in  a  cli- 
mate, where  for  more  than  one  third  of  the  year, 
winter  reigns  with  a  severity  to  which  they  had  nev- 
er been  accustomed.  Death  in  a  few  months  de- 
spoiled them  of  half  their  numbers.  By  turns,  for 
several  years,  they  experienced  the  distresses  of 
famine.  A  vast  wilderness,  the  roaring  of  savage 
beasts  and  more  savage  men,  presented  scenes  of 
horror  of  which  it  is  impossible  for  men  unac- 
quainted with  them  to  form  any  tolerable  conception. 
Yet  they  were  possessed  of  such  magnanimity  of 
spirit,  such  love  to  purity  of  conscience  and  religion, 
as  enabled  them  to  brave  every  danger,  and  rise  supe- 
rior to  every  discouragement.  Under  the  greatest 
difficulties,  they  maintained  a  firm  and  pious  resolu- 
tion :  and  relying  on  the  providence  of  the  Univer- 
sal Governour,  they  shrunk  not  back  from  the  busi-  • 
ness  which  they  had  so  nobly  undertaken.  So  far 
were  they  from  this,  that  they  gloried  in  planting 
churches  and  propagating  Christianity  in  the  wilder- 
ness. They  esteemed  themselves  richly  compen- 
sated in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  and  undefiled  relig- 

•  "The  want  of  English  grain,  wheat,  barley,  and  rye,  proved  a  sore 
affliction  to  some  stomachs,  who  could  not  live  upon  Indian  bread  and 
water,  yet  they  were  compelled  to  it."— Johnson. 


HO  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ion,  and  in  the  pleasing  prospect  of  transmitting  them 
inviolate  to  their  posterity.  Who,  in  contemplation 
of  these  facts,  must  not  acknowledge  a  divine  super- 
intendence ? 

The  same  superintendence  was  equally  visible  in  that 
remarkable  coincidence  of  circumstances,  by  which 
the  Indians  were  restrained,  more  than  fifty  years, 
from  a  general  war  with  the  New -England  colonies. 
They  were  never  in  general  well  affected  towards 
their  English  neighbours;  but  wished,  and  often 
concerted  measures,  to  extirpate  them  from  the 
country.  A  variety  of  circumstances  prevented  the 
execution  of  their  designs.  The  Tarrenteens  had 
surprised  Bashaba,  the  sovereign  prince  of  the  eas- 
tern Indians,  about  the  river  Piscataqua,  and  slain 
him  and  all  the  Indians  in  his  vicinity.  The  subor- 
dinate sachems,  having  lost  their  head,  commenced 
war  with  each  other  and  fought  for  pre-eminence. 
By  this  they  suffered  a  further  diminution  both  of 
their  numbers  and  substance.  In  the  year  1634, 
the  small  pox  made  great  desolation  among  the  In- 
dians in  the  Massachusetts  and  New-Plymouth.* 
The  Pequots  had  wasted  and  subjugated  the  Con- 
necticut Indians.  Sassacus  was  monarch  of  the 
country,  and  reigned  over  twenty  Indian  kings. 
He  had  maintained  a  long  and  successful  war 
against  Miantonimo,  and  was  terrible  to  the  Narra- 
ganset  Indians.  These  mutual  animosities,  and 
their  implacable  spirit  of  revenge,  prevented  all 
union  among  themselves  against  the  infant  colonies. 
At  the  same  time  they  furnished  motives  to  per- 
suade them  to  confederate  with  the  colonists  and 
court  their  favour  and  assistance.  Miantonimo  and 
the  Narragansets  wished  for  an  alliance  with  them, 
that  it  might  be  a  defence  to  them  against  their  too 
powerful  neighbours,  the  Pequots.  The  Massachu- 
setts sought  it  for  a  defence  against  the  Tarrenteens. 
All  the   New- England  Indians  hoped  to  profit  by 

*  Morton's  Mem.  p.  100.     Prince,  part  ii.  p.  67, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  Xll 

it,  as  a  security  against  the  Mohawks,  of  whom  they   chap. 
had  the  greatest  imaginable  dread.     Besides,  they 
derived  to  themselves  many  advantages  from  an  am- 
icable commerce  with  the  colonies. 

Another  thing  to  be  observed  was  the  justice  and 
faithfulness  of  the  first  colonists  towards  them. 
They  generally  made  a  fair  purchase  of  their  lands 
of  the  natives,  the  original  lords  of  the  soil.  They 
were  careful  to  pay  them  for  all  their  commodities, 
and  faithful  to  support  them  as  allies.  When  they 
were  injured  by  individuals,  the  colonists  lent  an 
ear  to  their  complaints,  and  saw  that  justice  was 
immediately  done  them.*  Various  instances  of  this 
may  be  seen  on  the  public  files.  One  is  very  re- 
markable. Upon  their  exhibiting  evidence  that  one 
Moreton  and  his  company  had  done  them  great  and 
repeated  injuries,  the  court  of  Massachusetts  order- 
ed that  part  of  his  goods  should  be  taken,  and  his 
house  burned  before  their  eyes,  to  give  them  satis- 
faction.! 

Such  was  their  remembrance  of  past  injuries, 
and  such  their  thirst  of  revenge,  as  not  only  pre- 
vented an  union  among  themselves,  but  influenced 
them  to  unite  with  the  colonies  against  each  other. 
While  some  nations  were  plotting  a  general  destruc- 
tion of  the  plantations,  others  revealed  the  mischief. 
In  these  ways  did  the  Supreme  Ruler  give  peace  to 
his  people,  and  cause  them  to  dwell  safely  among 
the  Heathen. 

Very  observable  indeed  was  the  divine  agency 
in  causing  the  cruelty  and  despotism  of  a  persecu- 
ting prince,  of  a  bigotted  and  furious  prelate  to  be 
the  means  of  the  propagation  and  establishment  of 
that  civil  and  religious  liberty,  that  purity  in  wor- 
ship and  divine  administrations,  which  it  was  their 
design  utterly  to  frustrate  and  abolish.  What  im- 
mense blessings,  through  the  wisdom  and  goodness 
of  the  divine  administration,  have  been  derived  to 

*  Prince's  Chron.  part  ii,  p.  21,  22.     f  Ibid,  part  i.  p.  248. 


112  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  millions,  from  that  despotic,  intolerant  spirit  which 

drove  our  ancestors  from  their  dear  enjoyments  in 

the  land  of  their  nativity  ? 

That  divine  superintendency,  which  caused  such 
a  variety  of  circumstances  to  unite  their  influence 
in  the  settlement  of  protestant  churches  in  America, 
is  not  less  observable  in  the  appointment  of  their 
habitation.  By  far  the  best  part  of  America  hath 
been  given  them  for  their  inheritance.  Though  they 
were  at  first  few  in  number,  a  feeble  people,  need- 
ing little  extent  of  country,  yet  their  patents  and 
charters  conveyed  to  them  immense  territories, 
sufficient  for  one  of  the  greatest  empires.  This  ear- 
ly circumstance  laid  the  foundation  for  that  extent 
of  country  ceded  to  the  United  States.  It  is  a 
country  so  variegated  with  soil,  climates,  and  sea- 
sons, and  so  liberal  to  the  husbandman,  that  it  hath 
never  experienced  famine  or  a  general  want  of 
bread,  from  the  commencement  of  any  considerable 
cultivation  to  the  present  era.  It  is  a  country  of 
health  and  plenty,  abounding  with  the  necessaries, 
and  with  many  of  the  delicacies,  of  life.  It  is  at  a 
great  remove  from  the  nations  of  the  old  world, 
formed  for  independency,  and  happily  adapted  to  the 
genius  of  the  people  to  whom  it  was  to  be  given  for 
a  possession.  The  States  of  America,  though  ca- 
pable of  independent  subsistence,  are  yet  in  posses- 
sion of  advantages  for  extensive  commerce,  and  a 
general  intercourse  with  foreign  kingdoms.  Their 
coasts  are  washed  with  the  Atlantic  ocean  more  than 
a  thousand  miles.  Their  harbours  are  excellent : 
and  their  numerous  extensive  rivers  and  spacious 
lakes  open  an  easy  communication  from  the  most 
distant  parts  to  the  sea,  and  thence  back  to  the  in- 
land countries.  Their  forests  in  height  and  ex- 
tent are  equalled  by  few,  and  exceeded  by  none,  in 
any  of  the  European  kingdoms.  They  abound  with 
oak,  pine,  turpentine,  and  tar,  and  furnish  materials 
for  the  most  formidable  navy.  Whom  shall  we  ac- 
knowledge in  the  enjoyment  of  such  a  country  but 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  \\S 

Him,  who  not  only  made  of  one  blood  all  nations,   chap. 
but  determined  the  bounds  of  their  habitation  ? 

Who  can  contemplate  the  piety  and  magnanimity 
of  the  fathers  of  the  American  republicks,  and  the  im- 
portant services  they  have  rendered  to  posterity, 
without  a  high  degree  of  veneration  ?  How  soon 
would  an  imitation  of  their  selfdenial,  industry, 
economy,  and  greatness  of  mind,  extricate  the  Uni- 
ted States  from  every  embarrassment,  and  raise  them 
to  such  an  elevation  of  dignity,  opulence,  and  pow- 
er, as  would  demand  respect  from  foreign  nations, 
and  make  them  formidable  to  the  whole  world  ? 
How  should  their  expense  of  lives  and  treasures, 
their  sufferings  and  labours,  to  transmit  the  blessings 
of  undefiled  religion,  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
endear,  and  render  them  venerable  to  all  posterity  ? 
Doth  not  gratitude  to  God  and  men  oblige  Amer- 
icans to  be  sincerely  pious,  and  inviolably  to  main- 
tain and  perpetuate  this  glorious  inheritance  ? 


CHAPTER    III. 

Oppression  of  the  Virginians  under  the  administration  of  Sir  John  Harvey. 
Another  massacre  by  the  Indians.  War  with  them.  Confederation  of 
the  New-England  colonies.  Their  success  in  christianizing  the  natives. 
The  Virginians  refusing  obedience  to  the  Lord  protector,  he  despatches  m 
armament  against  them.  They  capitulate.  His  different  t  eatment  of  af- 
ferent colonies.  Reduction  of  New-York.  Injury  b)  the  king's  commi'  lon- 
ers. The  settlement  of  New-Jersey  and  the  Carolinas.  Indian  war  and  de- 
predations in  New-England. 

A  HE  great  Virginia  company  having  been  arbitra- 
rily dissolved  by  king  James,  his  successor  Charles 
I.  who  was  possessed  of  the  same  high  ideas  of  pre- 
rogative which  had  so  strongly  marked  the  charac- 
ter and  reign  of  his  father,  the  May  after  his  de-  Mayi 
mise  named  a  new  governour  and  council  for  Vir-  1625. 
ginia.  Notwithstanding  all  charter  grants  and  se- 
curities, he  appears  to  have  viewed  the  colonies  in 
the  light  of  conquered  countries,  to  be  governed 
only  by  the  royal  pleasure.  The  governour  and 
Vol.  T.  15 


114  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Ch  AP"   council  were    therefore    invested    with  powers  the 

most  absolute  and  arbitrary.     They  were  authorized 

to  enact  and  execute  laws,  impose  taxes,  enforce 
payments,  and  even  to  transport  the  Virginians  into 
England,  to  be  tried  for  crimes  committed  in  Vir- 
ginia. They  were  bound  by  no  law  or  rule  of  gov- 
ernment. Neither  the  commission,  nor  instruc- 
tions so  much  as  mentioned  or  had  an  allusion  to 
their  charters,  to  an  assembly,  the  laws  of  England, 
nor  the  acts  of  the  colonial  legislature. 
1629.  >In  1629  Sir  John  Harvey  was  appointed  govern- 
our  of  the  colony ;  a  man  who  possessed  all  the  ar- 
bitrary principles  of  his  monarch.  He  was  haughty 
and  inflexible  in  his  councils,  covetous  and  severe 
in  his  exactions,  unjust,  arbitrary,  and  oppressive,  in 
every  part  of  his  administration.  By  his  contrivance 
large  tracts  of  land  were  conveyed  away,  not  only 
with  their  quitrents,  but  even  with  the  authorities  and 
jurisdiction  :  not  to  adventurers,  who  designed  to 
make  settlements,  but  to  those,  who  sought  them 
qppres-  only  for  lucrative  purposes.  Nay,  he  proceeded  so 
governour  ^ar  m  triose  arbitrary  grants,  as  to  include  the  settle- 
Harvey,  ments,  which  had  been  made  by  former  adventur- 
ers. 

For  the  purposes  of  his  own  emolument,  he,  with 
rigour,  exacted  the  fines  and  penalties,  which  the  un- 
wary assemblies  of  those  times,  had  given,  chiefly, 
to  their  governours.  By  these  unjust  and  cruel  meas- 
ures, he  threw  the  colony  into  the  utmost  heat  and 
confusion.  Matters  arose  to  such  a  height,  that  the 
council  proceeded  to  arrest  his  person  and  send  him 
prisoner  to  London.  Two  of  their  members  went 
over  to  support  allegations  against  him.  But  so  far 
was  king  Charles  from  redressing  their  grievances, 
that  he  esteemed  their  conduct  a  presumptuous  in- 
fraction on  the  royal  prerogative;  and  instead  of 
hearing  their  complaints,  the  king  honoured  him 
with  a  new  commission,  confirming  his  former  pow- 
ers, and  sent  him  back  to  his  government.  But  the 
dissatisfaction   was  so   great  and  general,  and  the 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  115 

clamours  of  the  people  so  loud,  that  his  majesty,  on   chap. 
cooler  reflection,  was  pleased  to  revoke  his  commis- 
sion.    The  Virginians  during  the  ten  years  of  his  Jan  1639> 
administration  were  treated  more  like  the  vassals  of 
an  eastern  despot,  than  like  the  subjects  of  a  free  gov- 
ernment. 

The  Indians  jealous  of  their  rights,  and  exaspera- 
ted by  the  new  and  arbitrary  grants  of  the  govern- 
our,  took  every  advantage  to  annoy  the  colony. 
Opechancanough,  successor  to  Powhatan,  a  man  of 
great  courage  and  subtilty,  observing  the  tumultuous 
state  of  the  colony,  laid  the  plan  of  another  surprise 
and  massacre.  While  the  attention  of  the  colonists 
was  turned  to  their  grievances,  and  they  were  con- 
sulting the  means  of  relief,  the  Indians  fell  on  them, 
and,  at  one  stroke,  cut  off  about  500  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. This  destruction  fell,  chiefly,  on  the  south 
side  of  James  river,  and  on  the  heads  of  the  other 
rivers,  especially,  of  York  river,  where  was  the  seat 
of  this  Indian  prince. 

In  the  beginning  of  1639,  Sir  William  Berkley  April. 
was  appointed  to  the  government  of  Virginia.  The 
change  of  affairs,  at  this  time,  in  England,  seems  to 
have  made  a  prodigious  alteration  in  colonial  policy. 
The  governour  was  instructed  to  call  a  free  assem- 
bly, to  enact  laws  for  the  government  of  the  colony, 
as  nearly  as  might  be  conformable  to  the  laws  and 
polity  of  England  :  To  cause  justice,  agreeably  to 
the  jurisprudence  of  the  nation,  to  be  immediately 
administered  to  all :  and  to  restrain  foreign  trade. 
Once  more  were  the  Virginians  restored  to  that  sys- 
tem of  freedom,  to  which,  both  by  charter,  and  as 
English  subjects,  they  had  the  clearest  title.  Sir 
William  employed  all  means  in  his  power  for  the 
increase,  emolument,  and  happiness  of  the  colony. 
However,  the  Indian  war,  which  succeeded  the  mas- 
sacre, employing  all  the  men  which  could  be  spared, 
was  a  great  obstruction  to  his  benevolent  attempts 
for  its  advancement.  Though  the  war  was  finally 
successful,  yet  many  years  elapsed  before  the  colony 


US  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

recovered    from  the  unhappy  consequences   of  the 
mal-ad ministration  of  the  preceding  government. 
1640  During  the  oppression  suffered  by  the  Virginians, 

the  New -England  colonies  enjoyed  tolerable  peace, 
and  greatly  extended  their  settlements.  By  the  year 
1640,  there  came  over  in  the  whole  into  New-Eng- 
land, about  21,200  souls,  or  4,240  families.  The 
cost  of  the  transportation  of  the  planters  and  their 
cattle,  of  their  arms,  artillery,  and  ammunition,  pro- 
visions, and  materials  for  building,  amounted  nearly 
to  200,000/.  sterling.*  With  this  number  and  its 
increase,  which  in  this  period,  probably,  did  not 
much,  if  any  thing,  exceed  the  loss  sustained  by 
the  mortality  of  the  first  years,  the  several  New- 
England  colonies  had  planted  about  forty  towns. 
These  were  spread  nearly  through  the  whole  extent 
of  New- England.  Each  town,  on  an  average,  con- 
sisted of  about  500  inhabitants  or  100  families,  and 
were  able  to  muster  80  or  90  fencible  men.  The 
settlements,  for  the  accommodation  of  different  com- 
panies, had  been  much  farther  extended  on  the 
rivers  and  sea  coast,  and  made  in  a  more  scattering 
manner,  than  was  at  first  designed.  They  could 
not  with  any  convenience  unite  under  one  govern- 
ment. Emigrations  from  England  were  now  at  an 
end.  After  this  period  more  people  returned,  than 
came  from  thence  into  the  colonies.  Such  were 
the  civil  dissensions  in  their  native  country,  that  no 
aid  could  be  expected  either  from  the  king  or  par- 
liament. The  Dutch  had  so  far  extended  their 
settlements,  made  such  claims  to  the  country,  and 
in  their  conduct  were  so  inimical,  as  gave  a  general 
alarm.  The  Narragansett  Indians  appeared  hostile, 
and  there  were  strong  apprehensions  of  a  general 

*  Mather  in  his  Magnalia  reckons  the  expense  of  transportation, 
and  articles  mentioned  above,  at  192,000  pounds,  in  which  the  ex- 
pense of  transporting  the  colony  of  New  Plymouth,  of  their  arms, 
artillery,  provisions,  and  effects  seems  not  to  have  been  included  ;  nor 
that  of  the  transportation  of  the  men,  of  the  arms,  artillery,  and  stores 
for  the  building-  of  the  fori  at  Sa)  brook.  These  expenditures  added  to 
the  former,  it  is  supposed,  will  make  the  whole  amount  200,000  pounds. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  >  Jjj 

combination  among  the  natives  to  extirpate  the  plan-  chap. 
tations.  In  this  critical  state  of  affairs,  the  colonies 
judged  it  to  be  matter  both  of  expediency  and  duty,  1640 
as  it  is  expressed,  "As  they  came  into  these  parts 
of  America  with  one  and  the  same  end  and  aim,  to 
advance  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
and  enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in  purity  and 
peace,"  to  confederate  for  mutual  advice  and  assist- 
ance ;  and  as  they  were  one  in  nation  and  religion, 
so  that  they  be  and  continue  one  in  a  "firm  and  per- 
petual league  of  friendship  and  amity,  offence  and 
defence,  mutual  advice  and  succour  upon  all  just 
occasions,  both  for  the  preserving  and  propagating 
the  truth  and  liberty  of  the  gospel,  and  for  their  own 
mutual  safety  and  welfare." 

After  about  three  years  had  been  spent  in  prepar-  Union  of 
ing  and  ripening  the  matter,  the  articles  were  signed,  England" 
May   19th,   1643.     By   these  the   four   colonies   of  colonies, 
Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New-  ^19tb' 
Haven,  with  the  plantations  under  their  respective 
jurisdictions,    became   one,  by  the   name    of  The 
United  Colonies  of  New-England.     By  the 
articles  there  was  reserved  to  each  colony  a  distinct 
and  entire  jurisdiction.     No  two  colonies  might  be 
united  in  one,  nor  any  other  colony  be  received  into 
the  confederacy,  without  the  consent  of  the  whole. 
Each  colony  was  authorized  to  elect  two  commis- 
sioners to  meet  annually  on  the  first  Thursday  in 
September.     These  commissioners  were  vested  with 
plenary  powers  of  determining  "  all  affairs  of  war  and 
peace,  of  leagues,  aids,  charges,  and  number  of  men 
for  war,"   &c.      They  had  not  only  the  power  of 
meeting  annually,    but   on    any   emergency   which 
might  render  it  necessary.     Six  of  the  commission- 
ers might  determine  any  point  respecting  the  con- 
federacy, though  the  other  two  should  dissent.     Up- 
on notice  that  any  of  the  confederates  were  invaded, 
the  rest  were  immediately  to  despatch  assistance  to 
the  colony  in  danger.     The  number  of  men,  quan- 
tity of  provision,  and  charges  of  war,  were  to  be 


118  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  Tft£ 

proportioned  to  the  number  of  male  inhabitants  in 
each  colony  between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of  age. 
1643.  For  the  preservation  of  order  a  president  was  annu- 
ally chosen.  If  either  of  the  colonies  should  be 
guilty  of  an  infraction  of  the  articles  of  confederation, 
or  injure  one  of  the  other  colonies,  the  matter  was  to 
be  determined  by  the  commissioners  of  the  other 
colonies.* 
Effects  of  This  union  made  the  New- England  colonies  for- 
e  union.  m^a^]e  ^ofa  to  t]ie  DutCn  and  Indians.  It  was 
happily  adapted  to  promote  a  general  harmony  among 
themselves,  to  maintain  the  peace  and  vindicate  the 
rights  of  the  country.  It  subsisted  more  than  forty 
years,  until  the  charters  of  the  colonies  were  injuri- 
ously vacated  or  suspended  by  James  second,  and 
his  commissioners.  The  union  was  acknowledged 
from  the  beginning  by  the  authority  in  England,  and 
received  countenance  from  it  until  the  restoration. 
It  was  afterwards  noticed  in  letters  from  king  Cha  ies 
the  second,  without  any  exception  to  the  establish- 
ment. It  was  a  happy  event,  by  which  providence 
gave  protection  and  peace  to  the  churches  and  colo- 
nies of  New-England,  when  they  were  compassed 
with  dangers,  and  there  appeared  no  other  means  of 
safety. 

Providence  was  also  pleased  to  use  it,  as  one  of 
the  most  successful  means  of  civilizing  and  chris- 
tianizing the  heathen.  The  society  for  prop- 
agating the  gospel  among  the  Indians  in  New- 
England,  made  the  commissioners  their  correspond- 
ents and  agents  for  dispensing  their  charitable  dona- 
tions. This  correspondence  commenced  in  1650, 
and  continued  till  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  about 
the  year  1686. 
Conver-  Some  time  before,  Mr.  Mayhew  and  the  famous 
india°nsUie  Mr.  Eliot  had  made  considerable  advances  in  civili- 
zing the  Indians,  and  in  converting  them  to  the  chris- 
tian faith.     Before  the  commencement  of  the  corres- 

*  Records  of  the  United  Colonies. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  \\g 

pondence  of  the  society  with  the  commissioners,  both  chap. 
these  gentlemen  had  learned  the  Indian  language 
and  preached  to  the  Indians  in  their  own  tongue. 
In  the  Massachusetts  there  were  two  Indian  towns 
collected,  for  the  purposes  of  civilization  and  Chris- 
tianity. The  Indians  forsook  their  barbarous  way 
of  living,  and  dressed  themselves  modestly  in  the 
English  manner.  They  were  allowed  a  number  of 
simple  laws,  and  rulers  among  themselves  to  put 
them  in  execution.  One  of  those  towns  Mr. 
Eliot  called,  Noonanetum,  rejoicing  ;  to  express 
the  joy  of  the  conversion  of  the  natives  to  the 
true  God.  Mr.  Mayhew  had  been  successful  on 
Martha's  Vineyard,  in  turning  numbers  from  their 
heathenism  to  a  prayerful  and  sober  life.  The  In- 
dians presented  their  children  to  be  catechised  and 
schooled.  For  these  purposes  money,  clothing,  and 
books  were  necessary.  The  news  of  these  happy 
beginnings  were  reported  in  England,  and  on  the 
27th  of  July,  1649,  a  board  of  commissioners,  or  so- 
ciety for  propagating  the  gospel  among  the  Indians, 
was  instituted  by  act  of  parliament.  The  next  year 
the  society  sent  over  books,  money,  and  other  neces- 
saries for  the  advancement  of  the  work,  to  be  distrib- 
uted by  the  commissioners.  Never  were  money 
and  articles  more  faithfully,  or  more  successfully 
applied.  Great  indeed  was  the  opposition,  which 
the  Indians,  almost  universally,  made  to  Christianity. 
The  sachems  and  powaws,  or  priests,  were  univer- 
sally against  the  gospel,  and  used  all  their  arts  and 
influence  to  prevent  its  propagation  among  them. 
They  threatened  and  insulted  the  missionaries.  They 
banished  those  from  their  society,  who  became  chris- 
tians, or  so  much  as  favoured  Christianity.  When 
they  imagined  they  could  do  it  with  safety,  they  put 
them  to  death.  Had  it  not  been  for  their  fear  of  the 
united  colonies,  it  is  supposed  that  they  would  have 
massacred  all  the  new  converts.*    But  notwithstand- 

*  NeaPs  hist.  N.  England,  vol.  i.  p.  230  to  2*4. 


120 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
III. 

Indian 
churches. 


ing  these  and  other  impediments,  there  were  by  the 
year  1660  ten  towns  of  praying  Indians.  About  the 
year  1687,  there  were  more  than  twenty  assemblies 
of  Indians,  who  worshipped  God.  There  were  six 
Indian  churches  in  which  there  was  a  regular  admin- 
istration of  the  sacraments  and  all  gospel  ordinances.* 
In  1685  there  were  in  the  colony  of  New-Plymouth 
1439  praying  Indians,  exclusive  of  boys  and  girls 
under  twelve  years  of  age,  who  were  supposed  to  be 
more  than  three  times  that  number,  f  In  1695  there 
were  not  less  than  three  thousand  adult  Indian  con- 
verts in  the  islands  of  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nan- 
tucket. Much  more  was  done  to  civilize  and  bring 
the  original  nations  to  the  knowledge  and  practice 
of  Christianity,  in  about  fifty  years,  by  the  commis- 
sioners and  the  New-England  ministers,  than  has 
ever  been  since  effected,  by  all  the  missionaries  which 
have  been  employed  and  monies  expended  for  that 
charitable  purpose. 

During  the  civil  war  in  England,  and  the  admin- 
istration of  the  protector,  the  general  government  of 
New- England  was  managed  by  the  commissioners; 
and  its  several  colonies  were  indulged  in  the  full  and 
undisturbed  enjoyment  both  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty.  They  submitted,  without  difficulty  to  the 
government  in  England,  whether  in  the  hands  of  the 
parliament  or  the  protector.  But  in  Virginia  and 
Maryland  it  was  entirely  the  reverse.  They  refused 
all  subjection  and  allegiance  to  the  protector.  A 
squadron  of  men  of  war  was  therefore  despatched  by 
Cromwell,  under  the  command  of  captain  Dennis,  to 
reduce  them  to  obedience.  Sir  William  Berkley,  the 
governour  of  Virginia,  was  a  stanch  royalist,  and  by  his 
many  good  services  had  gained  the  esteem  and  con- 
fidence of  the  people ;  he,  therefore,  having  obtained 
the  assistance  of  several  Dutch  vessels,  made  a  vig- 
orous and  brave  defence.     Captain  Dennis  however, 


*  Neal's  Hist,  p.  254. 
f  Governour  Hinkley's  Letter  to  the  Corporation  in  England, 
also  the  Mag-nalia,  Bookiii. 


See 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  121 

obliged  him  to  capitulate  on  the  terms  of  a  general   chap. 
pardon.     But  the  Virginians  before  they  laid  down 
their  arms  secured  all  their  rights  by  an  express  and 
solemn    convention.     It  was,   among   other  things, 
stipulated,    That  the  plantation  of  Virginia  and  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof  shall  be  and  remain  in  due 
subjection  to  the  commonwealth  of  England  :    That 
the   grand  assembly,   as  formerly,    should   convene 
and  transact  the  affairs  of  Virginia,  in  which  nothing 
was  to  be  done  contrary  to  the   government  of  the 
commonwealth  of  England  :    That  there  should  be 
a  full  and  total  remission  and  indemnity  of  all  acts, 
words,  or  writings,  done  or  spoken  against  the  par- 
liament of  England  in  relation  to  the  same  :     That 
Virginia  should    enjoy  the  ancient   bounds    granted 
by  the  charters  of  the  former  kings :  That  all  grants 
under  the  seal  of  the  colony,  by  the  former  govern- 
ours  should  remain  in  their  full  force :  and,  that  the 
people  of  Virginia  have  as  free  trade  as  the  people 
of  England,  and  should  enjoy  all  privileges  equally 
with    any    English   plantations  in   America.       The 
articles  were  signed  the  12th  of  March,  1651. 

Though  the  Virginians  by  this  convention,  with 
arms  in  their  hands,  seemed  to  have  secured  their 
rights  in  the  amplest  manner,  yet  the  conduct  of  the 
protector  was  entirely   different  towards  them   and 
Maryland,  from  what  it  was  towards  the  New-Eng- 
land colonies.     They  paid  dearly  for  their  opposi- 
tion.    The  preceding  year,  the   protector  had   ob- 
tained an  act  of  parliament,  prohibiting  the   planta- 
tions  from   receiving   or  exporting    any   European 
commodities,  except   in   ships   built   and  navigated 
by  Englishmen ;    and  inhibiting  all  correspondence 
with  any  nation  or  colony,  not  subject  to  England. 
The  New- England  colonies,  nevertheless,  wrere  al- 
lowed a  free  trade  to  all  parts ;    and  were  indulged 
in  the  privilege  of  importing  their  goods  and  com- 
modities into  England,  free  from  ail  the  duties  of 
which  others  were  obliged  to  make  payment.  This  ex- 
cited the  envy  of  the  other  colonies,  and  created  dissat- 
Vol.  I.  "  16 


]£2  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

isfaction  among  the  merchants  in  England  ;  yet  the 
indulgence  was  continued  till  the  restoration.*  But 
care  was  taken,  that  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  the 
acts  of  parliament  should  be  rigorously  enforced. 
By  these  means  they  suffered  no  little  distress  and 
impoverishment.  The  protector,  more  effectually 
to  accomplish  his  purposes,  made  a  frequent  change 
of  governours,  lest  they  should  enter  into  the  feelings 
of  the  people,  and  treat  them  with  more  lenity  than 
he  wished.  In  Virginia  they  had  not  less  than  three, 
Diggs,  Bennet,  and  Matthews  during  the  protector- 
ship.! 

Meanwhile,  under  the  fostering  hand  of  the  pro- 
tector, the  New-England  colonies  made  happy  advan- 
ces in  the  settlement  and  cultivation  of  the  country, 
in  population  and  commerce. 
March  14,  Connecticut  having  considerably  extended  her 
settlements,  on  the  restoration,  determined  to  peti- 
tion king  Charles  II.  for  a  charter  of  incorporation. 
Governour  Winthrop  went  to  England,  as  agent  of 
Charter  of  the  colony,  to  solicit  the  royal  favour.  According- 
Conhecti-  }Vj  on  the  20th  of  April,  1662,  his  majesty  issued  his 
20th ,1 662.  letters  patent  under  the  royal  seals,  ordaining  that 
John  Winthrop,  John  Mason,  Samuel  Wyllys,  &c. 
with  such  as  then  were,  or  should  afterwards  be 
made  free  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  should  for 
ever  after  be  one  body  corporate  and  politic  in  fact 
and  name  ;  by  the  name  of  Governour  and  Compa- 
ny of  the  English  colony  of  Connecticut,  in  New- 
England  in  America.  The  charter  ordained  that 
there  should  be  a  governour,  deputy  governour,  and 
twelve  assistants.  These  were  to  be  chosen  annu- 
ally, on  the  second  Thursday  in  May,  by  the  whole 
body  of  the  freemen.  The  governour  and  deputy 
governour  were  to  be  chosen  by  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  present.  The  assistants  were  chosen 
not  by  a  majority,  but  by  the  greatest  number.  The 
charter  instituted  twogeneralassembliesannually.  One 

*  Hut.  vol.  i.  p.  195.    f  Hist,  of  N.  America  in  the  American  Magazine. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  123 

on  the  second  Thursday  in  May,  the  other  on  the  sec- 
ond Thursday  in  October.  The  General  Assembly  con- 
sisted of  the  governour,  deputy  governour,  the  twelve 
assistants,  and  freemen  of  the  colony.  The  freemen 
met  by  representation.  From  each  town,  they  gen- 
erally elected  and  sent  two  of  their  principal  men. 
The  assembly  consisted  of  two  houses.  The  gov- 
ernours  and  assistants  composed  the  upper,  and  the 
freemen,  the  lower  house  of  assembly. 

In  the  General  Assembly  consisted  the  whole  legisla- 
tive power  of  the  colony.  This  enacted  all  laws,  ap- 
pointed all  inferior  courts  and  executive  officers.  The 
charter,appointed  the  same  governour,  deputy  govern- 
our, and  assistants,  which  had  been  chosen  by  die  free- 
men at  the  preceding  election.  The  government 
under  the  charter  was  essentially  the  same  with 
that,  which  the  people  had  previously  adopted  by 
voluntary  compact. 

In  the  first  General  Assembly,  under  the  charter,  First  Ag_ 
October  9th,  1662,  it  was  publicly  read,  and  deciar-  semblyun. 
ed  to  belong  to  the  freemen  of  the  colony  and  their  ^^ 
successors.     This  assembly   established   all  former  Oct.  9th. 
officers  civil  and  military  in  their  respective  places  1669« 
and  powers.     It   also  established  the  former  code  of 
laws,  and  the  same  common  seal,  which  had  been  in 
use  before  the  charter. 

The  charter  confirmed  to  the  colony   the  whole 
tract  of  country  granted  in  the  old  Connecticut  pa- 
tent, by  the  council  of  Plymouth  to  the  earl  of  War- 
wick, and  by  him  to  lord  Say    and  Seal,  &c.  from 
Narragansett  bay  to  the  South  Sea.     This  included 
the  whole  colony  of  New-Haven;  the  planters  of  which, 
no  less  than  those  of  Connecticut,  were  the  patentees 
of  lord  Say  and  Seal,  &c.     It  was  therefore  natural 
to  include  them  in  the  same  patent.     This,  at  first, 
was  not  agreeable  to  New- Haven  ;  yet,  about  two 
years  after,  the  colonies  amicably  united.  The  freemen  Union  of 
of  New-Haven  were  declared  to  be  free  of  the  colony  ^tn"^U* 
of  Connecticut,  and  their  officers  civil  and  military  Ne*?!** 
were  confirmed  in  office.     It  was  also  determined,  ven- 


124  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

°  niP  ^  ^ie  £eneral  assembly  of  Connecticut,  that  the 
magistrates  of  New- Haven  should  stand  in  the  nom- 
ination for  the  next  election.  A  proper  proportion 
of  the  magistrates  of  that  colony,  were  the  next  May, 
elected  to  the  same  office  in  the  colony  of  Connec- 
ticut. 
May,i665.  May  11th,  1665,  the  colonies  met,  by  their  magis- 
trates and  representatives,  in  General  Assembly. 
The  colony  thus  united  consisted  of  nineteen  tax- 
able towns.*  The  number  of  representatives  was 
twenty-five.    ' 

The  colony  of  Rhode  Island  made  application 
for  charter  privileges  about  the  same  time  as  Con- 
necticut, Her  application  was  equally  successful. 
The  charter  of  that  colony  bears  date  July  8th, 
1662.  It  appoints  an  assembly,  consisting  of  a 
governour,  deputy  govemour,  and  ten  assistants, 
with  the  representatives  of  the  several  towns,  all 
chosen  by  the  freemen.  The  first  charter  govern- 
our was  Benedict  Arnold,  Esq.  The  deputy  gov- 
ernour was  William  Brenton.  The  assembly  was 
appointed  to  convene  annually  on  the  first  Wednes- 
day in  May  and  the  last  Wednesday  in  October. 
Their  first  general  assembly  met  March  1st,  1663. 

While  affairs  were  thus  transacted  in  the  colonies, 
the  Dutch  taking  advantage  of  the  distractions  in 
England,  and  of  the  weak  state  of  the  English  plan- 
tations, increased  their  settlements  and  set  up  their 
claims  to  very  extensive  territories.  They  not  only 
claimed  the  whole  country  now  included  in  the 
several  states  of  New-York,  New-Jersey,  and  Del- 
aware ;  but  a  considerable  part  of  Connecticut. f 
They  did  great  injury  both  to  the  New-England 
and  southern  colonies.  They  furnished  the  Indians 
with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  taught  them  the  man* 
ner  of  English  fighting.  They  attacked  and  plun- 
dered the  settlement  made  by  the  colony  of  New- 
Haven  on  the  Delaware,  and  took  the  inhabitants 

*  The  grand  list  this  year  was  153,620/.  16s. 5d.  Records  of  the  Colony* 
f  Smith's  hist,  of  N.  Jersey,  p.  34. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA  125 

captive.*  The  English  court  ever  disavowed  the 
Dutch  claims  ;  and  as  they  were  now  become 
troublesome  to  the  colonies,  soon  after  the  restora- 
tion an  expedition  was  undertaken  for  their  reduc- 
tion. King  Charles  was  well  apprized  of  the  ill 
consequences  of  having  a  Dutch  colony  in  the  heart 
of  his  American  dominions;  and  having  formed  the 
resolution  of  dispossessing  them,  he  made  a  grant  of 
the  whole  country,  which  they  claimed,  with  some 
other  parts  of  North  America,  to  hi>  brother  the  duke 
of  York  and  Albany.  The  territory  described  in  the 
patent,  is,  "  All  that  part  of  the  main  land  of  New-  **%*}* 
England,  beginning  at  a  certain  place  called  or  rf  YoA, 
known  by  the  name  of  St.  Croix,  near  adjoining  March, 
to  New-Scotland,  in  America;  and  from  thence  ex-  4' 
tending  along  the  sea  coast,  unto  a  certain  place 
called  Pemaquie  or  Pemaquid,  and  so  up  the  river 
thereof,  to  the  furthest  head  of  the  same,  as  it  ex- 
tendeth  northward  ;  and  extending  from  thence  to 
the  river  of  Kimbequin,  and  so  upwards  by  the 
shortest  course,  to  the  river  Canada  northwards  ;  and 
also  all  that  island  or  islands,  commonly  called  by 
the  several  name  or  names  of  Matowaks  or  Long 
Island,  situate  and  being  towards  the  west  of  Cape 
Cod,  and  the  narrow  Higansetts,  abutting  upon  the 
land  between  the  two  rivers,  there  called  or  known 
by  the  several  names  of  Connecticut  and  Hudson's 
river ;  together  also  with  the  said  river,  called  Hud- 
son's river ;  and  all  the  lands  from  the  west  side  of 
Connecticut  river  to  the  east  side  of  Delaware  bay." 
The  duke's  concern  for  his  property,  and  the 
aversion  both  of  the  dtike  and  of  his  British  majesty  to 
the  Dutch,  made  the  expedition  against  them  a  mat- 
ter of  primary  attention.  Colonel  Richard  Nichols 
had  the  chief  command,  George  Cartwright,  Esq. 
Sir  Robert  Carr,  and  Samuel  Maverick,  Esq.  were 
appointed  commissioners  from  his  majesty  to  act 
with  him,  not  only  in  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch 

*  Records  of  the  United  Colonies. 


126  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CHr  P'   plantations,  and  the  settlement  of  government  in  them, 
U      but  for  visiting  the- New- England  colonies  ;    hearing 
and  determining  all  matters  of  complaint,  and  for 
settling  the  peace  and  security  of  the  country. 

Colonel  Nichols  arrived  at  Boston  with  the  arma- 
ment under  his  command  the  23d  of  July,  1664. 
After  communicating  his  commission  to  the  colonies, 
and  his  majesty's  requisition  of  troops,  to  assist  in 
the  expedition  against  the  Dutch  plantations,  he  sail- 
ed for  the  Manhadoes  :  and  on  the  20th  of  August, 
made  a  demand  of  the  town  and  forts  on  the  island. 
In  his  majesty's  name  he  gave  assurance  to  all  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Dutch  nation,  That  on  their  submis- 
sion to  his  government,  they  should  be  secured  with 
respect  to  property,  life,  and  iiberty  ;  and  enjoy  all 
the  privileges  of  English  subjects.  The  Dutch  gov- 
ernour,  Stuyvesant,  was  a  soldier,  and  had  he  been 
prepared,  would  doubtless  have  made  a  noble  resist- 
ance ;  but,  as  the  expedition  was  undertaken  sev- 
eral months  before  the  declaration  of  war  against 
Holland,  he  was  unprepared  for  defence  against  the 
royal  armament.  Troops  were  raised  in  the  New- 
England  colonies  ;  and  ready,  if  it  should  be  found 
necessary  to  march  at  the  shortest  notice. 

On  the  27th  of  August,*  governour  Stuyvesant 
surrendered  on  terms  of  capitulation.  The  articles 
provided,  That  "  the  Dutch  should  enjoy  the  lib- 
erty of  their  consciences  in  divine  worship  and  Dutch 
discipline."  The  Dutch  governour  and  inhabitants 
became  English  subjects,  enjoyed  their  estates  and 
the  privileges  of  Englishmen.  Colonel  Nichols 
marched  up  the  country  to  fort  Orange,f  which 
surrendered  without  resistance.  The  ships  under 
the  command  of  Sir  Robert  Carr  were  sent  into 
the  Delaware  to  reduce  the  Dutch,  in  that  quarter 
to  his  majesty's  obedience.  On  the  1st  of  Octo- 
ber, New-Amstel,  now  called  New-Castle,  with  the 
inhabitants  on  the  Delaware  submitted  to  the  English 

*  This  was  old  style.  f  Albany. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  127 

government.     In    honour    to    the    duke     the    two   CI?1^P- 

principal  Dutch  settlements  were  named  New- York 

and  Albany.  1664. 

The  duke  on  the  24th  of  June,  1664,  made  a  grant 
of  New-Jersey  to  lord  Berkley  and  Sir  George  Car- 
teret. The  tract  of  country  described  in  the  patent, 
is  "  All  that  tract  of  land  adjacent  to  New-England, 
and  lying  and  being  to  the  westward  of  Long  Island 
and  Manhattas  island  ;  and  bounded  on  the  east  part 
by  the  main  sea,  and  part  by  Hudson's  river ;  and 
hath  upon  the  west  Delaware  bay  or  river,  and  ex- 
tendeth  southward  to  the  main  ocean  as  far  as  Cape 
May,  at  the  mouth  of  Delaware  bay ;  and  to  the 
northward  as  far  as  the  northermost  branch  of  the 
said  bay  or  river  of  Delaware  ;  which  is  in  41  de- 
grees and  forty  minutes  latitude,  and  crosseth  over 
thence  in  a  straight  line  to  Hudson's  river,  in  41 
degrees  of  north  latitude."  Sir  George  had  been 
governour  of  Jersey :  and,  in  1649  held  it  for  his 
majesty  Charles  the  second.  In  honour  to  him  the 
province  was  named  New-Jersey. 

Previously  to  the  giving  of  this  patent,  large  pur- 
chases had  been  made  of  the  natives.  People  of  va- 
rious nations  had  also  made  settlements  on  the  lands. 
The  first  settlement  was  made,  about  three  or  four 
years  after  the  settlement  of  Plymouth,  by  the  Dutch 
and  Danes.  They  gave  it  the  name  of  Bergen,  after 
the  capital  of  the  province  of  Bergen  in  Norway. 
The  inhabitants  were  considerably  numerous  at  the 
time  of  the  surrender  of  the  province  to  the  English 
government. 

Soon  after  settlements  were  made  on  the  Dela- 
ware. Such  reports  of  the  pleasantness  and  fer- 
tility of  this  fine  country,  had  been  made  in  Sweden, 
that  Gustavus  Adolphus,  in  1626,  influenced  his 
subjects  to  form  a  company  for  the  purpose  of  mak- 
ing settlements  in  those  quarters.  A  company  was 
instituted,  by  royal  authority,  called  the  West  India 
company.  The  king  himself,  his  lords,  barons, 
knights,  the  principal  officers   of  his  army,  his  bish- 


1,28  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  0pS)  clergy,  and  many  of  the  common  people  of 
Swedeland,  Finland,  and  Liffland,  contributed  for 
the  purpose.  The  next  year  the  Swedes  and  Finns 
came  over,  and  landing,  at  Cape  Inlopen,  they  were 
so  agreeably  affected  with  the  pleasant  prospect  it 
presented,  that  they  named  it  Paradise  point.  They 
made  purchases  of  the  Indians,  on  both  sides  of  the 
river  Delaware  from  the  cape  to  the  falls.  They 
called  the  river  New  Swedeland  Stream ;  and  the 
country  New  Swedeland.  By  presents  and  treaties, 
they  satisfied  the  Indians  and  enjoyed  peace.  They 
made  their  first  settlement  at  Christeen,  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Delaware.  Here  they  laid  out  a  hand- 
some town.  They  made  settlements  at  Lewistown, 
Tenecum,  and  Chester.  It  was  apprehended  from 
the  claims  of  the  Dutch,  that  they  might  attempt  to 
dispossess  them.  Forts  were  therefore  erected  at 
Christeen,  Lewistown,  Chester,  and  on  the  island  of 
Tenecum.  The  fortress  on  the  latter  was  termed 
New-Gottemburg.  This  seems  to  have  been  the 
seat  of  their  government.  Here  John  Printz  their 
govern  our,  built  him  an  elegant  seat,  which  he  nam- 
ed Printz's  Hall.  The  principal  gentlemen  had  their 
plantations  also  on  this  island.  The  English  began 
a  settlement  at  Elsingburgh  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river.  Kieft,  governour  of  the  Dutch  planta- 
tions, by  the  assistance  of  the  Swedes,  drove  them 
off  and  ruined  their  settlements.  He  also  hired  the 
Swedes  to  keep  them  out  of  the  river.  The  Swe- 
dish governour  seized  this  fair  opportunity,  and 
built  fort  Elsingburgh,  on  the  very  ground,  whence 
the  English  had  been  driven.  This  giving  him  the 
command  of  the  river,  he  brought  too,  and  examin- 
ed, at  pleasure,  all  vessels  which  passed,  whether 
Dutch  or  of  any  other  nation.* 

The  Dutch  complained  of  this,  and  wishing  for 
the  entire  possession  of  the  river  and  the  adjacent 
country  they  played  the  same  game  with  them,  which 

*  Smith's  Hist.  N  Jersey,  p.  21,  22,  23. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  129 

they  had  done  some  years  before  with  the  English,  chap. 
In  1655  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governour,  attacking  ll1' 
them  with  seven  vessels  and  six  or  seven  hundred 
men,  made  a  complete  conquest  of  all  their  forts  and 
settlements.  The  Dutch  destroyed  New  Gottem- 
burg,  with  the  houses  without  the  fort.  They  plun- 
dered the  inhabitants,  killed  their  cattle,  carried  the 
Swedish  officers  and  principal  inhabitants  captives  to 
Holland.  The  common  people,  submitting  to  the 
Dutch  government,  were  permitted  to  remain  in  the 
country.*  The  Dutch  settled  New-Castle,  where 
they  had  a  house  for  public  worship.  The  Swedes 
had  three ;  one  at  Tenecum,  one  at  Wicoco,  and 
another  at  Christeen.  The  English  settlements,  in  the 
state  of  Delaware,  were  all  made  after  the  conquest 
of  the  Dutch  in  1664.  From  this  period  the  lower 
counties  on  the  Delaware  were  under  the  govern- 
ment of  New- York. 

In  1664,  before  the  knowledge  of  the  patent,  giv- 
en to  lord  Berkley  and  Sir  George  Carteret,  John 
Bailey,  Daniel  Denton,  and  Luke  Watson  made  a 
purchase  of  a  considerable  part  of  Elizabethtown, 
of  certain  Indian  sachems,  who  were  the  original 
proprietors.  The  purchasers  belonged  to  Jamaica 
on  Long  Island.  Soon  after  the  purchase,  the  in- 
habitants on  the  west  end  of  Long  Island,  pretty 
generally  moved  into  New-Jersey.  There  was  also 
a  considerable  number  of  people,  who  removed  into 
those  parts  from  New- England :  so  that  Elizabeth- 
town,  Newrark,  Middletovvn,  and  Shrewsbury  were 
soon  well  settled.  There  were  numbers  of  other 
settlers  from  the  neighbouring  colonies,  and  a  con- 
siderable accession  from  Scotland.  The  inhabitants 
of  these  towns  and  the  circumjacent  country  in  a  few 
years  became  numerous. 

Lord  Berkley  and  Sir  George  Carteret  appointed  Govem- 
Philip  Carteret  their  governour  of  Ne w- Jersey.  "J^fjr" 
Just  at  the  close  of  the  summer,  in  1665,  he  arrived  rives, 

*  Smith's  Hist.  N.  Jersey,  p.  33,  34. 

Vol.  I.  17 


130  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  at  Elizabethtown ;  which  he  made  the  seat  of  his 
^_J__  government.  From  this  period  New-Jersey  com- 
menced a  jurisdiction  distinct  and  separate  from  New- 
York.  On  his  arrival  he  made  purchases  of  the  na- 
tives and  administered  government  agreeably  to  the 
concessions  and  constitution,  which  had  been  adopt- 
ed by  the  proprietors  for  the  settlement  of  the  prov- 
ince. This  constituted  a  free  assembly,  consisting 
of  the  governour,  council,  and  representatives  chosen 
from  each  town  or  district  in  the  province.  The 
council  was  never  to  consist  of  less  than  six,  nor 
more  than  twelve.  All  legislative  power  was  vested 
in  the  assembly :  the  executive  was  in  the  govern- 
our and  council.  It  was  a  fundamental  article,  that 
there  should  not  be  imposed  "any  tax,  custom, 
subsidy,  tallage,  assessment,  or  any  other  duty  what- 
soever, upon  any  colour  or  pretence,  upon  said 
province  and  inhabitants  thereof,  other  than  shall  be 
imposed  by  the  authority  of  the  general  assembly."* 
Equal  security  of  liberty  of  conscience,  and  of  all 
civil  rights  and  immunities  was  given  to  christians 
of  all  denominations.  The  governour  despatched 
agents  into  New- England  and  other  parts,  to  pub- 
lish the  constitution,  or  terms  of  settlement,  and  to 
invite  planters  into  the  province.  In  consequence 
of  which  many  emigrated  from  New-England,  as 
well  as  from  other  parts  of  the  country.  Some  made 
settlements  at  Elizabethtown,  others  at  Wood- 
bridge,  Newark,  and  Piscattaway.  There  were  also 
annually  arrivals  of  planters  from  England ;  so  that 
the  population  of  the  province  was  very  considerable, 
till  the  year  1673.  At  this  period  the  Dutch  repos- 
sessing themselves  of  the  country  gave  it  an  almost 
entire  interruption.  This  however  was  of  short 
duration.  By  the  pacification,  at  London,  the  next 
year,  it  was  restored  to  the  British  crown.  Popula- 
tion again  revived  and  there  was  a  great  increase 
both  of  inhabitants  and  cultivation. 


Smith's  Hist,  of  N.  Jersey,  from  p.  512  to  51  %. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  J31 

The   peace   of  the  province,  however,  bore    no    chap. 
proportion  to  its  population.     Between  the  proprie- 
tors and  colonists  there  subsisted  perpetual  discord 
and   animosities.       The   inhabitants    of  Elizabeth- 
town  who  had  purchased  the  soil  of  the  natives,  pre- 
vious to  the  proprietary  government,  with  some  oth- 
ers, refused  all  payment  of  the  quitrents.     The  con- 
test was  carried  to  such  a  length,  that  the  people  as- 
sumed the  government,  and  elected  James  Carteret 
their  governour.     His  father,  Philip  Carteret,  the  pro-  16?2, 
prietary  governour,  nominating  Captain  John  Berry 
for  his  deputy,  made  a  voyage  to  England  to  repre- 
sent the  state  of  the  province.     In  1674,  he  revisited 
his  government  and  found  the  inhabitants  in  a  more 
amicable    state,    than    when  he  took  his  departure. 
He  had  obtained  new  concessions  from  the  proprie- 
tors ;  on  the  publication  of  which  the    people  were 
quieted  and  the  proprietary  government  restored.* 

After  the  reduction  of  New- York  the  kind's  com-  Commit 

P  ,  °        t  sioners 

missioners  were  an  occasion  of  great  alarm,  perplexi-  distress 
ty,  and  expense  to  the  New-England  colonies.     They  the  coio- 
received  complaints  against  them,  from  the  Indians 
and  persons  disaffected  with  the  New- England  gov- 
ernment.    They   undertook  the  hearing  of  causes, 
which  had  been  regularly  heard  and  determined  by 
courts  authorized  by  law  for  that  purpose.     They 
interposed  even  in  criminal  matters,  and  granted  war- 
rants of  protection  to  persons  under  criminal  prose- 
cution.    They  made  the  colonies  to  stand  upon  a 
level  with  criminals,  on  whom  sentence  had  been 
passed  according  to  law  :  and  that  before  a  court  of 
which  the  constitution  had  no  knowledge.  Nay,  they 
went  so  far  as  to  demand,  that  persons  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  privileges  of  freemen,  to  church  mem- 
bership and  full  communion,  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
the    colonies   and  the  established    practice    of  the 
churches.f     They  admitted  no  juries  in  their  courts; 
but  conducted  themselves  as  a  court  of  oyer  and  ter  > 

*  Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  269,  271,  2r2. 
f  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  234,  240,  241,  246,  2oL 


rues. 


J32  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   miner.     They  appointed  civil  officers,  claimed  au- 
thority, and  went  into  practices  entirely  incompatible 
with  the  rights  of  the  colonies.     After  giving  them 
unspeakable  trouble  they   were  recalled.      Colonel 
Nichols  by  his  cool  and  discreet  conduct  recommend- 
ed himself  to  the  good  graces  of  the  people.     Carr 
and  Cartwright  were  wholly  unqualified  for  the  trust 
reposed  in  them;  and  by  their  arbitrary  and  violent  pro- 
ceedings drew  upon  themselves  universal  abhorrence, 
Maverick  was  ever  inimical  to  the  colonies;  and,  gov- 
ernour  Hutchinson  observes,  was  added  only  to  in- 
crease the  number,  and  to  be  subservient  to  others. 
Carr  and  Cartwright,  especially  the  latter,  went  home 
incensed  against  the  colonies ;  but  the  former  died  at 
Bristol  soon  after  his  arrival ;    the  latter  was  taken 
by  the  Dutch  and  lost  all  his  papers.      These  were 
favourable  circumstances  for  the  colonies,  and  prob- 
ably   prevented  a  prosecution  of   them  before  his 
majesty.     Another  circumstance  which  contributed 
to  their  tranquillity,    and  the   continuance  of  their 
privileges,  was    the  disagreement  which  arose   be- 
tween the  king  and  parliament.     This,  with  the  na- 
tional distractions  subsequent  upon  it,  gave  him  such 
full  employment  that  he  could  pay  little  attention  to 
colonial  administration.     By  these  means,  it  pleased 
the  Supreme  Ruler  to  preserve  both  the  civil  and 
religious  liberties  of  the  colonies.      Had  not  these 
circumstances  prevented,  nothing  better  could  have 
been  expected,  from  men  of  such  characters  as  those 
of  Charles  and  the  duke  of  York,  who  were  murder- 
ing the  best  men  in  the  nation,  and  attempting  the 
subversion  of  the  civil  and  religious  constitutions  of 
three  kingdoms,  than  a  total  subversion  of  the  rights 
of  the  colonies. 

While  the  commissioners  were  spying  out,  and 

infringing    the    liberties  of  the    united    colonies,  a 

plan  was  forming  in  England    for  the  settlement  of 

Patents  of  the  Carolinas.     On  application  to  the  crown,  king 

fe*l663*     Charles  U-  made  a  grant>  in   1663>  t0  Edward  earl 

%nd  1665,  of  Clarendon,  George  duke  of  Albemarle,  William 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  133 

lord  Craven,  John  lord  Berkley,  Anthony  lord  Ash-  chap. 
ley,  Sir  George  Carteret,  Sir  William  Berkley,  and 
Sir  John  Colleton,  of  all  the  lands  lying  between  the  june3oth, 
31st  and  36th  degrees  of  north  latitude.  About  two 
years  after,  he  confirmed  this  grant,  by  a  second 
charter,  in  which  there  was  a  great  enlargement  of 
their  boundaries.  This  made  a  conveyance  of  the 
whole  territory  from  the  29th  degree  of  north  latitude, 
to  30  degrees  and  30  minutes  on  the  sea  coast,  and 
thence  running  in  parallel  lines  from  these  points, 
due  west  to  the  Pacific  ocean.*  This  included  both  1664. 
the  Carolinas,  Georgia,  and  the  Floridas.  Of  this 
vast  territory  the  proprietors  were  made  the  absolute 
lords.  His  majesty  only  reserved  to  himself,  heirs, 
and  successors  the  sovereign  dominion  of  the  coun- 
try. The  lands  were  holden  in  free  and  common 
soccage.  The  proprietors  held  the  patronage  and 
advowson  of  all  churches,  and  all  the  powers  and 
privileges  which  the  bishop  of  Durham  holds  in 
England.  Liberty  of  conscience,  however,  was 
granted  to  all  denominations  of  christians,  provided 
they  did  not  disturb  the  peace  and  order  of  the 
province. 

The  famous  Mr.  Lock  assisted  the  proprietors  in  Constitu.- 
the  formation  of  a  general  system    of  fundamental  £on  °f 
laws.     This  consisted  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  ar- 
ticles, to  the  establishment  and  observation  of  which  < 
they  bound  themselves  and   their   heirs   for  ever. 
These  ordained  that  the  eldest  proprietor  should  al- 
ways be  the  palatine;   and  that  at  his  decease  he 
should  be  succeeded  by  the  eldest  of  the  seven  sur- 
vivers :  that  the  palatine  should  sit  as  president  of 
the  palatine's  court :  and  that  the  palatine  and  three 
other  proprietors  should  constitute  a  quorum.     This 
court  was  to  stand  in  the  stead  of  the  king,  and  by 
their  assent  or  dissent  all  the  laws  of  the  legislature 
of  the  province,  were  to  be  established  or  nullified. 
The  palatine  had  the  power  of  nominating  and  ap- 

*  Hist.  S.  Carolina,  vol.i. 


234  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  pointing  a  governour,  who,  on  the  royal  approbation, 
became  his  governour  in  Carolina.  The  upper 
house  of  the  assembly  or  parliament  was  to  consist 
of  fourteen  members ;  seven  of  which  were  to  be 
the  representatives  of  the  seven  oldest  landgraves, 
and  of  seven  others  chosen  by  the  assembly.  The 
lower  house  consisted  of  the  deputies  chosen  biennial- 
ly by  the  freemen  of  the  several  towns.  This  was  call- 
ed the  parliament.  No  act  was  valid  unless  ratified 
in  open  parliament  during  the  same  session.  Even 
then  it  continued  only  till  the  next  biennial  parlia- 
ment, unless  in  the  mean  time  it  should  be  ratified 
by  the  hands  and  seals  of  the  palatine  and  three  of 
the  proprietors.  This  was  the  ancient  constitution 
of  the  Carolinas,  and  continued  about  half  a  century. 

Notwithstanding  the  express  stipulation  with  the 
\        Virginians  in  1651,  that  they  should  enjoy  the  an- 
cient bounds    granted    by    the   charters  of   former 
kings,  they  were  now  by  this  recent  grant  deprived 
of  nearly  three  quarters  of  their  territory. 

In  1669  two  ships  were    sent   to  Carolina,  with 
a  number  of  adventurers  to  make  a  permanent  set- 
tlement.    They  were  furnished  with  provisions,  and 
utensils  for  building  and  cultivation ;  with  arms  and 
ammunition  for  defence.     They  made  their  settle- 
ment on  a  neck  of  land  between  Ashley  and  Cooper 
rivers.     William  Sayle,  Esq.  was  the  first  govern- 
our.    The  settlement  was  made  with  loss  and  diffi- 
culty.    The  Indians  gave  them  an  unfriendly  re- 
ception.    The  Stonoes  and  Westoes,  two  powerful 
nations,  were  particularly  hostile.     While  one  part 
of  the  planters  were  erecting  buildings,   and  attend- 
ing   to    the    various    businesses    of  the  plantation, 
another  was  obliged  to  be  constantly  under  arms, 
watching  the  motions  of  the  enemy.     Sickness  very 
soon  attacked  them  in  that  unhealthy  climate  and 
thinned  their  numbers.     Among  others  the  govern- 
our fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  hardships  of  the  enterprise 
and    the    unhealthfulness  of  the  climate.      Joseph 
West,  Esq.  succeeded  him  in  the  government.    The 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  135 

expenses  of  this  first  embarkation  and    settlement    Chap. 
amounted  to  twelve  thousand  pounds. 

Various  were  the  circumstances,  which  contribut- 
ed to  the  population  of  the  colony.  Two  years  be- 
fore, a  treaty  had  been  concluded  with  Spain,  in 
which,  among  other  articles,  it  was  stipulated,  "That 
the  king  of  Great  Britian  should  always  possess,  in 
full  right  of  sovereignty  and  property,  all  the  coun- 
tries, islands,  and  colonies,  lying  and  situate  in  the 
West  Indies,  or  any  part  of  America,  which  he  and 
his  subjects  then  held  and  possessed,  insomuch 
that  they  neither  can,  nor  ought  thereafter  to  be  con- 
tested on  any  account  whatsoever."  This  secured 
the  colony  against  all  future  claims  from  the  court 
of  Spain.  After  the  surrender  of  New- York  many 
of  the  Dutch,  uneasy  with  their  situation,  repairing 
thither  contributed  much  to  the  population  and  cul- 
tivation of  the  colony. 

On  the  restoration  of  king  Charles,  a  total  change 
of  manners  took  place  in  the  nation.  From  a  state 
of  purity,  in  point  of  morals,  the  people  became  pro- 
fane, dissolute,  and  abandoned.  The  puritans,  now 
treated  by  the  royalists  with  contempt  and  revenge, 
ardently  wished  for  some  distant  retreat  where  they 
might  enjoy  religion  in  its  original  purity,  and  take 
shelter  from  that  storm  of  divine  judgments,  which 
they  imagined  just  ready  to  burst  on  a  profligate  na- 
tion. From  maxims  of  policy  lord  Clarendon  and 
many  others  of  the  king's  council,  encouraged  their 
emigration.  From  this  quarter  the  colony  received 
its  earliest  and  most  numerous  acquisitions.  A  great 
majority  of  the  adventurers  were  puritans.  But 
their  enemies  also  found  motives  for  emigration. 
Many  of  the  zealous  loyalists  had  either  been  ruined 
or  greatly  reduced,  by  their  attachment  to  his  majes- 
ty, in  the  civil  wars.  They  were  willing  to  accept 
of  lands  and  try  their  fortunes  in  America.  The 
royal  compassion  exercised  itself  in  giving  them  ad- 
vantages and  honours  in  the  new  world. 


136  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

C?nP"  The  edict  ofNantz  and  the  violent  proceedings 
against  the  protestants  in  France,  brought  great  num- 
bers of  them  into  England.  Some  of  them  were 
men  of  wealth,  and  bringing  their  property  with 
1690.  them  made  large  purchases  of  the  proprietors.  Un- 
der the  countenance  of  William  and  Mary,  they  em- 
igrated to  Carolina,  and  sat  down  under  more  ad- 
vantageous and  easy  circumstances,  than  most  of 
the  English  emigrants.  Their  settlements  were 
principally  in  Craven  county.  They  were  a  sober, 
industrious  people,  some  of  the  best  inhabitants  in 
the  colony.  This  combination  of  circumstances,  in 
the  settlement  of  Carolina,  annually  brought  into  it, 
men  of  the  most  opposite  characters  both  in  religion 
and  politics.  This  laid  the  foundation  for  embroiling 
the  colony,  and  produced  those  violent  divisions  and 
animosities,  which,  for  many  years,  rendered  it  a 
scene  of  violence  and  misery. 

Some  of  the  first  years,  after  the  settlements  com- 
menced, the  Carolinians  experienced  the  complicat- 
ed evils  of  poverty  and  famine.  The  hostility  of  the 
Indians  augmented  their  miseries.  While  for  their 
subsistence,  they  gathered  nuts,  shell  fish,  and  what- 
ever might  afford  them  support,  with  one  hand,  they 
were  obliged  to  bear  arms  in  the  other.  Such  were 
their  distresses  that  they  fell  into  mutiny,  and  press- 
ed the  governour  to  return  with  them  to  England. 
But  supplies  arriving  they  were  relieved,  and  again 
reduced  to  some  tolerable  order. 

Their  first  assembly  or  parliament  was  not  holden 
until  three  or  four  years  after  the  commencement  of 
the  settlement.  Till  this  time  they  were  under  a 
kind  of  military  government.* 

Notwithstanding  that  union  of  circumstances  which 
favoured  the  planting  of  Carolina,  yet,  for  more  than 
thirty  years,  the  progress  of  settlement  and  popula- 
tion was  exceedingly  slow.  The  impolicy  and  cru- 
elty of  the  proprietors,  the  bigotry  and  persecuting 

*  Hist.  Cavol.  vol.  i. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  137 

spirit  of  some  of  the  palatines,  with  the  haughtiness 
and  vindictive  spirit  of  some  of  king  Charles'  cava- 
liers, did  as  much  to  prevent  the  growth  and  happi- 
ness of  the  colony  as  all  the  other  circumstances 
contributed  to  its  emolument.  In  the  beginning  of  1701, 
the  present  century  the  whole  number  of  white  in- 
habitants did  not  exceed  five  or  six  thousands.  In 
Charleston  there  were  only  two  clergymen,  an  epis- 
copalian, and  a  puritan.  Among  the  people  in  the 
country  there  was  no  such  thing  as  public  worship, 
nor  even  schools  for  the  education  of  children.* 

In  1710  numbers  of  palatines,  who  had  been  har- 
rassed  and  reduced  to  indigence,  by  the  wars  in  Ger- 
many, came  into  America,  and  began  settlements  in 
North  Carolina.f  About  twenty  years  after  the 
Irish  settled  Williamsburg  near  the  Santee.  The 
Swedes  nearly  at  the  same  time  planted  Purysburg. 
Not  far  from  the  middle  of  the  present  century  large 
numbers  more  of  the  palatines  came  over  and  made 
settlements  at  Orangeburg,  Congaree,  and  Wateree. 
However,  the  period  of  the  greatest  population,  in 
the  Carolinas  was  not  till  after  the  peace  of  Paris  in 
1763.  In  ten  years  from  this  time  settlements 
were  made  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to  the  west- 
ward, beyond  all  which  had  been  effected  in  a  whole 
century  before. 

While  the  Carolinians  were  suffering  the  hardships  Reasonsof 
and  dangers  of  new  settlements  the  New-Englanders  the,?ndiau 
were  not  without  their  troubles.     Scarcely  were  they  New- 
delivered  from  the  evils  produced  by  the  king's  com-  En£l,an*« 
missioners,  before  others  arose  which  threatened  their 
very  existence.     For  several  years  the  Indians  had 
been  forming  a  general  conspiracy  for  the  extirpa- 
tion of  the  New-England  colonies.     They  consider- 
ed  themselves   as  a   people   free  and  independent. 
Their  sachems  were  men  of  high  and  jealous  spir- 
its ;  and  viewed  themselves  in  the  light  of  sovereign 
and  independent  princes.     They  claimed  to  be  the 

*  Hist,  of  Car.  vol.  i.  f  See  the  srfme  history. 

Vol.  I.  18 


^38  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,    original  lords  and  proprietors  of  the  country.    While 
therefore   they  saw    the  English,   in   almost   every 
1675.     quarter>  extending  their  settlements  over  the  domin- 
ions of  their  ancestors,  they  could  not  but  kindle  in- 
to resentment,  and  adopt  counsels  to  prevent  the  loss 
both  of  their  liberties  and  their  country.     Though 
they  had  entered  into  treaties  with  the  colonies,  and 
acknowledged  themselves  the  subjects  of  the  kings 
of   England,  yet  it  is  by  no  means  probable  that 
they  designed  by  any  of  these  treaties  to  give  up 
their  independence,  or  any  of  their  natural  rights. 
They  viewed  themselves  not  as  the  subjects,  but  as 
the  allies  of  England.     To  be  called  to  an  account,  and 
to  be  thwarted  in  their  designs,  by  the  colonies ;  or 
to  be  held  amenable  to  them  for  their  conduct  was  a 
treatment  which  their    haughty   spirits   would   not 
brook.    These  were  reasons  which  might  make  them 
generally  wish  for  the  destruction  of  their  English 
neighbours.     Philip,  sachem  of  the  Wampanoags, 
grandson  and  successor  of  Massasoiet,  was  the  prin- 
cipal incendiary.     Besides  the  general  reasons  men- 
tioned, there  were  others  which,  with   him,   proba- 
bly, had  a  still  more  immediate  and  powerful  opera- 
tion.    John  Sausaman  a  christian  Indian,  had  made 
a  discovery  of  the  mischiefs  which  he  had  been  plot- 
ting against  the  colonies.     Philip  fired  with  revenge 
procured  the  murder  of  Sausaman.     The  murderers 
were  detected  and   executed.     Philip,  conscious  of 
his  own  guilt,  enraged   at  the  trial   and  punishment 
of  his  subjects  by  the  English  laws ;    and,  probably, 
apprehensive  for  his  personal  safety,  armed  his  own 
warriors,  the  Wampanoags,  and  such  strangers  as 
would  join  in  his  measures  ;  and,  with  great  appear- 
ances of  hostility,  marched  up  and  down  in  the  coun- 
try.    For  several  years,  the  colonies  had   been  ap- 
prized of  the  designs  forming  against  them  :  and,  by 
treaties  and  such  other  measures  as  to  them  appear- 
ed wise  and  pacific,  had  been  attempting  to  prevent 
the  storm.     However,  in  1675,  it  burst   upon  them 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  139 

with  uncommon  fury.     Its  destruction  was  wide  and   chap. 
dreadful.  IIL 

Philip's  numbers  increasing,  from  various  quar-  l675 
ters,  gave  him  fresh  courage,  and  proportionally  in- 
creased his  insolence.  On  the  20th  of  June  the  In- 
dians commenced  hostilities  upon  Swanzey,  a  fron- 
tier town  of  New  Plymouth,  bordering  on  the  terri- 
tories of  Philip.  They  insulted  the  inhabitants, 
killed  their  cattle,  and  rifled  their  houses.  Four  days 
after,  on  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  some  of  the  in- 
habitants were  fired  upon,  as  they  returned  from  the 
public  worship,  and  others  while  they  were  in  quest 
of  a  surgeon.  Three  were  killed  and  several  others 
wounded.  Six  others  were  barbarously  murdered.* 
The  country  was  immediately  alarmed.  The  troops 
of  the  colony  flew  to  the  defence  of  the  town.  In 
four  days  they  were  reinforced  with  several  compa- 
nies from  Boston.  On  the  29th  the  body  of  the 
troops  were  drawn  forth  against  the  enemy,  who  im- 
mediately fled  before  them,  for  a  mile  or  two,  and 
took  refuge  in  a  swamp.  The  next  day  major  Sav- 
age, who  had  arrived  from  Boston  with  more  troops 
and  a  general  command,  marched  into  the  Indian 
towns  to  give  them  battle,  and  surprise  their  head 
quarters.  They  found  the  Indian  towns,  and  even 
the  seat  of  Philip,  deserted  with  marks  of  the  great- 
est precipitation.  The  enemy  as  they  fled,  marked 
their  route  with  the  burning  of  buildings,  the  scalps, 
hands,  and  heads  of  the  English,  cut  off  and  fixed  up 
on  poles  by  the  way  side.f  The  army,  however, 
not  finding  them,  returned  to  head  quarters  at  Swan- 
zey. The  Narragansetts  favoured  Philip.  To  them 
he  and  his  warriors  had  sent  off  their  women  and 
children.  They  were  supposed  only  to  wait  for  a 
convenient  opportunity  to  declare  for  him.  It  was 
therefore  determined  that  the  Massachusetts  forces 
should  march  into  the  Narragansett  country,  to  treat 
with  them  sword  in  hand.     Commissioners  were  sent 

*  Hubbard's  Nav.  p.  59.  f  Ibid.  p.  62,  63. 


140  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  both  from  Boston  and  Connecticut,  with  powers  to 
treat  with  them  on  terms  of  peace.  On  the  15th  of 
1675m  July  a  treaty  was  concluded  between  the  six  Narra- 
gansett  sachems,  the  sunk  squaw,  or  old  queen  of  the 
Narragansetts,  and  the  united  colonies.  Perpetual 
peace  was  stipulated  between  the  parties.  It  was 
agreed,  that  all  stolen  goods  should  be  returned: 
That  neither  Philip,  nor  any  of  his  subjects  should 
be  harboured  by  the  Narragansetts ;  but,  that  upon 
their  entering  their  lands,  they  should  kill  and  de- 
stroy them,  till  a  cessation  of  hostilities  should  be 
concluded  between  Philip  and  the  colonies :  That 
the  commissioners  should  give  the  Narragansetts  for- 
ty coats  of  cloth  for  Philip,  delivered  to  them  alive, 
and  twenty  for  his  head  :  That  two  coats  should  be 
given  for  every  subject  of  Philip  delivered  alive,  and 
one  for  his  head.  On  the  part  of  the  sachems,  hos- 
tages were  given  for  the  true  performance  of  the 
treaty.* 

This,  at  best,  was  but  a  forced  business,  the  con- 
ditions were  imposed  by  the  army.  On  the  17th, 
the  army  returned  to  Taunton.  Here  intelligence 
was  received,  that  Philip  with  his  warriors  was  in 
a  swamp  at  Pocasset.  The  Massachusetts  and  Ply- 
mouth troops  making  a  junction,  attacked  them 
the  next  day  in  their  dark  and  advantageous  retreat. 
As  the  army  entered  the  swamp,  the  enemy  retired 
deeper  and  deeper  into  it ;  till  the  army  were  led 
into  such  a  hideous  thicket,  that  it  was  impossible 
for  the  men  to  keep  their  order.  They  were  in 
danger  from  each  other,  firing  at  every  bush  which 
appeared  to  shake.  The  action  was  continued  till 
night,  when  they  were  obliged  to  retreat.  The  at- 
tempt was  very  unfortunate.  Sixteen  men  were 
killed,  and  the  enemy  encouraged.  Shortly  after 
there  was  a  general  rising  of  the  Indians  throughout 
New- England,  for  an  extent  of  nearly  three  hundred 
miles.     As  they  lived  promiscuously  with  the  Eng- 

*  Hubbard's  Nar.  p.  65,  66,  6T. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  141 

lish,  in   all  parts  of  the  country,  they  were  gener-    c"^p- 

ally,  as  well  acquainted  with  their  dwellings,  fields, 

times  and  places  of  worship,  their  roads  and  places  1675 
of  resort,  as  they  were  themselves.  They  were  at 
hand  to  watch  their  motions,  attack  them  at  every 
difficult  pass,  and  every  unguarded  moment.  Ex- 
cepting the  thickest  settlements  and  the  centre  of 
the  towns,  the  country  was  a  vast  wilderness ;  this 
enabled  the  enemy,  in  large  bodies,  to  make  their 
approaches  undiscovered  to  their  towns ;  and,  un- 
der the  covert  of  the  night,  to  creep  into  their  barns 
and  gardens,  to  conceal  themselves  under  their  fen- 
ces, and  lie  in  wait  for  them  in  their  fields  and  on  the 
roads.  Sometimes  they  concealed  themselves  be- 
fore their  very  doors.  No  sooner  did  they  open 
them,  in  the  morning,  than  they  were  instantly  shot 
dead.  From  almost  every  quarter  they  were  ready 
to  rise  upon  them ;  at  midnight,  in  the  morning,  or 
whenever  they  could  obtain  an  advantage.  While  the 
English  were  hunting  for  them  in  one  place,  they 
were  plundering,  burning,  and  murdering  in  another. 
In  a  few  hours  they  would  plunder  and  burn  a  town, 
murder  and  captivate  the  inhabitants,  and  retire  in- 
to swamps  and  fastnesses,  where  it  was  dangerous 
to  pursue,  difficult  to  discover,  and  impossible  to 
attack  them  but  at  the  greatest  disadvantage. 

Notwithstanding  every  exertion,  which  the  colo- 
nies could  make,  they  continued  plundering,  burn- 
ing, killing,  and  captivating,  in  one  place  and  anoth- 
er, and  kept  the  whole  country  in  perpetual  fear  and 
alarm.  There  was  no  safety  to  man,  woman,  nor 
child ;  to  him  who  went  out,  nor  to  him  who  came 
in.  Whether  they  were  asleep  or  awake,  whether 
they  journied,  laboured,  or  worshipped,  they  were 
in  continual  jeopardy. 

Beside  other  damages,  not  so  considerable,  cap- 
tain Hutchinson,  who  had  been  sent  with  a  party  of 
horse  to  treat  with  the  Nipmuck  Indians,  was  near  Aug,  2A. 
Brookfield    drawn    into    an    ambush   and  mortally 
wounded.     Sixteen  of  his  company  were  slain.    The 


142  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   enemy  rushed  in  upon  the  town,  burnt  all  the  dwell- 

ing  houses,  except  one  which  was  defended  by  the 

1675.     garrison,  with  the  barns  and  out  houses. 

In  September,  Hadley,  Deerfield,  and  Northfield, 
on  Connecticut  river,  were  attacked  and  numbers 
of  the  inhabitants  killed  and  wounded.  Most  of  the 
buildings  in  Deerfield  were  burnt,  and  Northfield 
was  soon  after  abandoned  to  the  enemy.  Captain 
Beers  was  surprised  near  Northfield  by  a  large 
body  of  the  enemy,  and  slain  with  twenty  of  his 
company. 

The  officers  who  commanded  in  this  part  of  the 
country,  finding  that  by  sending  out  parties  they 
sustained  continual  loss,  and  effected  nothing  of  im- 
portance, determined  to  collect  a  magazine  at  Had- 
ley and  to  garrison  the  towns.  At  Deerfield  there 
were  two  or  three  thousand  bushels  of  wheat,  which 
they  determined  to  bring  down  to  the  magazine  at 
Hadley.  While  captain  Lothrop,  with  a  chosen 
body  of  young  men,  the  flower  of  the  county  of  Es- 
sex, was  guarding  the  teams  employed  in  this  ser- 
Sept  18  v*ce'  seven  or  eight  hundred  Indians  attacked  and 
cut  him  off,  with  his  whole  company.  A  number 
of  the  teamsters  were  slain.  Not  less  than  ninety 
or  a  hundred  men  were  killed  on  the  spot.  Captain 
Mosely  with  his  company,  marched  from  Deerfield 
to  reinforce  captain  Lothrop,  but  arrived  too  late  for 
his  rescue.  He  fought  the  whole  body  of  the  ene- 
my several  hours ;  till  major  Treat,  with  a  hundred 
and  sixty  men  came  to  his  assistance,  and  put  the 
enemy  to  flight.  The  fall  of  captain  Lothrop  and 
*  such  a  fine  corps  of  young  men,  was  a  heavy  blow 

to  the  country  ;  especially  to  the  county  of  Essex  ; 
which  filled  it  with  great  and  universal  lamentation. 
During  the  term  of  forty  years  the  Indians  about 
Springfield,  had  lived  in  the  greatest  amity  with  the 
English,  and  still  made  professions  of  entire  friend- 
ship :  yet  they,  about  the  same  time,  with  three 
hundred  of  Philip's  Indians,  whom  they  had  treach- 
erously received  into  their  fort  the  preceding  even- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  143 

ing,  made  a  sudden  and   furious  attack  upon  that   chap. 
town.     Major  Treat  from  Westfield,  and  the  soldiers       L 
from  the  neighbouring  garrisons,  marched  with  great     i$75 
despatch  and  repulsed  the  enemy.     The  town  never- 
theless sustained  great  damages.     Thirty  two  dwel- 
ling houses  besides  barns  were  burned.     Major  Pyn- 
chon  and  Mr.  Purchas  sustained  the  loss  of  a  thou- 
sand pounds  sterling  each.* 

On  the  19th  of  October  seven  or  eight  hundred 
Indians,  with  great  fury,  fell  on  the  town  of  Hatfield. 
They  made  their  assault,  at  the  same  time,  on  almost 
every  part  of  the  town.  But  they  met  with  so  warm 
a  reception,  that  they  were  soon  put  to  a  total  flight. 
This  so  disheartened  them,  that  they  soon  withdrew 
from  the  towns  on  the  river,  and  held  their  general 
rendezvous  in  the  Narragansetts. 

Soon  after  hostilities  were  commenced  by  Philip, 
the  Tarrenteens  began  their  depredations  in  New- 
Hampshire  and  the  Province  of  Main.  They  rob- 
bed the  boats,  and  plundered  the  English  houses  of 
their  liquors,  ammunition,  and  whatever  they  could 
carry  off  with  facility.  In  September  they  began  to 
murder  and  captivate  the  inhabitants,  to  burn  their 
buildings  and  lay  waste  their  settlements.  They 
fell  on  Saco,  Scarborough,  and  Kittery ;  killed  be- 
tween twenty  and  thirty  of  the  inhabitants  ;  burned 
their  houses,  barns,  and  mills,  marking  their  route 
with  a  general  carnage  and  desolation.  Elated  with 
these  successes,  they  then  advanced  towards  Pisca- 
taqua,  doing  the  same  mischiefs  at  Oyster  river,  Sal- 
mon Falls,  Dover,  and  Exeter.  Before  winter  the 
English  in  this  quarter  sustained  the  loss  of  more 
than  sixty  of  their  inhabitants,  and  nearly  as  many 
buildings,  besides  the  loss  of  cattle  and  all  other 
damages. 

The  Indians  in  those  parts  had  real  grounds  ofReasonsof 
complaint  against  the  English,  which  they  alleged  ^hehostih- 
as  the  reasons  of  their  hostility.      One  Squando,  sa-  easternln. 

dians, 
*  Hutch,  vol.  i.  p,  295. 


J44  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF   THE 

chap,  chem  of  the  Saco  Indians,  was  the  great  incendiary 
111  in  those  parts.  The  rash  and  foolish  conduct  of  a 
1675  number  of  English  seamen,  gave  him  an  affront  which 
he  never  knew  how  to  pardon.  They  had  heard  it 
reported,  that  the  Indian  children  could  swim  as 
naturally  as  any  other  young  creatures.  To  make 
the  experiment,  they  either  overset  the  canoe  in 
which  his  squaw  and  child  were,  or  cast  the  child 
into  the  river.  The  royal  mother  instantly  dove  to 
the  bottom  and  brought  up  her  babe  unharmed.  But 
sometime  after  it  died,  as  it  might  have  done  had 
no  such  insult  been  offered.  But  the  sachem  seem- 
ed willing  to  impute  its  death  to  some  injury  which 
it  then  received  :  and,  by  all  means  in  his  power, 
sought  an  ample  revenge.  Beside  this  the  Indians 
about  Cape  Sables  had  received  an  injury  of  a  more 
criminal  nature.  A  number  of  them  had  been  enticed 
on  board  a  vessel,  carried  off,  and  sold  into  slavery.* 
This  fired  them  with  just  and  universal  resentment. 
The  legislatures  of  the  colonies  utterly  disapproved 
this  conduct,  and  were  not  unwilling  to  redress  their 
injuries.  But  the  enemy  immediately  commenced 
hostilities,  seeking  redress  by  war,  rather  than  by 
negotiation.  At  the  same  time,  they  were  instigated 
and  assisted  by  their  French  neighbours. 

The  Narragansetts,  in  direct  violation  of  the  treaty, 
had  given  a  friendly  reception  to  Philip's  men,  and 
other  hostile  Indians.  It  was  believed,  that  during 
the  late  troubles  they  had  been  in  actual  hostility 
against  the  colonies.  They  were  supposed  to  have 
two  thousand  warriors  and  nearly  a  thousand  mus- 
kets. Should  they  all  engage  in  open  hostility,  in 
the  spring,  and  scatter,  as  they  might,  in  all  parts  of 
the  country,  it  was  judged  that  all  the  forces  which 
the  colonies  could  bring  into  the  field  would  not  be 
able  to  match  the  united  strength  of  the  enemy.  In  the 
summer  past,  one  company  after  another  had  wasted 
away.     Future  prospects  were  not  more  favourable. 

*  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  231,  232, 233. 


UN1.ED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  245 

The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  therefore,   chap. 
determined  to  march  a  thousand  men,  in  the  dead  of      m 
wimer,  into  the  Narragansett  country,  and  to  attack     1G75 
the  head  quarters  of  the  enemy.     The  Massachusetts 
furnished  a  corps  of  about  five  hundred  and  thirty 
men,  consisting    of  six    companies   of  foot  and  a 
troop   of   horse,  commanded  by    major  Appleton. 
Plymouth  raised  two  companies  under  the  command 
of  major  Bradford.     The    corps  from  Connecticut 
consisted  of  five  companies,  commanded  by  major 
Treat.     The  whole  was  commanded  by  governour 
Winslow  of  Plymouth.     On  the  18th  of  December, 
the  troops  made  a  junction,  at  Pettyquamscot,  about 
sixteen  miles  from  the  enemy.     The  buildings  had 
all  been  burned  by  the  enemy  a  few  days  before 
their  arrival.     Though  the  evening  and  night  were 
cold  and  stormy,  yet  the  army  were  obliged  to  re- 
main uncovered  in  the  open  field.     The  next  morn- 
ing at  the  dawn  of  day,  they  began  their  march  to- 
ward the  enemy,  wading  through  the  snow,  in  a  se- 
vere season,  till  one  o'clock,  without  halting,  without 
fire  to  warm,  or  food  to  refresh  them,  excepting  what 
was  taken  upon  the  march.     By  this  time  they  had  swamp 
nearly  reached  the  seat  of  the  enemy.     This  wTas  a  fight, Dec. 
rising  ground  in  the  centre  of  a  large  swamp,  forti-  19th- 
fied  with  palisade  and  compassed  with  a  hedge  without, 
of  nearly  a  rod's  thickness.  The  only  entrance  which 
appeared  to  be  practicable  was  over  a  long  tree  five 
or  six  feet  high.     This  opening  was  commanded,  in 
front  by  a  log  house,  and  by  a  flanker  on  the  left. 
As  the  army  entered  the  skirts  of  the  swamp  the  ene- 
my commenced  a  sudden  fire  on  the  advanced  par- 
ties, retiring  before   them  till  they  were  led  to  the 
very  entrance.     The  captains  with  great  spirit  led  on 
their  men,  mounted  the  tree,  and  entered  the  fort. 
But  they  were  so  galled  from  the  block  house,  and 
received  such  a  furious  "and  well  directed  fire,  from 
almost  every  quarter,  that  they  were  obliged  to  re- 
tire without  the  fort.     Captains  Johnson  and  Daven- 
port of  the  Massachusetts,  who  led  the  van,  with  ma- 
Vol.  I.  19 


146  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  ny  other  brave  men,  were  shot  dead  upon  the  tree* 
The  Connecticut  corps  which  formed  in  the  rear, 
1675.  coming  up  fresh  to  the  charge,  entered  the  fort  and 
drove  the  enemy  from  the  log  house  and  flanker.* 
This  so  checked  their  fire,  on  those  who  were  advanc- 
ing to  support  the  front,  that  they  came  on  with  less 
danger.  Such  numbers  soon  poured  in  upon  the  en- 
emy, that  after  a  sharp  and  bloody  action  they  were 
driven  from  the  fort.  As  they  retired  the  soldiers 
set  fire  to  their  wigwams.  Five  or  six  hundreds  of 
which  were  instantly  consumed.  Their  corn  stores, 
old  men,  women,  and  children  perished  in  the  con- 
flagration. The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  300  warri- 
ors slain,  350  taken  prisoners,  and  300  women  and 
children.  It  was  nevertheless  a  dear  bought  victory. 
Six  brave  captains  fell  in  the  action.  Not  less  than 
eighty  were  either  killed  or  mortally  wounded. 
About  150  were  wounded,  who  afterwards  recover- 
ed.! After  this  fatiguing  march  and  sharp  action, 
of  three  hours,  the  army,  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening, 
left  the  fort  and  carrying  their  dead  and  wounded, 
marched  back  to  head  quarters.  The  night  was  cold 
and  snowy,  and  numbers  of  the  wounded,  who  oth- 
erwise might  have  recovered,  perished  with  cold  and 
the  inconveniencies  of  so  long  a  march.  After  ly- 
ing the  preceding  night  in  the  open  field,  besides  the 
exertions  of  this  long  and  hard  fought  battle,  the  ar- 
my in  less  than  twenty  four  hours,  marched  through 
snow  and  a  pathless  wilderness,  between  thirty  and 
forty  miles.  The  courage  exhibited  and  hardships 
endured  are  hardly  credible,  and  rarely  find  a  paral- 
lel in  ancient  or  modern  ages.  The  season  was  so 
severe  that  many  of  the  men  were  frozen  and  their 
limbs  much  swollen.  The  Connecticut  troops  in 
their  route  to  the  army,  and  march  homewards,  kill- 
ed and  captivated  more  than  forty  of  the  enemy.  The 
Massachusetts  troops  remained  in  the  country  most 
of  the  winter.     They  captivated  a  considerable  num- 

*  Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Rug-gles. 
f  Hubbard's  Nar.  p.  108  ;  and  Hutch,  vol.  i.  p.  299  to  303. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  147 

ber  of  the  enemy,  brought  in  their  corn,  burned  their   chap. 

wigwams  and  stores  ;  but  did  nothing  brilliant  or  de-    ^ 

cisive.  1676. 

Meanwhile  the  enemy  were  not  idle.  The  latter 
end  of  January  they  drove  oft'  from  one  man  sixteen 
horses,  fifty  neat  cattle,  and  two  hundred  sheep.  The 
next  month  the  Nip  muck  and  Narragansett  Indians,  Feb.  loth, 
fell  upon  Lancaster,  plundered  and  burnt  most  of 
the  town,  and  either  killed  or  carried  into  captivity 
forty  of  the  inhabitants.  About  twenty  days  after 
they  made  an  assault  on  Medfield,  slew  twenty  men, 
and  laid  nearly  half  the  town  in  ashes.  March  was  a 
month  of  still  greater  disasters.  The  towns  of 
Northampton  and  Springfield,  of  Chelmsford,  Gro- 
ton,  Sudbury,  and  Marlborough,  in  the  Massachu- 
setts, and  of  Warwick  and  Providence,  in  Rhode- 
Island,  were  assaulted  :  and  some  of  them  partly  and 
others  totally  destroyed.  Many  of  the  inhabitants 
were  killed  and  others  led  away  into  a  miserable  cap- 
tivity. Captain  Pierce,  with  fifty  English  and  twen- 
ty friendly  Indians,  was  drawn  into  an  ambush  and 
surrounded  with  a  numerous  body  of  the  enemy, 
who  slew  every  Englishman  and  the  greatest  part  of  26^° l 
the  Indians.  Two  days  after  the  enemy  made  an 
attack  on  Rehoboth;  burnt  forty  dwelling  houses, 
besides  barns  and  other  buildings.  In  April,  cap-  April, 
tain  Wads  worth,  marching  with  fifty  men,  to  the  re- 
lief of  Sudbury,  was  surrounded  by  the  enemy  and 
slain  with  his  whole  party.  The  success  of  the  ene- 
my was  now  at  its  height.  Their  affairs  soon  took  a 
very  different  turn. 

Captain  George  Dennison  of  Stonington,  with  a  num- 
ber of  volunteers  from  Connecticut,  and  a  party  of 
friendly  Indians, made  several  successful  excursionsin- 
to  the  Narragansett  country,  in  which  he  killed  and  cap- 
tivated a  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  enemy.  This  suc- 
cess was  rendered  much  more  important  on  account  of 
the  slaughter  of  a  number  of  their  chief  captains, 
and  the  capture  of  Canonchet,  the  chief  sachem  of 
all  the  Narragansetts.     He  was  the  son  of  the  great 


248  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  T*iE 

chap,  sachem  Miantonimo,  inheritor  of  all  his  pride,  inso- 
lence, and  hatred  against  the  English. 
1676.  Major  Talcot  marching  with  the  Connecticut 
troops,  from  Norwich  to  make  a  junction  with  the 
Massachusetts  forces  at  Brookfield,  killed  and  capti- 
vated sixty  of  the  enemy.  Eighty  more  were  not  long 
after  killed  or  taken,  by  the  Connecticut  detach- 
ments, which  had  been  left  at  Norwich  and  Stoning- 
ton,  for  the  defence  of  that  part  of  the  colony.  The 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  soldiers,  in  ranging  tbe 
country  after  Philip,  killed  and  took  a  hundred  and 
fifty  more.  In  a  short  time  between  four  and  five 
hundred  of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  made  prison- 
ers. They  were  now  hunted,  distressed,  and  broken 
in  every  quarter.  One  chief  was  killed  and  taken 
after  another.  A  complication  of  evils  conspired 
to  effect  their  destruction. 

In  the  winter  and  spring,  their  corn,  beans,  pro- 
visions, and  wigwams  had  been  pretty  generally  de- 
stroyed. They  had  not  been  able  to  plant  or  fish, 
as  usual,  for  their  subsistence.  By  lying  together  in 
swamps,  feeding  on  horse  flesh  and  on  groundnuts, 
which  in  the  summer  are  soft  and  unhealthful,  they 
began  to  be  swept  off  by  various  diseases.  So  dis- 
tressed were  they  with  famine,  so  harrassed  and 
broken  by  the  English,  who  hunted  them  from 
swamp  to  swamp,  and  from  one  lurking  place  to 
another,  that,  in  July  and  August,  they  came  in  some- 
times two  or  three  hundred  in  a  week  and  surrendered 
themselves  to  the  mercy  of  the  conquerors,  On  the 
12th  of  August  Philip  himself  was  killed  by  a  par- 
ly under  captain  Church,  that  famous  partisan.  This 
was  a  finishing  stroke.  Of  the  scattering  parties 
which  remained  many  were  soon  captivated,  others 
surrendered  themselves,  and  numbers  fied  to  the 
French  and  to  Indians  of  strange  and  distant  nations. 
By  the  close  of  the  year,  the  peace  of  the  west- 
ern and  middle  parts  of  New-England,  was  again 
tolerably  well  restored. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  149 

At  the  eastward  however  the  war  was  continued   chap. 
till    the  spring  of  1678.     The  preceding  summer      UI' 
captain  Swett  was  defeated  and  slain.     Sixty  of  his  Apriii2th, 
men  were  left  with   him  on  the  field.      The  victo-     1678. 
rious  enemy  the  same  summer  surprised  and  took 
about  twenty  fishing  vessels,   with  their  crews,  and 
made  them   an  easy  prey.     Their  success  continued 
until  most  of  the  settlements  were  swept  away  and 
the  country  was  reduced  to  their  dominion.*     The 
English  agreed  to  make  the  Indians  a  small  acknowl- 
ment  annually,  for  their    lands.      Thus  peace  was 
once  more  restored,  and  the  inhabitants  returned  to 
their  deserted  settlements. 

Very  great  indeed  were  the  losses  sustained  by  this  i°"dglJJl 
predatory  war.  Nearly  600  of  the  inhabitants,  the  the  war. 
greatest  part  of  whom  were  the  flower  of  the  coun- 
try, either  fell  in  battle,  or  were  murdered  by  the 
savages.  Many  others  were  led  away  into  a  most 
miserable  captivity.  Most  of  the  country  was  in 
deep  mourning.  There  was  scarcely  a  family  or 
individual  who  had  not  lost  some  relative  or  friend. 
Twelve  or  thirteen  towns  were  wholly  destroyed, 
and  others  greatly  damaged.  About  600  buildings, 
chiefly  dwelling  houses,  were  consumed  with  fire.f 
An  almost  insupportable  debt  was  contracted  by  the 
colonies,  at  a  time  when  their  live  stock  and  all  oth- 

*  Belknap's  H.  vol.  i.  p.  157,  159. 
f  This  statement  of  the  loss  of  lives  and  buildings  is  made  out,  by 
an  accurate  enumeration  of  the  various  numbers  particularly  men- 
tioned,  as  lost,  in  the  ancient  histories  of  those  times.  But  as  there 
were,  doubtless,  many  lives  lost  of  which  there  is  no  particular  ac- 
count, so  the  loss  of  lives  must  have  been  greater  than  is  here  stated. 
The  loss  of  building's  will  still  much  more  exceed  the  number  specified. 
The  ancient  histories  rarely  mention  the  number  of  barns,  stores,  and 
out  houses  which  were  burned  j  and,  sometimes  they  notice  the  burn- 
ing- of  parts  of  towns  and  of  the  buildings  in  such  and  such  a  tract,  with- 
out any  specification  of  the  numbers.  The  whole  number  of  inhabi- 
tants, at  this  time,  in  New-England,  probably,  did  not  exceed  60,000. 
Estimating  five  to  a  family,  and  every  fifth  person  to  be  a  soldier,  they 
amounted  to  12,000  families  ;  and  to  the  same  number  of  fencible 
men.  Agreeably  to  this  estimation  nearly  one  family  in  twenty  were 
burnt  out ;  and  the  country  sustained  the  loss  of  nearly  a  twentieth 
part  of  their  fencible  men.  This  war,  probably  was  not  less  distress- 
ing or  impoverishing  to  the  United  Colonies,  than  the  late  war  has 
b^en  to  the  United  States. 


15®  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap    er  resources  had  suffered  a  very  great  diminution. 

The  whole  of  this  loss  and  expense  was  borne  solely 

by  the  colonies. 

Various  providential  circumstances  rendered  this 
scourge  of  the  heathens  less  terrible  than  otherwise 
it  might  have  been.  The  christian  and  friendly  In- 
dians gave  early  notice  of  the  plots  and  designs  of 
the  enemy.  This  probably  preserved  the  New- Eng- 
land colonies  from  such  massacres  as  were  perpe- 
trated on  their  southern  neighbours.  They  had  warn- 
ing and  time  to  put  themselves  into  a  state  of  de- 
fence. The  Mohegans  and  Pequots,  who  had  been 
suffered  to  incorporate  with  them,  continued  entire- 
ly friendly  during  the  war.  Large  numbers  of  them 
served  under  the  Connecticut  officers  and  performed 
very  essential  services.  Many  of  the  christian  In- 
dians bore  a  faithful  part  in  the  war  ;  and  they  all 
continued  peaceable.  The  capture  of  the  Narragan- 
sett  fort,  the  destruction  of  the  stores  and  dwellings 
of  the  enemy,  in  that  severe  season,  was  a  blow  from 
which  they  never  recovered.  In  the  height  of  the 
war  the  Mohawks  fell  upon  Philip  and  slew  about 
fifty  of  his  warriors.  When  affairs  began  to  turn 
against  the  enemy  they  fell  into  divisions  and  sep- 
arated. Some  to  conciliate  the  English  and  obtain 
good  terms  for  themselves  betrayed  their  fellows, 
and  took  arms  against  them.  By  these  means  the 
war  was  brought  to  a  speedy  issue  ;  and  terminated 
in  the  total  reduction  and  overthrow  of  the  Indians 
in  New-England.  At  the  same  time  it  opened  a 
wide  door  to  extensive  settlement  and  population. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  151 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Customs  imposed  on  the  colonies  by  act  of  parliament.  The  adminis- 
tration of  Major  Andros.  Both  oppress,  and  create  general  unea- 
siness. Claims  of  the  Major  on  Connecticut.  The  colony  make  opposi- 
tion and  protest  against  his  conduct.  The  Virginians  distressed  by 
the  acts  of  trade,  and  government  at  New  York  ;  the  people  are 
thrown  into  tumult;  Bacon  excites  rebellion.  Its  unhappy  conse- 
quences. Andros'  treatment  of  the  Jerseys.  Quowarrantos  are  is- 
sued against  the  New-England  charters  The  oppressive  administra- 
tion of  Sir  Edmund  Andros.  Sir  Edmund  seized  by  the  people  at 
Boston.  Joy  excited  by  the  accession  of  William  and  Mary  to  the 
throne  of  Britain. 

W  HILE  the  united  colonies  were  engaged  in  a  bloody  c*?^  p- 
and  arduous  war  for  the  possession  of  the  soil  and  _' 
defence  of  every  thing  dear  to  m -n,  they  had  other 
enemies  to  combat,  who  were  sapping  the  very  foun- 
dations of  their  government  and  liberties.  All  the 
colonies  were  soon  sensibly  injured  by  their  influence, 
and  the  impolitic  and  arbitrary  measures  of  the  king 
and  parliament.  As  early  as  1672,  customs  were  impos- 
ed on  the  colonists,  to  be  collected  by  revenue  offi- 
cers resident  among  them  for  that  purpose.  By  the 
act  of  25th  of  Charles  II.  for  the  better  securing  of  the 
plantation  trade  it  was  ordained,  "  That  if  any  vessel 
which  by  law  may  trade  in  the  plantations,  shall  take  on 
board  any  enumerated  commodities,  and  a  bond  shall 
not  have  been  given  with  sufficient  security  to  un- 
lade them  in  England,  there  shall  be  rendered  to  his 
majesty,  for  sugars,  tobacco,  ginger,  cocoa  nut,  indi- 
go, logwood,  fustic,  cotton  wool,  the  several  duties 
mentioned  in  the  law,  to  be  paid  in  such  places  in  the 
plantations,  and  to  such  officers  as  shall  be  appointed 
to  collect  the  same  :  and  for  their  better  collection, 
it  is  enacted,  that  the  whole  business  shall  be  manag- 
ed and  the  imposts  be  levied  by  officers  appointed 
by  the  commissioners  of  the  customs  in  England. " 
The  colonists  considered  the  act  as  injurious,  impol- 
itic, arbitrary,  and  cruel  ;  and.  on  various   accounts 


M2  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

were  utterly  opposed  to  its  nature  and  influence. 
The  colonies  were  poor  and  greatly  in  debt,  on  the 
account  of  their  Indian  wars.  They  needed  encour- 
agement and  assistance.  At  such  a  time  to  be  load- 
ed with  customs  was  oppressive  and  cruel.  It  was 
the  more  injurious,  as  duties  were  imposed  on  all 
the  enumerated  articles  when  exported  only  from 
one  plantation  to  another,  no  less  than  when  ex- 
ported to  foreign  ports.  The  injury  was  still  in- 
creased, in  that  the  revenue  arising  from  the  act 
was  not  applied  to  the  benefit  of  the  plantation  in 
which  it  was  raised,  but  entirely  conveyed  away  for 
the  benefit  of  others.  Indeed  the  act  seemed  to 
serve  no  other  purposes  than  to  burden  trade,  dis- 
tress the  colonies,  and  create  a  good  income  to  the 
officers.  For  half  of  the  duties  went  to  the  collector, 
and  a  quarter  to  the  comptroller,  the  other  fourth 
was  sub-divided  into  salaries  till  it  was  swallowed 
in  the  vortex  of  office.  At  the  same  time,  the 
colonies  considered  the  act  as  a  contravention  of 
their  charters  ;  and,  as  they  had  no  representation  in 
parliament,  inconsistent  with  their  natural  rights  as 
Englishmen.  Governour  Nicholson  of  Maryland 
wrote  to  the  board  of  trade,  "  I  have  observed  that  a 
great  many  people  in  all  these  provinces  and  colonies, 
especially  in  those  under  proprietaries,  and  the  two 
others  under  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  think 
that  no  law  of  England  ought  to  be  in  force  and 
binding  to  them  without  their  own  consent ;  for  they 
foolishly  say,  they  have  no  representatives  sent  from 
themselves  to  the  parliament  of  England  ;  and  they 
look  upon  all  laws  made  in  England,  that  put  any 
restraint  upon  them,  to  be  great  hardships."  On  all 
these  accounts  the  colonists  were  utterly  opposed  to 
the  act,  and  were  willing  by  all  means  to  prevent 
its  operation.  For  several  years  they  paid  very  little 
attention  to  its  requirements.  As  the  commission- 
ers increased  their  profits,  in  proportion  to  the  sums 
they  collected,  they  were  zealous  for  enforcing  the 
act.     The  evasion  and  obstinacy  of  the  colonies. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  153 

awaking  their  resentments,  they  commenced  spies 
and  complainers,  constantly  acting  against,  and  in- 
juring them,  in  their  most  essential  rights.  ]675s 

After  the  pacification  with  the  Dutch,  major  Ed- 
mund Andros  was  appointed  governour  of  New- 
York  :  and  in  October,  1674,  the  Dutch  resigned 
the  government  to  him.  He  was  a  man  of  arbitrary 
principles,  and  high  notions  of  government,  breath- 
ing the  same  spirit  with  the  duke  of  York  and  his 
royal  master.  Therefore  though  New- York  was  re- 
gained, yet  the  inhabitants  were  nevertheless  enslav- 
ed. He  admitted  them  to  no  share  in  the  legislature, 
but  governed  them  by  laws  to  which  they  nev- 
er had  given  their  assent.  Such  was  the  degree  of 
servitude  to  which  he  degraded  the  colony,  that  it 
gave  to  persons  of  all  denominations  universal  dis- 
satisfaction. But  New- York  was  not  the  only  gov- 
ernment, which  felt  the  weight  of  his  oppression  and 
despotism.  Connecticut  and  other  colonies  felt  its 
mischievous  influence. 

About  two  years  after  king  Charles  had  confirmed 
the  ancient  boundaries  of  Connecticut,  granted  in 
the  old  patent  to  lord  Say  and  Seal,  lord  Brook,  &c. 
by  his  royal  letters  patent,  he  made  a  grant  of  all  the 
territory  west  of  Connecticut  river,  as  far  as  Delaware 
bay,  to  his  brother  the  duke  of  York  and  Albany ; 
together  with  all  the  islands,  which  had  been  so  re- 
cently granted  by  him  to  the  colony  of  Connecticut. 
In  consequence  of  the  possession  which  the  Dutch 
afterwards  had  of  the  country,  the  validity  of  this 
grant  was  rendered  doubtful.     The  duke  therefore, 
after  the  pacification  with  the  Dutch,  took  out  a  new 
grant  of  the  same  territory.     By  virtue  of  this,  major  Major  An- 
Andros   claimed  jurisdiction   over   all  that  part  of  ^Tims  ju. 
Connecticut  west  of  the  river ;    and  coming  into  the  risdiction 
river's  mouth,  with  an  armed  force  made  a  demand  !"Cu°nnec" 
of  the  fort  at  Say-Brook. 

The  governour  and  council  having  previous  no- 
tice of  his  designs,  despatched  captain  Bull  with  a 
number  of  bold  men  to  Sav-Brook,  at  all  hazards  to 

Vol.  I.  20 


154  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

4 

defend  the  fort  and  country  against  him.     A  special 
assembly  was  called  on  the  9th  of  July,  1675.     The 
16r5     assembly  unanimously  protested  against  his  claims 
The  as-    and  proceedings,  and  warned  him  at  his  peril  to 
prSesta-  desist  from  his  attempts  against  the  colony.     They 
gainst  his  declared  that  they  would  use  their  utmost  exertions 
conduct.    t0  (jefen(i  tne  g00(j  peopie  0f  the  colony  against  his 
attempts.     They  prohibited  all  his  majesty's  sub- 
jects, of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  from  attending, 
countenancing,  or  obeying  the  said  major  Andros, 
or  any  under  him,  in  any  order,  instruction,  or  com- 
mand contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  colony,  as  they 
should  answer  it  at  their  peril.* 

Captain  Bull  conducted  the  business  of  his  com- 
mission with  great  address  and  resolution.  Major 
Andros  hoisted  the  British  flag  on  board  his  ship, 
and  drawing  up  before  the  fort,  with  all  appearances 
He  dc-  of  hostility,  demanded,  That  it  should  be  delivered 
fortatVay!  to  ^m  as  n*s  majesty's  governour.  Captain  Bull 
brook.  erected  the  British  standard  in  the  fort,  and  made 
proper  dispositions  for  a  vigorous  defence.  His 
men  appeared  with  the  best  countenance,  prompt 
and  determined  to  execute  their  orders.  Both  par- 
ties, however,  were  unwilling  to  fire  on  his  majesty's 
colours  and  subjects.  The  major  finding,  that  an 
attempt  to  possess  himself  of  the  fort,  by  force,  might 
be  hazardous  and  bloody,  had  recourse  to  strata- 
gem. He  imagined  that  if  he  could  obtain  admit- 
tance on  shore,  and  read  his  commission,  it  might 
prevent  all  further  opposition.  He  therefore  made 
propositions  of  an  amicable  interview  on  shore. 
Captain  Bull  apprehensive  of  his  designs  conducted 
the  affair  with  such  vigilance  and  firmness  as  entire- 
ly to  defeat  them.  The  major,  though  defeated  in 
his  attempts,  could  not  but  admire  the  man,  who  had 
executed  his  trust  with  such  fidelity  and  heroism. 
It  is  therefore  reported,  that  understanding  his  name 
to  be  Bull,  he  declared,  That  it  was  a  pity,  that  his 
horns  were  not  tipped  with   silver.     The  assembly 

*  Records  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut. 

I 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  155 

of  Connecticut  considered  this  attempt  of  the  major  chap. 
as  a  gross  injury  and  insult.  The  spirit  of  the  peo- 
ple on  this  occasion  will  appear  in  a  proclamation  is-  16r5 
sued  under  the  great  seal  of  the  colony,  which  con- 
tained the  following  declaration  :  "  Forasmuch  as 
the  good  people  of  this,  his  majesty's  colony  of  Con- 
necticut have  met  with  much  trouble  and  molesta- 
tion from  major  Edmund  Andros,  his  challenge  and 
-attempts  to  surprise  the  main  part  of  said  colony, 
which  they  have  so  rightfully  obtained,  so  long  pos- 
sessed and  defended  against  all  invasions  of  Dutch 
and  Indians,  to  the  great  grievance  of  his  majesty's 
good  subjects  in  their  settlements  ;  and  to  despoil 
the  happy  government,  by  charter  from  his  majesty 
granted  to  themselves,  under  which  they  have  en- 
joyed many  halcyon  days  of  peace  and  tranquillity, 
to  their  great  satisfaction,  and  the  content  of  his  maj- 
esty graciously  expressed  by  letters  to  them,  so 
greatly  engaging  their  loyalty  and  thankfulness,  as 
makes  it  intolerable  to  be  put  off  from  so  long  and 
just  settlement  under  his  majesty's  government  by 
charter."*  Major  Andros  finding  that  the  people  of 
Connecticut  were  utterly  opposed  to  his  government, 
and  determined  to  resist  it  to  the  last  extremity, 
gave  the  matter  up,  and  made  no  further  attempts  on 
the  colony. 

However  the  people  of  New-Englandr  had  their 
enemies  both  on  this  and  the  other  side  of  the  water, 
who  were  busily  employed  in  measures  subversive 
of  her  governments  and  liberties.  Complaints  were 
exhibited  against  them  in  England,  and  inquiries 
set  on  foot  by  which  they  were  continually  harassed. 
Complaints  were  exhibited,  by  Gorges  and  Mason, 
against  the  Massachusetts,  respecting  the  extent  of 
their  patent .  lines  and  government.  Edward  Ran- 
dolph from  year  to  year,  exhibited  complaints  against 
the  united  colonies,  for  their  opposition  to  his  maj- 
esty's commissioners,  and  non-compliance   with  the 

*  Records  of  the  colon  v  of  Connecticut, 


156  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   acts  of  trade.     Notwithstanding  the  distresses  and 
impoverishment  of  the  war,  his    majesty  required 

1675  that  agents  should  be  sent  over  to  England  to  answer 
to  the  matters  alleged  against  them.  He  reprimand- 
ed the  colonies  for  their  non-compliance  with  the 
acts  of  trade.  The  colonies  had  indeed,  for  the  rea- 
sons which  have  been  mentioned,  declined  an  obser- 
vation of  them.  But  on  receiving  express  injunc- 
tions from  his  majesty,  that  the  acts  of  trade  and 
navigation  should  be  punctually  observed,  acts  were 
made  providing  for  a  punctual  conformity  to  them. 
These  acts  on  the  account  of  the  tobacco  trade  very 
greatly  injured  Virginia  and  Maryland.  The  Vir- 
ginians were  the  most  stanch  royalists  of  any  sub- 
jects in  the  colonics.  In  1642  the  assembly  by  a 
formal  act  declared,  "  That  they  were  born  under 
monarchy,  and  would  never  degenerate  from  the  con- 
dition of  their  births,  by  being  .subject  to  any  other 
government."  So  highly  agreeable  was  this  act,  that 
when  it  was  presented  to  the  king,  he  gave  the  col- 
ony the  fullest  assurances  that  they  should  always  be 
immediately  dependent  upon  the  crown,  and  that  their 
form  of  government  should  never  be  changed.  They 
resisted  the  government  of  the  parliament,  and  of  the 
Lord  protector,  till  by  force  they  were  reduced  to 
obedience.  After  the  death  of  the  protector's  govern- 
our,  Matthews,  they  set  up  governour  Berkley,  and 
with  one  unanimous  voice  declared  that  they  would 
venture  their  lives  and  fortunes  for  king  Charles. 
Sir  William  Berkley  assumed  the  government ;  and 
proclaimed  Charles  the  second,  king  of  England, 
Scotland,  France,  Ireland,  and  Virginia.  He  caused 
every  process  to  be  issued  in  his  majesty's  name ; 
so  that  he  was  king  in  Virginia  before  he  was  actu- 
ally so  in  England.*  Fortunately  for  the  Virgini- 
ans, the  restoration  soon  followed ;  otherwise  they 
wTould  not  have  escaped  a  severe  chastisement. 

*  History  of  North  America,  in  the  New  American  Mag-,  p.  250,251. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  157 

Notwithstanding  this  singular  attachment  to  royal-    °hap. 

ly,  no  colony  more  severely  felt  the  mischiefs  of  a 

despotic  kingly  government  than  Virginia.  In  di-  1675 
rect  contravention  of  their  rights  by  charter,  the  col- 
ony was  split  into  parts,  and  conveyed  away  in  pro- 
prietary grants.  These  were  not  grants  barely  of 
uncultivated  woodlands,  but  of  plantations,  which 
for  many  years  had  been  improved  under  the  coun- 
tenance and  encouragement  of  kings  and  charters. 
These  grants  began  to  be  put  in  execution  nearly  at 
the  same  time  with  the  acts  of  trade  and  navigation. 
The  Virginians  remonstrated  against  these  grants. 
The  assembly  of  Virginia  drew  up  a  humble  address  Burdens 
to  his  majesty  complaining  of  them,  as  derogatory  of  yirth^j_ 
the  precious  charters  and  privileges  granted  to  that  ans. 
colony  by  his  majesty  and  his  royal  progenitors.  To 
defray  the  expense  of  prosecuting  the  affair  before 
his  majesty,  a  tax  of  fifty  pounds  of  tobacco  was 
laid  on  each  poll  during  the  term  of  two  years. 
Amercements  were  also  laid  of  thirty,  fifty,  and  sev- 
enty pounds  of  tobacco,  agreeably  to  the  nature  of 
the  cause,  on  every  law  case  tried  in  the  colony. 
The  low  price  of  tobacco,  these  taxes  and  amerce- 
ments all  united  their  influence,  with  the  duties  im- 
posed by  the  acts  of  trade  and  navigation,  to  distress 
the  colony.  The  poor  people  were  not  able,  by  the 
effects  of  their  industry,  to  feed  and  clothe  their 
wives  and  children.  After  waiting  under  all  these 
pressures,  for  a  considerable  time,  there  was  no  en- 
couragement from  their  agents  in  England,  that 
they  should  ever  be  eased  of  their  heavy  impositions. 
These  created  such  great  and  general  uneasiness,  as 
rendered  the  people  almost  desperate. 

Another  unhappy  circumstance  served  to  augment 
their  miseries.  While  the  Dutch  held  New  York 
the  Virginians  drove  a  very  profitable  trade  with  the 
Indians.  But  after  the  English  became  the  posses- 
sors, and  understood  the  advantages  of  the  trade,  they 
took  measures  to  draw  it  off  from  Virginia  to  New 
York.     They  so  disaffected  the  Indians  towards  the 


158  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Virginians  that  instead  of  coming  amicably  among 
them,  for  trade,  as  had  been  usual,  they  began  to 
1676.  r°b  and  murder  them.*  So  that  an  Indian  war  was 
They  fail  added  to  their  other  calamities.  Under  this  com- 
tlon.  ac  plication  of  evils  the  people  became  tumultuous, 
collected  in  large  bodies,  running  from  one  planta- 
tion to  another,  without  a  leader  or  any  proper  ar- 
Coi.Bacon  rangement.  At  length  one  colonel  Bacon,  a  bold 
beUion.le"  active  young  man,  of  a  good  education,  handsome 
presence,  and  powerful  elocution,  was  chosen  their 
general.  He  had  been  brought  up  at  one  of  the 
inns  of  court  in  London ;  and  on  account  of  his  ex- 
traordinary qualifications,  had  been  chosen  into  the 
council,  before  he  had  been  three  years  in  the  coun- 
try ;  and  was  held  in  great  honour  and  esteem  among 
the  people.  He  gave  his  followers  the  strongest  as- 
surances, that  he  would  never  lay  down  his  arms, 
until  he  had  avenged  their  sufferings,  on  the  Indians, 
and  obtained  a  redress  of  all  their  grievances. 
Among  his  followers,  there  was  a  perfect  unanimity, 
and  they  were  all  at  his  devotion.  His  preparations 
were  soon  completed,  and  having  despatched  a  mes- 
senger to  governour  Berkley,  to  send  him  a  commis- 
sion to  go  against  the  Indians,  he  began  his  march 
depending  on  the  authority  and  influence  of  the  peo- 
ple. But  very  contrary  to  his  expectations,  the  gov- 
ernour instead  of  sending  him  a  commission  sent 
positive  orders,  that  he  should  dismiss  his  men  and 
come  down  to  him  in  person,  on  pain  of  being  de- 
clared a  rebel.  Bacon  however,  depending  on  his 
strength,  and  interest  with  the  people,  determined 
to  prosecute  his  designs.  Though  he  did  not  dis- 
miss his  men,  yet  taking  about  forty,  on  whom  he 
could  depend,  he  went  down  in  a  sloop  to  Jamestown 
to  wait  on  the  governour.  He  found  him  with  his 
council.  But  the  colonel's  matters  not  succeeding 
agreeably  to  his  wishes,  he  expressed  himself  so 
warmly  that  the  governour  suspended  him  from  the 

*  Hist.  N.  America  in  the  New  American  Magazine,  p.  256,  2J7  : 
aftd  Beverley's  hist.  p.  64  to  68. 


1676, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  i$g 

council.     Upon  this  he  went  off,  in  a  rage,  with  his   chap. 
sloop  and  men.     The  governour  pursued  him,  and      IV* 
adopted  such  measures,  that  he  was  taken  at  Sandy 
Point  and   sent  down  to  Jamestown.     The  govern- 
our had  gone  beyond  his  instructions  in  suspending 
him ;  he  therefore  now  kindly  received,  and  gladly 
admitted  him  again  to  his  council.     He  hoped,  that 
by  this  all  matters  might  be  quieted.     But  colonel 
Bacon  still  insisted  upon  a  commission,  to  be  gener- 
al of  the  volunteers,  and  to  go  out  against  the  In- 
dians.    In  vain  did  the  governour  labour  to  dissuade 
him  from  his  purpose.     He  had  the  fortune  to  be 
countenanced  in  his  importunity  by  the  news  of  fresh 
murders  and  depredations  committed  by  the  Indians. 
But  as  he  could  not  carry  his  points  by  fair  means, 
he  got  privately  out  of  town,  and  putting  himself  at 
the  head  of  six  hundred  volunteers,  marched  direct- 
ly to  Jamestown,  where  the  assembly  were  then  sit- 
ting. Drawing  up  his  men  before  the  house,  in  which 
the  assembly  were  convened,  he  presented  himself 
to  the  members,  urged  his  preparations,  and  alleg- 
ed that  if  the  commission  had  not  been  so  long  de- 
layed, the  war  against  the  Indians,  might  have  been 
finished.     In  these  circumstances  the  assembly  judg- 
ed it  most  expedient  to  grant  his  commission  ;  and 
the    governour,  though  with  great  reluctance,  put 
his  hand  to  the  instrument,  which  constituted  him 
general  of  the  forces  of  Virginia.  Colonel  Bacon  hav- 
ing gained  his  point,  immediately  marched  off  his 
men.     But  no  sooner  were  they  at  such  a  distance, 
as  that  the  assembly  judged  it  safe  to  proceed  against 
him,  than  they    advised  the  governour  to  issue  a 
proclamation  of  rebellion  against  him.     A  proclama- 
tion was  issued  commanding  his  followers  to  deliver 
him,  and  immediately  disperse  themselves.     At  the 
same  time,  orders  were  given  for  raising  the  militia 
of  the  country  against  him.     But  the  people  were  so 
exasperated  by  their  burdens,  and  general  Bacon  had 
such  an  entire  dominion  over  their  hearts,  that  they 
unanimously  resolved,  that  an  hair  of  his  head  should 


160  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  not  be  touched,  and  much  more  that  they  would  not 
deliver  him  up  as  a  rebel.  They  therefore  kept  their 
1676  arms,  and  instead  of  proceeding  against  the  Indians, 
marched  back  to  Jamestown.  Their  fury  was  now 
directed  against  all,  who  were  in  opposition  to  their 
measures.  The  governour  was  obliged  to  flee  over 
the  bay  to  Accomack.  Hither  he  hoped  the  infec- 
tion of  Bacon's  rebellion  had  not  spread.  But  even 
here  the  people,  instead  of  receiving  him  with  open 
arms,  in  remembrance  of  his  former  good  services, 
began  to  make  terms  with  him  for  the  redress  of 
their  former  grievances,  and  for  freeing  the  trade 
from  the  burdens  and  embarrassments  laid  upon  it  by 
acts  of  parliament.  Thus  Sir  William,  who  had 
been  almost  the  idol  of  the  people,  was,  by  reason 
of  their  burdens  and  jealousy,  in  a  great  measure 
abandoned.  For  some  time  he  could  make  no  head 
against  Bacon,  who  ranged  through  the  country  at 
Aug. 3d.  pleasure.  He  first  called  a  convention,  and  after- 
wards issued  writs,  signed  by  himself  and  four  of 
his  council,  and  convoked  an  assembly.  By  this 
time  the  governour  had  collected  a  small  party,  and 
furnished  them  with  sloops,  arms,  and  ammunition. 
The  command  was  given  to  major  Robert  Beverly, 
who  crossed  the  bay  to  oppose  the  malecontents. 
Thus  civil  war  commenced,  skirmish  after  skirmish 
happened,  in  which  some  were  killed  and  others 
wounded.  While  the  parties  were  thus  laying  waste 
their  infant  country,  and  destroying  one  another,  it 
pleased  the  Supreme  Ruler,  to  put  an  end  to  these 
mischiefs,  by  the  natural  death  of  general  Bacon. 
The  rebels,  having  lost  their  head,  soon  fell  into 
confusion  and  began  to  disperse.  Lieutenant  gen- 
eral Ingram,  and  major  general  Walklate  surrender- 
ed on  condition  of  pardon  for  themselves  and  follow- 
ers. The  generals,  though  pardoned,  were  obliged 
to  submit  to  the  incapacity  of  never  bearing  office  in 
the  country  for  the  future.  The  people  returned  to 
their  habitations,  and  internal  peace  was  again  restor- 
ed to  the  province. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  yfo 

Terrible  were  the  effects  of  this  civil  dissension,   chap. 
Jamestown  was  burnt  to  the   ground,  by  Richard       1V- 
Lawrence*  one  of  Bacon's  seditious  captains.     Great     16?9 
havock   was  made  among  the  stocks  of  cattle  ;  and, 
during   the  insurrection,  there  was   an  almost   total 
neglect  of  husbandry  ;  so   that  the  people  had  the 
dreadful  prospect  of  famine.* 

The  Indians  taking  advantage  of  the  confusion  in- 
to which  the  colony  was  thrown,  so  desolated  the 
frontiers  and  murdered  the  inhabitants,  that  for  near- 
ly thirty  years  afterwards  the  improvements  were  ex- 
tended but  very  little  further  than  at  the  time  of  the 
rebellion.  Nor  did  the  unhappy  consequences 
of  the  rebellion  end  here.  The  governour  had  writ- 
ten to  England  for  a  regiment  of  soldiers  to  be  sent 
over  to  suppress  the  insurrection.  After  the  colony 
was  quieted,  they  came  over,  and  were  kept  on  foot 
in  the  country  about  three  years.  With  them  were 
sent  commissioners,to  inquire  into  the  occasion  and  to 
take  cognizance  of  the  authors  of  the  rebellion.  Soon 
after  their  arrival  Sir  William  Berkley  made  a  voy- 
age to  England,  where  he  died  not  long  after  his  ar- 
rival. 

About   the  year  1679  lord  Culpepper  was  sent 
ever  governour,  with  certain  laws,  drawn  up  by  the 
ministry  in  England,  to  be  enacted  by  the  assembly 
in  Virginia.     Miserable  indeed  was  the  dilemma  to  Lord  CuU 
which  the  Virginians  were  now  reduced.  For  though  ^gpseersopr 
his  lordship  had  instructions  to  pass  an  act  of  pardon  theVir- 
for  all  who  had  been  in  the  late  rebellion,  yet,  it  was  &miaiiS: 
on  condition,  that  the  assembly  should  first  pass  the 
laws,  which  he  had  brought  over   from  the  British 
ministry.     On  their  refusal,  he  had  commissioners 
ready  to  try  and  hang  them  as  rebels ;  and  a  regi- 
ment of  soldiers  on  the  spot,  to  support  him  in  these 
faithless  and  arbitrary  proceedings.     Having  the  lives 
of  the  planters  in  his  hand,  it  was  not  difficult  for 
him  to  effect  his  purposes.    One  of  the  laws  brought 

*  Beverley's  hist.  p.  69  to  75. 

•    Vol.  I.  21 


16;2  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   over,  was  an  act,  for  raising  a  public  revenue  for  the 


support  of  government.  The  act  made  the  duties 
1679.  perpetual,  to  be  at  the  sole  direction  of  his  majesty, 
for  the  support  of  government.  When  he  had 
effected  this,  he  obtained  out  of  the  duties  a  salary  of 
two  thousand  pounds  annually,  instead  of  one  thou- 
sand, which  had  been  the  usual  allowance.  He  also 
obtained  a  hundred  and  sixty  pounds  annually  for 
house  rent.  Besides,  he  demanded  of  every  vessel 
under  a  hundred  tons,  twenty  shillings,  as  a  duty, 
and  thirty  shillings  for  all  above  that  burden,  to  be 
paid  to  him,  as  a  perquisite,  by  the  captain  of  the 
vessel,  for  every  voyage  at  port  clearing.  It  had 
been  customary  for  captains  of  vessels  to  make  pres- 
ents to  the  governour  of  liquors  and  other  articles  for 
house  keeping,  but  he  obtained  a  certain  sum,  and 
made  it  perpetual.* 

He  also  oppressed  the  people  by  causing  them  to 
receive  a  light  coin  in  payments,  at  the  same  rate 
with  that  which  was  full  weight.  This  oppression 
he  continued  for  his  own  emolument,  till  the  peo- 
ple began  to  treat  him  in  his  own  way,  by  paying 
the  duties  and  his  perquisites  in  the  same  light  pieces. 
By  this  practice  they  caused  the  law,  by  which  he  had 
compassed  this  mischief,  to  operate  against  him, 
and  in  this  way  obtained  its   repeal. 

While  these  matters  were  transacted  in  Virginia, 
important  events  were  taking  place  in  the  Jerseys  and 
in  New-England.     One  half  of  the  province  of  New- 
Jersey  belonged  to  lord  Berkeley.    In  1674,  he  made 
a  conveyance  of  this  half  to  John  Fenwick,  in  trust 
.  for  Edward  Billinge  and  his  assigns.     The  next  year 
ment  of     Fenwick  came  over  with  a  number  of  families  and 
WestNew  servants  and  began  the  settlement  of  West  Jersey,  on 
I675.y'      a  r*cn  anc*  pleasant  tract,  which  he  named  Salem. 
Some  of  the  principal  planters,  who  came  with  Fen- 
wick, were  Edward  Champness,  Edward  and  Samu- 
el Wade,  John    Smith,  Samuel   Nichols,    Richard 

*  Hist,  of  N.America  published  in  the  Magazine,  p. 257  to  2G2;  and 
Beverley's  hist.  p.  76  and  79. 


UNITED  STATES  «F  AMERICA.  163 

Guy,  Noble,  and  Hancock.  Billinge  agreed  to  pre- 
sent his  interest,  in  the  province  of  New  Jersey,  to 
his  creditors,  as  he  could  make  them  no  other  satis-  16~6 
faction.  William  Penn,  Gawen  Lawrie,  and  Nicho- 
las Lucas,  were  appointed  trustees,  to  dispose  of  the 
lands  for  that  purpose.  In  1676,  they  agreed  upon  Divisional 
a  division  with  Sir  George  Carteret.  The  divisional lmc- 
line  ran  from  the  east  side  of  Little  Egg  Harbour 
directly  north,  through  the  country,  to  the  utmost 
branch  of  the  river  Delaware.  All  that  part  on  the 
east  of  said  line  was  New  East  Jersey,  and  all  on  the 
west  of  it  was  called  New  West  Jersey.*  There 
subsisted  a  difference  between  Fenwick  and  Billinge, 
which  seems,  for  nearly  two  years,  to  have  retarded 
the  settlement.  At  length  the  trustees,  by  their 
-good  offices  effected  a  composition.  The  West  Jer- 
sey was  divided  into  one  hundred  proprieties ;  ten 
of  which  were  conveyed  to  John  Fenwick,  for  his 
satisfaction,  relative  to  the  purchase  which  he  had 
made  of  lord  Berkeley.  The  ninety  remaining  parts, 
were  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  creditors  of  Billinge. 
Two  companies  of  friends,  one  in  Yorkshire,  and 
the  other  in  London,  purchased  considerable  snares 
in  West  Jersey.  In  June  1677,  about  a  hundred 
and  thirty  passengers,  belonging  to  these  companies, 
arrived  at  New- Castle.  They  landed  at  Rackoon 
creek,  where  the  Swedes  had  made  some  scattering 
settlements.  For  want  of  houses  they  were  obliged 
to  stow  away  their  beds  and  furniture  in  hovels, 
cowstalls,  and  the  like  miserable  apartments.  In 
these  poor  shelters  they  suffered  many  inconvenien- 
ces. Commissioners  were  sent  over  by  the  proprie- 
tors to  make  purchases  of  the  Indians,  to  inspect  the 
rights  of  those  who  claimed  property,  and  to  direct 
the  affairs  of  set* lenient.  They  made  three  consid- 
erable purchases  of  the  Indians  ;  and  after  exploring 
the  country,  both  companies  agreed  to  settle  a  town 
on  the  island  called  Chygoes,   which  they   named 

*  Smith's  hist.  N.  Jersey,  p.  79,  80,  and  to  89. 


Free  con 
Stitutiom 


Ajidros  u- 


,164  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  Burlington.      Many  of  them,  at  first,  lived  in 

[_     wigwams  built  in  the  Indian  manner.     They  sub- 

1680     sisted  chiefly  on  Indian  corn  and  venison,  with  which 
they  were  supplied  by  the  Indians. 

Their  constitution  of  government  secured  to  them, 
in  the  amplest  manner,  which  words  could  well  ex- 
press, both  civil  and  religious  liberty.  No  tax,  as- 
sessment, nor  duty  whatsoever,  might  on  any  pretence 
be  imposed  on  the  province  or  the  inhabitants  of  it 
but  what  should  be  imposed  by  the  general  assem- 
bly.* But,  besides  all  the  hardships  of  settling  a 
new  country,  the  people  of  the  Jerseys,  soon  very  se- 
verely felt  the  dreadful  effects  of  arbitrary  power. 
Powers  of  government  had  been  as  fully  granted  by 
the  duke  of  York  to  lord  Berkeley  and  Sir  George 
Carteret  as  the  soil,  and  they  had  made  an  ample 
grant  of  both  to  the  proprietors.  Neither  the  duke, 
nor  his  governour,  had  any  colour  of  right  either  to 
5urpsUgov"  soil  or  government.  Yet  major  Andros,  governour 
ernmentin  Gf  New  York,  usurped  government  both  in  East  and 
seys!er"  West  Jersey.  He  obliged  the  commissioners  for 
the  settling  and  general  government  of  the  West 
Jersey,  to  receive  a  commission  from  him  to  act 
as  magistrates  in  that  jurisdiction.  He  threaten- 
ed to  defend  the  government  against  them,  by 
the  sword,  before  he  would  suffer  them  to  gov- 
ern by  their  own  right.  John  Fenwick  neglect- 
ing to  take  out  a  commission  from  him,  with  respect 
to  the  government  of  his  tenth,  was  arrested  and  car- 
ried prisoner  to  New  York.f  Nay,  Andros  carried 
the  matter  so  far,  that  in  1680  he  disputed  the  com- 
mission of  governour  Carteret  of  East  New  Jersey, 
and  sending  an  armed  force  siezedhim,  at  Elizabeth 
imposes  Town,  and  carried  him  prisoner  to  New  York.f  Be- 
tiiTHoar-  s^es  a^  tnese  violences  he  imposed  a  duty  of  10  per 
kill.  cent,  on  all  goods  imported  at  the  Hoar-kill,  and  5 

per  cent,  on  the  settlers  at  their  arrival,  or  afterwards, 
at  the  officer's  pleasure.     This  duty  was  not  upon 

*  Smith's  hist.  N.  Jersey,  p  528.       t  Ibid«  P-  9*-       *  Ibid-  P-  68« 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  155 

the  neat  cost  of  the  goods,  but  upon  the  foot  of  the  in- 
voice as  shipped  in  England.*     Nothing  could  be 
more  illegal  and  arbitrary  than  this  act.     This  con-      1680 
duct  strongly  marks  the  character  of  the  duke  of 
York,  who  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  business,  as  a 
covetous,    designing    knave   and    merciless  tyrant. 
When  complaints  were  made  to  him  of  this  oppres-  Com- 
sion  and  cruelty,  he  still  put  the  matter  off,  referring  f*™^  **' 
it  to  commissioners,   when  he  could  not  but  know  them, 
that  he  had  made  the  fullest  conveyance  of  all  pow- 
ers of  government  to  the  proprietors,  who  had  made 
the  purchase  of  the  country.     The  proprietors  were 
put  to  the  trouble  and  expense  of  appearing  before 
the    commissioners.     The  sum  of  the    arguments  Argu- 
presented  to  the  duke's  commissioners  against  the  ments 
customs  were,  That   the  king  granted  to  the  duke  the  imps- 
of  York  a  tract  of  land  in  America,  with  such  pow-  sition. 
ers  and  authorities  as  were  necessary  to  govern  and 
preserve  the  territory  when  planted  :  That  the  duke, 
for  a  competent  sum  of  money,  had  sold,  and  in  as 
ample  manner  granted  the  country  to  the  lord  John 
Berkeley   and   Sir   George  Carteret,  as  it   had  been 
granted  by  the  king  to  the  duke  :     That  "  in  the 
conveyance   made    to   them  powers  of  government 
were  expressly  granted."     They  say,    "  That  only 
could  have   induced  us  to  buy  it  ;  and  the  reason  is 
plain,  because  to  all  prudent  men,  the  government  of 
any  place  is  more  inviting  than  the  soil  ;    for  what  is 
good  land  without  good  laws;  the  better  the  worse:  and 
if  we  could  not   assure  people  of  an  easy,  and  free, 
and  safe  government,  both  with  respect  to  their  spir- 
itual and  worldly  property,  that  is,  an  uninterrupted 
liberty  of  conscience,  and  an  inviolable  possession  of 
their  civil   rights  and  freedoms,    by  a  just  and  wise 
government,  a  mere  wilderness  would  be  no  encour- 
agement :  for  it  were  a  madness  to  leave  a  free,  good, 
and  improved  country,  to  plant  in  a  wilderness ;  and 
there  adventure  many  thousands  of  pounds,  to  give 

*  Smith's  hist.  N.  Jersey,  p.  110. 


165  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  an  absolute  title  to  another  person  to  tax  us  at  will 
and  pleasure."  "Natural  right  and  human  prudence, 
1680.  °PPose  sucn  doctrine  all  the  world  over  ;  for  what 
is  it  but  to  say  that  people  free  by  law  under  their 
prince  at  home,  are  at  his  mercy  in  the  plantations 
abroad."  The  king's  grant  to  the  duke  of  York  is 
restrictive  to  the  laws  and  government  of  England. 
Now  we  humbly  conceive  it  is  made  a  fundamental, 
in  our  constitution  and  government,  that  the  king  of 
England  cannot  justly  take  his  subjects'  goods  with- 
out their  consent.  This  needs  no  more  to  be  prov- 
ed than  a  principle  ;  tis  jus  indigene,  an  home  born 
right,  declared  to  be  law  by  diverse  statutes,  as  in 
the  great  charter,  ch.  29,  and  34.  Ed.  III.  ch.  2  ; 
again,  25  Ed.  ch.  7.  Upon  this  were  many  of  the 
parliament's  complaints  grounded,  particularly  that 
of  the  same  king's  reign.  To  give  up  the  power  of 
making  laws  is  to  change  the  government,  to  sell  or 
rather  resign  ourselves  to  the  will  of  another  ;  and 
that  for  nothing  :  for  we  buy  nothing  of  the  duke  if 
not  the  right  of  colonizing,  with  no  diminution,  but 
expectation  of  some  increase,  of  those  freedoms  and 
privileges  enjoyed  in  our  own  country.  We  hum- 
bly say,  that  we  have  not  lost  any  part  of  our  liberty, 
by  leaving  our  country,  but  we  transplant  to  a  place 
with  express  limitation  to  erect  no  polity  contrary  to 
the  government  (of  England,)  but  as  near  as  may  be 
to  it  ;  and  this  variation  is  allowed,  but  for  the  sake 
of  emergencies  ;  and  that  latitude  bounded  with 
these  words,yor  the  good  of  the  planter  or  adventurer" 
They  urged  that  custom,  in  all  governments,  was  laid 
upon  trade,  not  upon  planting,  not  upon  going  to  a 
man's  habitation  and  carrying  home  families  and  pro- 
perty ;  not  for  hazarding  in  the  improvement  of  a 
wilderness  :  and  that  the  custom  imposed  on  them 
was  without  precedent  or  parallel  :  That  it  was  not 
to  be  found  in  the  duke's  conveyance,  but  was  an  af- 
ter business  :  That,  had  they  foreseen  it,  they  would 
rather  have  taken  up  in  any  other  plantation  in 
America.   Besides,  they  say,  "there  is  no  end  of  this 


tfNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


167 


power  ;  for  since  we  are  by  this  precedent  assessed   chap. 
without  any  law,  and  thereby  excluded  our  English       IV" 
right   of  common   assent  to   taxes  ;  what  security     168L 
have  we  of  any   thing   we   possess  ?    We  can  call 
nothing  our  own,   but  are  tenants  at  will,   not  only 
for  the  soil,  but  for  all  our  personal  estates.     This  sort 
of  conduct  has   destroyed  government,  but  never 
raised  one  to  any  true  greatness."* 

These  arguments  and  representations  clearly  de- 
monstrate the  sentiments  of  the  first  settlers  of  the 
country  relative  to  taxation,  and  the  rights  of  Eng- 
lishmen in  the  colonies,   as  well  as  in  Great  Britain. 
In  support  of  these  arguments  the  authors  of  them 
quote  not  only  magna  charta  and  various  acts  of  the 
ancient  kings  of  England,  but  authorities  from  Brac- 
ton,  Fortesque,  and  the  Petition  of  Rights.  The  com- 
missioners to  whom  the  duke  referred  the  matter,  it 
seems,  judged  the  customs  illegal  and  oppressive. 
For  they  were  immediately  taken  off,  after  the  matter  The  cus- 
had  a  hearing  before  them.     Edward  Billinge   was  tonmsfftak* 
appointed  governour.      He  appointed  Samuel  Jen- 
nings deputy  governour  ;  and  as  the  West  Jersey  was 
by  this  time  become  populous,  he  summoned  a  gener- 
al assembly,  November  25th,  168 1.     This  assembly  F-rst  as. 
enacted  a  number  of  laws,  which  were  to  be  funda-  sembiyin 
mental  to  themselves,  and  to  their  posterity.     They  J^f cw 
were  not  to  be  violated  by  any  person,  nor  upon  any  1681.  ' 
pretence.     These  ordained,  that  there  should  be  an-  Fu^ll* 
nually  a  general,  free  assembly,  chosen  by  the  free  Uws. 
people  of  the  province  :  That  the  governour  should 
not  defer  the  signing  and  sealing  of  the  acts  of  the 
assembly  :  That  he  should  not,  on  any  account  raise 
war,  or  any  military  force  within  the  province ;    nor 
prorogue,  nor  dissolve  the  assembly,  nor  enact  any 
law,  nor  impose  any  custom,  nor  raise  money  without 
the  consent  and  concurrence  of  the  general  assem- 
bly.-)-    These  also  ordained,  that  no  assembly  should 
give  to  the  governour  of  the  province  any  tax  or 

*  Smith's  hist.  N.  Jersey,  p.  117,  123.         f  Ibid.  p.  126,128,129. 


153  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  custom,  for  a  longer  time  than  one  complete  year  i 
That  all  officers  of  trust  should  be  nominated  by  the 


1681.  general  assembly  :  and  that  no  man  should  be  con- 
demned or  hurt,  without  the  judgment  of  twelve  ju- 
rymen. 

During  these  transactions  in  the  southern  and  mid- 
dle colonies,  affairs  were  growing  worse  and  worse 
in  New-England,  and  rapidly  advancing  to  an  unhap- 
py crisis.  As  early  as  the  year  1678,  Randolph,  that 
busy  tool  of  government,  came  over  with  powers 
from  the  commissioners  of  the  customs,  to  make 
seizures  and  exhibit  informations,  for  breaches  of 
the  acts  of  trade.  In  1681,  he  obtained  a  commis- 
sion from  the  crown,  to  be  collector,  surveyor,  and 
searcher  of  the  customs  in  New-England.  His 
measures  and  complaints  were  highly  injurious  and 
distressing  to  the  colonies.  By  reason  of  complaints 
exhibited  by  him  and  others,  the  province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts had  been  at  the  expense  of  supporting 
two  agents  in  England  for  nearly  the  term  of  three 
years.  Connecticut  had  sent  an  agent  who  was  tak- 
en by  the  Algerines.  On  the  return  of  the  agents 
of  the  Massachusetts  they  were  required  immediate- 
ly to  send  over  others.  They  excused  themselves 
from  sending  a  second  time  ;  pleading  the  dangers  of 
the  sea,  the  great  losses  which  they  had  sustained  by 
the  Indian  war ;  and  that  they  were  loaded  with  such 
a  debt  in  consequence  of  it,  as,  in  a  manner,  rendered 
them  incapable  of  the  expense.  But,  this  year,  they 
received  a  letter  under  his  majesty's  sign  manual,  in- 
timating his  displeasure  that  agents  had  not  been 
sent  over;  and  requiring  that  they  should  be  sent 
within  three  months  from  the  reception  of  his  letter. 
Agreeably  to  his  requisition,  agents  were  appointed, 
and  sailed  in  May,  for  England.  A  public  fast  was 
appointed,  throughout  the  colony,  to  pray  for  the  con- 
tinuation of  their  charter  and  the  success  of  their 
agency.  The  New-England  colonies  all  addressed 
his  majesty,  in  the  most  suppliant  manner,  for  the 
continuation  of  their  charters  and  privileges.     But 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  169 

addresses  however  suppliant,  with  him  had  no  ef-   c^p- 

feet.     He  demanded  a  surrender  of  their  charters, 

and  a  submission  to  the  royal  pleasure,  with  respect     1682 
to  such  alterations  in  their  mode  of  government,  as 
should  be  necessary  for  his  service.     The  agents  of 
the  Massachusetts  represented  the  case  of  the  colony 
as   desperate,  and  left  it  with  the  court  to  determine 
whether  it  were  most  advisable  to  suffer  a  quo  war- 
ranto to  issue,  or  to  submit  to  his  majesty's  pleas- 
ure.    The  city  of  London  and  Bermudas  had  refus- 
ed, and  quo  warrantos  had  been  issued  against  them. 
Many  cities  had  submitted  to  the  royal  pleasure.     It 
was  not  difficult  to   discover  that  his  majesty  was 
determined  in  violation  of  charters,  compacts,  the 
constitution,  and  rights  of  the  people,  to  assume  all 
government  into  his  own  hands.     In  this  state  of 
affairs,  the  agents,  probably,  thought  that  the  Mas- 
sachusetts would  be  able  to  determine  what  would 
be  most  expedient.      Upon  the  intelligence  which 
they   had   given,   this  became   the   great  question, 
not  only  in  the  general  court,  but  through  the  colo- 
ny, whether  they  should  submit,  or  not.     The  gen- 
eral   determination  was,    not   to  die  by  their  own 
hands.      The  agents  were  instructed  "  to  make  no 
concessions  of  any    privileges,  conferred  upon  the 
colony  by  charter."     On  the  reception  of  this  final 
resolution  of  the  court,  the  agents  found  that  their 
business  was  at  once  accomplished.     There  was  an  Q.uo  wa*- 
immediate  determination,  that  a  quo  warranto  should  ^nst^he 
be  issued  against  the  charter.     Randolph,  who  by  charter  of 
all  means  in  his  power,  had  for  several  years  been  ^sse^s 
attempting  the  subversion  of  the  New- England  gov-  1683. 
ernments,  was  to  be  the  messenger  of  death,  and  of 
his  own  triumphs. 

The  agents  arrived  at  Boston  the  23d  of  October, 
1683.  The  same  week  Randolph  arrived  with  the  quo 
warranto,  and  a  declaration  from  his  majesty,  that  if  the 
colony,  before  prosecution,  would  make  full  sub- 
mission and  entire  resignation  to  his  pleasure,  he 
would  regulate  the  charter  for  his  service  and  their 

Vol.  I.  2g 


]  70  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  good,  with  no  other  alterations  than  should  be  ne- 
cessary for  the  support  of  his  government  in  the  col- 
1683  ony#  ^  ne  govern°ur  and  major  part  of  the  assist- 
ants despairing  of  success  in  a  suit  with  his  majesty, 
voted  humbly  to  lay  themselves  at  his  feet,  in  sub- 
mission to  his  pleasure.*  But  the  deputies  adhered  to 
their  former  resolutions,  determining  not  to  be  their 
own  executioners.  A  scire  facias  was  received,  by 
the  colony,  the  next  September ;  but  the  time  of 
their  appearance  at  Westminster,  was  elapsed  be- 
fore the  reception  of  the  writ :  and  judgment  was 
entered  against  their  charter. 
1685.  In  1685,  the  attorney  general  was  directed,  by  an 
order  in  council,  to  bring  writs  of  quo  warranto 
against  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island ;  which  colo- 
nies, it  seems,  had  been  impeached  of  high  misde- 
meanors. The  next  year  the  writs  were  served  on 
both  the  colonies.  Rhode  Island  resolved,  in  gener- 
al assembly,  not  to  stand  suit  with  his  majesty,  but 
wholly  to  submit  themselves  and  their  charter  to  the 
royal  pleasure. 

Connecticut  received  intelligence  of  the  writ  issu- 
ed against  their  charter  before  its  arrival.  A  spe- 
cial assembly  was  convened,  on  the  6th  of  July,  to 
consult  what  measures  to  adopt  in  this  important 
crisis.  A  letter  was  addressed  to  his  majesty  couch- 
ed in  the  most  loyal  and  submissive  language,  be- 
seeching his  majesty  to  pardon  their  faults  in  govern- 
ment, and  continue  them  a  distinct  colony,  with  the 
indulgence  of  their  civil  and  religious  privileges. 
They  pleaded  their  charter,  the  indulgence  of  his 
royal  brother,  and  his  commendation  of  the  colony. 
They  besought  his  majesty  to  recal  the  writ  which 
they  heard  had  been  issued  against  their  charter. f 
Soon  after  the  writ  arrived  and  was  served  by  Ran- 
dolph. This  occasioned  another  special  assembly, 
on  the  28th  of  the  same  month.  The  assembly  ap- 
pointed Mr.  White  their  agent  to  appear  for  them 

*  Hutch,  hist.  vol.  i.  p.  336, 339. 
t  Records  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  vol.  iii.p.  182, 183 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  J71 

in  the  court  of  Britain,  to  certify  his  majesty  of  the  chap. 
quo  warranto,  to  pray  his  majesty  to  stop  all  further 
proceedings  in  law  against  the  colony,  and  pray  to  be  168r 
continued  distinct  and  entire.  They  instruct  their 
agent  to  make  a  full  representation  of  the  great  inju- 
ry, which  a  division  of  the  colony  might  be  to  the 
inhabitants.  They  pray  that  if  they  might  not  be 
continued  a  distinct  colony,  that  there  might  be  a 
continuation  of  their  properties,  houses,  lands,  and 
religious  privileges.  Their  agent  wrote  them  that 
if  they  would  defend  their  charter  at  law,  they  must 
send  over  one  or  more  of  their  own  number  for  that 
purpose.  The  assembly  voted  against  sending  an 
agent,  thanked  Mr.  White  for  his  past  services,  and 
desired  him  to  continue  his  good  offices  in  favour  of 
the  colony.  The  assembly  considered  their  case  as  June  15th. 
desperate.  Affairs  were  managed  in  the  court  of 
king  James  in  such  a  lawless,  haughty,  and  despotic 
manner,  that  it  was  with  reluctance,  that  agents  made 
their  appearance  in  it,  to  solicit  favours,  or  even  to 
defend  the  lawful  and  natural  rights  of  the  subject. 
Propositions  had  been  made  to  Connecticut  of  an- 
nexing them  either  to  New- York  or  the  Massachu- 
setts. In  a  letter,  written  with  reference  to  the  sub- 
ject, they  prayed  for  the  continuance  of  their  privi- 
leges ;  but  if  these  might  not  be  continued,  to  be 
annexed  to  the  Massachusetts.  This  was  judged  a 
surrender  of  their  charter. 

As  the  colony  of  New- Plymouth,  had  only  a  patent 
from  the  great  Plymouth  company,  without  powers 
of  government  from  the  king,  their  only  support  was 
his  approbation.  They  acted  therefore  with  great 
circumspection.  They  were  in  high  favour  with 
king  Charles  the  second.  After  the  conquest  of 
Philip,  he  made  a  grant  of  mount  Hope,  the  princi- 
pal seat  of  the  Wampanoags  to  them,  their  heirs  and 
successors  for  ever.  They  prayed  for  charter  privi- 
leges similar  t©  those  of  Connecticut ;  and,  from  time 
to  time,  were  amused  with  assurances,  that  his  majes- 
ty would  grant  their  petition.     While  his  majesty 


172  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  O?  THE 

chap,  was  violently  infringing  the  rights  of  the  whole  na- 
tion,   and   of  the   colonies   in   general,  he  was  far 


168f)     enough  from  granting  such  immunities  to  New-Plym- 
outh.    All  New-England  was  despoiled  of  her  liber- 
ties  and  subjected  to  the  despotic  will  of  his  majesty 
and  his  commissioners.     After  all  the  hardships  and 
dangers  they  had  endured  in  planting  a  wilderness, 
after  all  their   expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  they 
had  no  better  security  of  life,  liberty,  or  property, 
sir  Ed-     than  the  will  of  an  unfeeling,  bloody  tyrant. 
drosd  A"-      ^r   Edmund  Andros,  by   commission  from  king 
ernourg°of  James,  was  appointed   governour  of  New-England. 
n.  Eng      just  at  tne  dose  of  the  year  1676,  he  arrived  at  Bos- 
rtved  Dec. ton  an(i  his  commission  was  made  public  on  the  day 
20th,i686.  of  his  arrival.     At  the  beginning  of  his  administra- 
tion the   prospects  were  flattering.     He  made  high 
professions  of  his  regard   for  the  public  good,  and 
gave  directions  to  the  judges  to  administer  justice 
according  to  the  former  customs.     However,  it  is 
well    observed    by    governour    Hutchinson,     That 
"  Nero   concealed  his   tyrannical   disposition   more 
years,  than    Sir    Edmund    and   his   creatures    did 
months."     Very  soon  a  restraint  was  laid  on  the 
liberty  of  the  press.     One  far  more  grievous  still 
was  laid  on  marriages.     Marriage  was  prohibited, 
unless  bonds  were  previously  given,  with  sureties, 
His  op-      to   tne  governour  ;    which  were  to  be  forfeited,  in 
pression.    case  there  should  afterwards  appear  to  have  been 
any  lawful  impediment.     Magistrates  only  were  suf- 
fered to  join  people  in  the  bands  of  wedlock.     The 
people   were   menaced,  that   their  meeting  houses 
should  be   taken  from  them,  and  that  public  wor- 
ship  in   the  congregational   way  should  not  be  tol- 
erated.    Contrary  to  the  wills  of  the  proprietors,  Sir 
Edmund  used  one  of  the  meeting  houses,  in  Boston, 
for  the  church  service ;  and  threatened,  if  he  should  be 
refused,  to  shut  up  the  doors,  and  to  punish  any  man 
who  should  give  two  pence  towards  the  support  of 
a  non- conformist  minister.*    The  fees  of  all  officers 

*  Hutch,  hist.  vol.  i.  p.  355,  356' 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  173 

under,  this  new  administration  were  exorbitant.  The 
common  fee  for  the  probate  of  a  will  was  fifty  shil- 
lings. The  widow  and  fatherless,  how  distant  soev-  1688 
er,  were  obliged  to  go  to  Boston  to  transact  all  busi- 
ness relative  to  the  settlement  of  estates.*  This  was 
a  grievous  oppression  of  the  widow  and  fatherless. 
But  these  were  but  the  beginnings  of  oppression  and 
sorrow.  They  soon  had  a  wider  spread  and  were 
greatly  increased. 

The  October  after  his  arrival  at  Boston,  Sir  Ed- 
mund made  a  visit  to  Connecticut,  demanded  the  char- 
ter, and  assumed  the  government.     The  charter  was 
brought  and  laid  on  the  table  ;  but,  all  on  a  sudden, 
the  lights  were  extinguished,  the  charter  was  carried 
off  and  secreted.     The   general  assembly  were  sit- 
ting and  closed  their  records  in  the  manner  follow- 
ing:   "  His  excellency  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Knight,  Assumes 
captain  general  and  governour  of  his  majesty's  territo-  the  gov- 
ries  and  dominions  in  New- England,  by  order  from  comeciu" 
his  majesty  James  the  II.    king  of  England,  Scot-  cut,  Oct. 
land,  France,  and  Ireland,  the  31st  of  October,  1687,  31> 1687V 
took  into  his  hands  the  government  of  the  colony  of 
Connecticut,  it  being  by  his  majesty  annexed  to  the 
Massachusetts  and  other  colonies  under  his  excel- 
lency's command."f 

Having  thus  grasped  the  whole  government  of 
New- England,  it  was  soon  given  out,  that  as  the 
charters  had  been  vacated,  all  titles  to  estates  were 
become  invalid.  Not  the  fairest  purchases  of  the 
soil  from  the  natives,  no  dangers,  labours,  nor  dis- 
bursements, in  subduing  and  cultivating  a  wilder- 
ness, and  turning  it  into  orchards,  gardens,  and 
pleasant  fields,  no  grants  by  charter,  nor  declarations 
of  preceding  kings,  promising  them  the  quiet  en- 
joyment of  their  houses  and  lands,  no  expense  of 
blood  and  treasure,  nor  fifty  years  quiet  possession, 
were  pleas  of  any  validity  with  Sir  Edmund  and 
his  creatures.     The  original  purchasers   and  culti- 

*  Hutch,  hist.  vol.  i.  p.  358.        j  Records  of  Connecticut,  voj.  iii. 


174 


1688. 
His  op- 
pression 
grows 
more  in- 
tolerable. 


Colonies 
petition 
the  king. 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

vators  were  obliged  to  make  application  to  them, 
who  had  not  the  least  title  to  the  lands,  for  new  pa- 
tents.    For  these,   in  some  instances,  they  required 
a  fee  of  fifty   pounds.     Writs  of   intrusion    were 
brought  against  persons  of  principal  character,  who 
refused  an  application   for  new  patents.      Govern- 
our  Hutchinson  observes  with  reference  to  the  Mas- 
sachusetts, that  men's  titles  were  not  all  questioned 
at  once.     Had  this  been  the  case,  according  to  the 
computation  then  made,  all  the  personal  estate  in  the 
colony  would  not  have  paid  the  charge  of  the  new 
patents.*  At  the  same  time,  Sir  Edmund,  with  four  or 
live  of  his  council  only,  imposed  taxes  on  the  people  at 
pleasure.     He  and  his  courts  also  fined  and  impris- 
oned the  inhabitants,  in  the  most  unjust  and  arbitra- 
ry manner.     The  selectmen  of  Ipswich  for  voting 
"  That,    inasmuch,  as  it   is  against  the  privileges  of 
English  subjects  to  have  money  raised  without  their 
consent,  in  an  assembly  or  parliament,  therefore  they 
would  petition  the  king  for  liberty   of  an  assembly 
before  they  make  any  rates,"  were  imprisoned  and 
fined   some    twenty,    some   thirty,   and   some  fifty 
pounds,  as  the  judges,   instructed  by  Sir  Edmund, 
saw  fit  to  determine.!     Some  of  the  principal  men 
in  the  Massachusetts  were  imprisoned  for  remon- 
strating, in  an  address  against  the  taxes  as  a  public 
grievance.     The  people  were  also  denied  the  benefit 
of  the  act  of  habeas  corpus.      Under  these  lawless 
and  cruel  proceedings  the  most  humble  and  loyal  pe- 
titions were  addressed  to  his  majesty,  from  the  colo- 
nies, from  towns  and  corporate  bodies,  that  he  would 
quiet  them  in  the  possession  of  all  property,  both  in 
houses  and  lands ;  and,  after  praying  for  the  privi- 
lege of  assemblies  until  they  found,  that  his  majesty 
was  determined  that  there  should  be  no  more  assem- 
blies in  New- England,  they  supplicated  him,  that 
the  council  might  consist  of  such  persons  as  should 
be  considerable  proprietors  of  lands,  and  that  there 


Hutch,  hist.  vol.  i.  p.  359. 


f  Hutch,  p.  365,  366. 


UNITED  STATES  OP  AMERICA.  175 

miglit  be  one  such  in  every  county.  As  Sir  Ed-  chap. 
mund  paid  no  attention  to  the  majority  of  his  coun- 
cil, but  imposed  such  laws  and  taxes  as  he,  and  Ran-  168& 
dolph,  and  three  or  four  more  of  the  same  character 
judged  most  for  their  purposes,  they  also  prayed, 
that  no  acts  might  pass  for  law,  but  such  as  should 
be  voted  by  the  majority  of  the  council.  One  of  the 
petitions  closeth  in  this  suppliant  language  :  "  Royal 
Sir,  we  are  a  poor  people,  and  have  no  way  to 
procure  money  to  defend  our  cause  in  the  law, 
nor  know  we  of  friends  at  court,  and  therefore  unto 
your  royal  majesty,  as  the  public  father  of  all  your 
subjects,  do  we  make  this  our  humble  address  for 
relief,  beseeching  your  majesty  graciously  to  pass 
your  royal  act  for  the  confirmation  of  your  majesty's 
subjects  here,  in  our  possessions  to  us  derived  from 
our  late  governour  and  company  of  this  your  majes- 
ty's colony.  We  now  humbly  cast  ourselves  and 
the  distressed  condition  of  our  wives  and  children  at 
your  majesty's  feet,  and  conclude  with  that  saying  of 
queen  Esther,  If  we  perish,  we  perish." 

But  in  the  reign  of  king  James  the  second,  neither 
the  most  reasonable  and  humble  petitions  from  New, 
nor  the  warmest  solicitations  from  Old  England, 
were  of  any  avail.  Sir  Edmund  too  well  knew  the 
disposition  of  his  prince  to  fear  any  complaints  or 
petitions,  which  might  be  exhibited  against  him. 
Matters  were  therefore  carried  with  a  high  hand. 
Randolph,  in  his  letters,  made  his  boast,  "  that  they 
were  as  arbitrary  as  the  great  Turk."  Massachu- 
setts was  the  principal  seat  of  this  despotism  and 
suffering.  The  other  colonies  were  less  obnoxious. 
As  Sir  Edmund  and  his  principal  abettors  had  their 
residence  chiefly  at  Boston,  the  other  New- England 
colonies  were  much  less  under  their  inspection  and 
influence.  But  there  was  in  them  all  for  more  than 
two  years,  a  total  suppression  of  all  charter  govern- 
ment. Their  state  was  indeed  distressful.  Their 
enemies  triumphed,  and  all  probable  means  of  relief 


176  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

failed  them.     Their  case  appeared  as  hopeless  as  it 
was  distressing.     But  in  the  midst  of  darkness  light 
1688.     sPrang  UP«     While  in  vain  they  made   their  com- 
plaints and  prayers  to  men,  Providence  wrought  glo- 
riously for  their  and  the  nation's  salvation.     On  the 
5th  of  November,  1688,  the  prince  of  Orange  landed 
at  Torbay,  in  England,  and  immediately  published 
his  declaration.     A  copy  of  it  was  received  at  Bos- 
ton   the    April    following.       The    fire   which   had 
been  long  kindling  now  burst  forth   into  a  violent 
flame, 
pie  fly  to        The  people  flew  to  arms,  and  possessed  them- 
avms,  take  selves  of  the  castle,  of  the  fortifications  in  Boston, 
mund  into  and  the  Rose  frigate  of  forty  guns,  in  which  Sir  Ed- 
custody     mund  had  arrived  from   England.      Sir   Edmund^ 
i$jf        Randolph,  and  such  others  of  his  council  and  abettors, 
as  had  made  themselves  most  obnoxious,  were  tak- 
en into  custody.     The  whole  number  consisted  of 
fifty  persons.     The  old  magistrates  were  reinstated, 
while  their  haughty  oppressors  were  committed  to 
close   confinement.      When  the  people  once  more 
saw   their   former  venerable   governour   Bradstreet 
among  their  rulers,  they  filled  the  air  with  their  ac- 
clamations.    The  influence  of  the  former  magistrates 
was  of  absolute  necessity  to  preserve  the  peace  of 
the  country.     The  people   rushed  into  town  in  such 
heat  and  rage,  as  made  all  tremble  for  fear  of  the 
consequences.     With  difficulty  it  was,  that  the  mag- 
istrates were  able  to  satisfy  the  people  without  put- 
ting Sir  Edmund  in  irons.     But  such  was  their  ven- 
eration for  those  who  had  governed  them  in  their 
better  days,  that  through  their  influence  no   blood 
was  shed,  nor  any  considerable  mischief  done.    Let- 
ters were  immediately  despatched  to  the  other  colo- 
nies acquainting  them  with  the  transactions  at  Boston. 

Connects  0*0  tne  *^tn  °f  May  tne  c°l°nv  °f  Connecticut  re- 
«ut  and  sumed  their  charter  and  government.  About  the 
and°aSeIsl  same  time  Rhode  Island  also  resumed  their  charter, 
sume their  and  proceeded  in  their  usual  forms  of  government, 
charters.   jn  tfte  Massachusetts  the  governour  and  magistrates 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  J  77 

who  had  been  chosen  in  1686,  at  the  desire  of  the  chap, 
people,  and  for  the  conservation  of  their  peace  and      lv> 
safety,  took  on  them  the  administration  of  govern-     168g 
ment  agreeable  to  the  charter,  till  there  should  be  an 
orderly  settlement  of  the  government  in  England. 

King  William  and  queen  Mary  were  proclaimed 
in  England  the  13th  of  February,  1689.  Advice  of 
it  was  received  at  Boston  on  the  26th  of  the  suc- 
ceeding May.  Never  were  more  joyful  news  re- 
ceived in  New- England.  The  bands  of  oppression 
were  loosed,  the  fears  of  the  people  subsided,  and 
hope  and  joy  brightened  every  countenance.  The 
quo  warrantos  were  judged  to  be  illegal,  and  a  vote 
passed  the  house  of  commons  for  the  restoration  of 
the  charters.  By  a  letter  from  his  majesty,  to  the  colo- 
ny of  flie  Massachusetts  they  were  authorized  to  ex- 
ercise government  according  to  their  ancient  charter 
until  a  new  one  should  be  granted.  At  the  same 
time  an  order  was  received,  that  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dros,  Randolph,  and  others,  who  had  been  put  under 
confinement,  should  be  sent  to  England  to  answer 
for  such  misdemeanours  as  should  be  alleged 
against  them.* 

Thus  while  the  glorious  revolution,  by  William 
and  Mary,  saved  three  kingdoms  from  popery  and 
despotism,  it  brought  an  equal  salvation  to  America. 
It  is  ever  to  be  considered  as  a  grand  event,  in  prov- 
idence, by  which  the  religion  and  liberties  of  the 
United  States  have  been  preserved.  Its  influence, 
doubtless  has  not  been  small  in  the  late  memorable 
revolution.  Had  James  succeeded  in  his  measures 
he  would  probably  have  established  the  religion  of 
the  Romish  church  and  slavery,  not  only  in  England, 
but  in  the  colonies.  The  colonists  would  have  been 
reduced  to  such  poverty  and  ignorance,  and  their 
spirits  would  have  been  so  enslaved  and  broken, 
that  they  never  would  have  enterprised  the  late  rev- 
olution, nor  have  risen  to  their  present  importance 

*  Hutch,  hist. vol.  i-  p.  388,  390,  391. 

Vol.  I.  23 


178 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


chap,  and  glory.     It  was  an  era  which  our  fathers  saw 
,V*       with  great  gladness  and  thanksgiving ;    and  it  will 
ever   challenge  the  devout   and  grateful   acknowl- 
edgements of  their  posterity. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  first  assembly  in  New  York.  King-  James'  treatment  of  the  col- 
ony. Leisler's  usurpation.  The  settlement  of  New-Hampshire,  and 
its  separation  from  the  Massachusetts.  The  settlement  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  counties  on  the  Delaware  are  become  a  distinct  jurisdic- 
tion. Revolution  in  the  Jerseys.  Intrigue  and  corruption  in  the 
government  of  Carolina.  Abuse  of  the  French  protestants.  Estab- 
lishment of  episcopacy,  and  persecution  of  the  dissenters. 

Treat-      JL/URING  almost  twenty  years  from  the  reduction 
■ment  of     0f  ]sjew  York  the  people  were  allowed  no  part  in  leg- 
©fNew1* e  islation  or  government.     In  1681,  the  dissatisfaction 
York.       0f  the  colony  became  so  great  and  universal,  that  the 
council,  the  court  of  assizes,  and  the  corporation  of 
New  York  made  a  joint  application  to  the  duke  for  a 
participation  in  the  government.      The  duke,  not- 
withstanding his  peculiar  aversion  to  assemblies,  the 
next  year,  gave  encouragement  that  he  would  allow 
them  an  assembly.     In  1682  colonel  Dungan  was 
appointed  governour.     He  had  instructions  for  the 
calling  of  an  assembly.     This   was  to  consist  of  a 
council  of  ten,  and  of  a  house  of  representatives, 
chosen  by  the  freemen,  consisting  of  eighteen  mem- 
bers.    The  assembly  was  empowered,  to  enact  laws 
for   the   people,  agreeable  to  the  general  jurispru- 
dence of  the  realm  of  England.      However,   they 
were  not  to  be  of  any  force  without  the  ratification 
of  the  proprietary.  The  views  of  the  duke,  in  granting 
an  assembly,  were  not  for  the  advancement  of  pub- 
lic liberty  and  happiness ;  but   for  his  own  private 
ends.     He  was  in  expectation,  that  the  inhabitants, 
by  this  measure,  would  be  induced  to  raise  money 
for  the  discharge  of  the  public  debts,  and  provide 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  I79 

such  a  fund  in  future  as  might  be  sufficient  for  the  chap. 
maintenance  of  the  garrison  and  the  government. 
On  the  arrival  of  governour  Dungan,  in  1683,  an 
assembly  was  convoked.  As  the  people,  then  in- 
habiting the  province,  consisted  of  various  nations, 
this  assembly,  to  give  them  equal  privileges,  passed 
an  act  of  general  naturalization.  Two  other  acts 
were  also  passed :  one  declarative  of  the  liberties  of 
the  people  ;  and  another  for  defraying,  for  a  limited 
time,  the  necessary  charges  of  government.  The 
legislature  was  convened  again  the  next  year.  These 
seem  to  have  been  the  only  assemblies  convoked  in 
New  York  before  the  revolution. 

No  sooner  was  the  duke  made  king  of  England 
than  he  refused  to  confirm  the  privileges,  to  which 
he  had  agreed  in  a  humbler  station.  He  once  more 
reduced  the  province  to  the  deplorable  condition  of 
a  conquered  people.  With  her  sister  colonies  she 
felt  the  iron  yoke  of  a  despotic  administration. 

Colonel  Dungan,  his  governour,  was  a  professed 
Roman  catholic,  and,  under  his  countenance,  pa- 
pists began  to  settle  in  the  colony.  The  collector 
of  the  revenues  and  several  principal  officers  threw 
off  the  mask  and  openly  avowed  their  attachments 
to  the  Romish  faith.  A  Latin  school  was  set  up  un- 
der a  teacher  suspected  to  be  a  Jesuit.  The  whole  Their  gen. 
colony  began  to  tremble  for  the  protestant  cause.  ^  JJjJJJ 
A  general  disaffection  to  the  government  prevailed  s'mess. 
among  the  people.  Before  the  arrival  of  gov- 
ernour Dungan  the  inhabitants  on  Long  Island, 
who  were  principally  from  Connecticut,  and 
had  enjoyed  the  mild  government  of  that  colony  till 
the  reduction  of  New  York,  had  been  so  disgusted 
with  the  government  of  colonel  Nichols,  as  to  threat- 
en the  total  subversion  of  the  public  tranquillity. 
To  extinguish  the  fire  of  discontent,  impatient  to 
burst  into  a  general  flame,  governour  Dungan,  on 
his  first  arrival,  assured  them,  that  no  laws  nor  taxes 
should  be  imposed,  for  the  future,  but  by  a  general 
assembly.  But  his  sovereign  soon  after  prohibiting  as- 


l&Q 


Leister's 
usurpa- 
tion. 


June  J.  689. 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

semblies,  they  found  their  expectations  disappointed, 
and  they,  with  the  people  in  general,  became  ripe  for 
art  immediate  revolution. 

The  news  of  the  seizure  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  at 
Boston,  gave  a  spring  to  the  general  disaffection,  and 
roused  the  people  to  action.  Several  captains  of  the 
militia  convened  at  New  York,  to  concert  measures 
in  favour  of  the  prince  of  Orange.  Among  these 
the  most  active  was  Jacob  Leisler.  He  possessed  a 
moderate  fortune,  and  was  in  reputation  among  the 
people,  but  far  from  possessing  those  qualifications 
necessary  for  great  and  shining  actions.  Jacob  Mil- 
bom,  his  son-in-law,  directed  all  his  counsels,  while 
he  held  an  absolute  control  over  the  officers.  Their 
first  plan  was  to  seize  the  garrison.  This  was  guard- 
ed every  night  by  the  militia,  a  circumstance  entire- 
ly favourable  to  Leisler's  designs.  He  entered  it 
with  about  fifty  men  and  determined  to  hold  it  for 
the  prince  till  the  whole  militia  should  join  him. 

Governour  Dungan  a  little  before  this,  had  re- 
signed the  government  to  Francis  Nicholson,  the 
lieutenant  governour,  and  was  embarked  in  the  bay 
for  England.  The  lieutenant  governour,  council, 
and  civil  officers  vigorously  opposed  Leisler.  This 
opposition,  from  gentlemen  of  principal  figure  in  the 
colony,  at  first,  made  many  of  his  friends  fearful  of 
openly  espousing  his  cause.  But  on  the  third  of 
June,  1689,  he  was  joined  by  six  captains  and  four 
hundred  men,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  by 
another  company  of  seventy,  from  East  Chester. 
These  all  signed  a  declaration,  in  which  they  mutu- 
ally covenanted  to  hold  the  fort  for  the  prince  of  Or- 
ange. Nicholson  and  his  party,  finding  themselves, 
unable  to  contend  with  such  an  opposition,  abscond- 
ed, and  Leisler  took  on  him  the  supreme  command. 

No  sooner  did  he  receive  the  news  of  William  and 
Mary's  accession  to  the  throne,  than  he  sent  home 
an  address  to  their  majesties,  representing  the  griev- 
ances of  the  people,  the  \  measures  which  they  had 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  131 

taken  for  their  own  security,  and  recognizing  their   Chap. 
sovereignty  over  all  the  British  dominions. 

Leisler's  investiture  of  supreme  power,  and  the  1689 
probability  that  his  conduct  would  meet  the  appro- 
bation of  his  majesty,  did  not  fail  to  excite  the  envy 
and  jealousy  of  the  council  and  magistrates,  who  re- 
fused to  join  in  the  glorious  work  of  the  revolution. 
Hence  sprang  up  in  them  and  all  their  party,  a  deep 
aversion  to  the  man  and  all  his  measures.  Colonel 
Bayard  and  the  mayor  of  the  city  were  at  the  head 
of  the  opposition.  Finding  it  impossible  to  raise  a 
party  against  him  in  New  York,  they  soon  retired  to 
Albany  and  there  employed  all  their  influence  to  fo- 
ment the  opposition. 

Leisler  fearful  of  their  influence,  and  to  extin- 
guish all  jealousy  in  the  people,  judged  it  expedient 
to  admit  several  trusty  persons  to  a  participation 
with  him,  in  that  government  which  the  militia  had 
committed  solely  to  himself.  These  were  called  a 
committee  of  safety.  In  conjunction  with  them,  he 
exercised  the  government,  assuming  to  himself 
no  more  than  the  honour  of  president  in  their  coun- 
cils. 

Meanwhile  the  people  at  Albany  determined  to  Conven- 
hold  the  garrison  and  city  for  king  William  inde-  Albany 
pendent  of  Leisler.  On  the  26th  of  October  they  Oct.  26th. 
formed  themselves  into  a  convention  for  that  purpose. 
They  wrote  a  copy  of  their  resolution,  to  a  number 
of  the  principal  gentlemen  in  New  York,  assuring 
them  of  their  determination  to  maintain  the  garrison 
for  the  king,  and  that  they  would  not  admit  any  men 
from  Leisler  to  command  either  in  the  garrison  or 
city.  As  the  people  both  of  New  York  and  Alba- 
ny had  determined  to  hold  their  respective  garrisons 
for  king  William,  till  his  definitive  orders  should  ar- 
rive, the  great  point  was  settled,  and  by  whom  they 
should  be  holden  was  of  no  considerable  importance. 
To  embroil  the  colony  and  sow  the  seeds  of  perpetu- 
al hatred  and  animosity,  on  so  trifling  a  point  was 
the  height  of  madness.     But  such  was  the  folly  of 


132  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,    both  parties,  that  they  were  determined  to  dispute 
the  point.     This  not  only  brought  mischief  on  the 
1689.     parties,  but  entailed  great  and  lasting   evils  on  the 
province. 

In  December  a  letter  arrived  from  the  lords  Car- 
marthen and  Halifax,  directed  "  To  Francis  Nichol- 
son, Esquire,  or  in  his  absence,  to  such  as,  for  the 
time  being,  take  care  for  preserving  the  peace  and 
administering  the  laws,  in  their  majesties  province  of 
New  York,  in  America."  This  letter  bore  date  the 
29th  of  July.  It  was  accompanied  with  another, 
from  lord  Nottingham,  which  was  written  on  the 
thirtieth.  This  vested  Nicholson  with  the  chief 
command,  directing  him  to  appoint  as  many  of  the 
principal  freeholders  and  inhabitants  for  his  assist- 
ants as  he  should  judge  expedient.  It  also  requir- 
ed him  "  To  do  every  thing  appertaining  to  the  office 
of  lieutenant  governour,  according  to  the  laws  and 
customs  of  New  York  until  further  orders."* 

As  the  lieutenant  governour  was  absconded,  when 
these  letters  came  to  hand,  Leisler  considered  them 
as  directed  to  himself,  and  from  this  time  took  on 
him  the  title  and  authority  of  lieutenant  governour. 
At  the  advice  of  the  committee  of  safety  he  swore  in 
a  number  of  gentlemen  for  his  council. 

All  the  southern  part  of  the  province,  excepting 
the  inhabitants  of  the  eastern  part  of  Long  Island, 
now  cheerfully  submitted  to  his  command.  These 
inhabitants  had  no  aversion  to  Leisler,  nor  were  they 
in  favour  of  any  other  party  in  the  colony,  but  they 
wished  for  an  incorporation  with  Connecticut, 
whence  they  had  colonized,  and  the  effects  of  whose 
free  and  happy  government  they  had  formerly  expe- 
rienced. While  they  were  privately  soliciting  Con- 
necticut to  take  them  under  her  government,  they 
gave  Leisler  such  hopes  of  their  submission  as  pre- 
vented his  taking  arms  against  them.  As  soon  as 
they  found  that  Connecticut  declined  a  compliance 

*  Smith's  hist.  New  York,  p.  60. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  |£3 

with  their  wishes,  they  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  chap. 
Leisler. 

But  as  Albany  held  out  against  him,  Milborn,  his  1689 
son-in-law  was  commissioned  to  reduce  it  to  obedi- 
ence. On  his  arrival  at  Albany,  great  numbers  of 
its  inhabitants  armed  themselves  and  repaired  to 
the  fort.  This  was  commanded  by  Mr.  Schuyler. 
After  *  haranguing  the  people,  and  finding  that  he 
could  make  no  impressions  by  the  arts  of  persuasion, 
Milborn,  with  about  fifty  men,  advanced  towards 
the  fort,  Schuyler  was  supported  not  only  by  the 
inhabitants,  but  by  the  Mohawks,  who  were  then  in 
Albany,  and  devoted  to  his  service.  It  was  with 
great  difficulty,  that  he  prevented  either  from  firing 
on  Milborn  and  his  party.  Milborn,  perceiving  his 
critical  situation,  retreated  and  soon  left  Albany.  1690, 
But  taking  a  more  favourable  opportunity,  the  next 
spring,  when  that  part  of  the  country  were  distress- 
ed, by  an  irruption  of  the  French  and  Indians,  he 
carried  his  point.  No  sooner  was  he  master  of  the 
garrison,  than  most  of  the  principal  members  of  the 
convention  absconded.  Mr.  Livingstone  a  princi- 
pal agent  for  the  convention  retired  into  Connecticut, 
to  solicit  the  aid  of  that  colony  for  the  protection  of 
the  frontiers  against  the  French  and  Indians.  The 
effects  of  the  members  of  the  convention  were  arbi- 
trarily seized  and  confiscated.  This  so  highly  exas- 
perated the  sufferers,  that  their  posterity  can  hardly 
speak  of  those  troubles  without  the  bitterest  in- 
vectives against  Leisler  and  all  his  adherents. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  1691,  colonel  Sloughter  Gov*, 
arrived   at  New  York,  in  the  capacity  of  the  king's  sloughter 
governour.     Though  he  had  been  commissioned  the  JJ23J 
preceding  year,  and .  Leisler  had  sufficient  informa-  I9th,i69i. 
tion  of  his  appointment,  yet  such  was  his  intoxica- 
tion with  the  love  of  power,  that  instead  of  congrat- 
ulating the  governour  on  his  arrival  and  conciliating 
his  favours,  he  refused  to  surrender  the  fort  to  him, 
or  to  release  the  lieutenant  governour  Nicholson  and 
colonel  Bayard,  whom  he  there  held  in  imprison- 


184 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
V. 

1691. 


Trial  of 
Leisler 
and  Mil- 
born. 


Their  con- 
demnation 
for  high 
treason. 


ment.  These  imprudent  measures  at  once  ruined  his 
influence.  From  this  moment,  the  governour  be- 
came his  enemy  and  joined  the  party  against  him. 
He  soon  abandoned  the  fort  and  the  governour  im- 
mediately took  possession.  Nicholson  and  Bayard 
were  released  from  their  confinement  and  sworn  of 
his  privy  council.  Leisler,  Milborn,  and  many  of 
their  adherents  were  apprehended.  A  commission 
of  oyer  and  terminer  issued  to  Sir  Thomas  Robin- 
son, colonel  Smith,  and  others  for  their  trials. 

In  vain  did  they  plead  the  merit  of  their  zeal  and 
services  for  king  William,  after  they  had  been  mad 
enough  to  oppose  his  governour.  In  vain  did  Leis- 
ler plead,  that  the  letters  he  had  received  authorized 
him  to  act  in  the  quality  of  lieutenant  governour. 
Something  very  singular  appears  both  in  his  trial 
and  execution.  The  judges  were  so  far  from  giving 
their  opinion  on  that  part  of  his  defence,  which  re- 
spected the  letters  received  from  their  lordships, 
that  they  referred  it  to  the  governour  and  council, 
Whether  the  letter  from  lord  Nottingham,  "  or  any 
other  letters  or  papers,  in  the  packet  from  White- 
Hall"  could  "  be  understood,  or  interpreted,  to  be 
and  contain,  any  power,  or  direction  to  captain  Leis- 
ler, to  take  the  government  of  this  province  upon 
himself,  or  that  the  administration  thereupon  be 
holden  good  in  law  ?"  This  was  putting  the  prison- 
ers, at  once,  into  the  power  of  their  implacable  ene- 
mies, heated  with  resentment  for  recent  injuries.  The 
answer  was  in  the  negative.  Leisler  and  his  son 
were  condemned  to  death  for  high  treason.  Even 
this  did  not  satisfy  the  enemies  of  these  unhappy 
men.  They  felt  themselves  so  deeply  interested  in 
their  destruction,  that  they  pressed  the  governour  to 
order  their  immediate  execution.  The  governour 
fearful  of  the  consequences  of  such  violent  measures 
against  men,  who  had  so  vigorously  appeared  for  the 
king  and  so  signally  contributed  to  the  revolution, 
chose  rather  to  defer  their  execution.  When  there- 
fore they  found  that  the  governour,  by  fair  means, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  J 85 

could  not  be  persuaded  into  a  compliance  with  their 
wishes,  they,  on  design,  invited  him  to  a  sumptu- 
ous feast ;  and,  when  his  reason  was  drowned  in  his     1691> 
cups,  prevailed  with  him  to  sign  their  death  warrant. 
Before  he  recovered  his  senses,  the  prisoners  were  Execu- 
executed.*     These   violent  measures,  drove  many  tion- 
of  the  warm  friends  of  the  revolution,  into  the  neigh- 
bouring colonies.     This  was  so  detrimental   to  the 
province,  that  it  was  found  necessary,  soon  after,  to 
pass  an   act  of  general   indemnity.     The  province 
nevertheless  was  thrown  into   violent  parties,  which 
for  many  years,  greatly  injured  its  general  peace  and 
prosperity. 

The  revolution  however  restored  to  them,  in  com- 
mon with  their  fellow  subjects  the  natural  rights  of 
Englishmen.      Governour  Sloughter  convoked    an  Constitu.. 
assembly  which    met  on  the    9th  of  April,    1691.  N°enwCYork 
This  among  other  acts  formed  a  constitution,  or  de-  April, 
claration  of  rights,  which  began  their  provincial  code.  l691- 
The  principal  articles  were  for  substance,  That  the 
kings  of  England  only  are  invested  with  the  right  of 
ruling  this  colony ;    and  that  none  can  exercise  any 
authority  over  this  province,  but  by  the  king's  imme- 
diate authority  under  the  broad  seal  of  the  realm  of 
England  :    That  the  supreme  legislative  power  and 
authority,  under  the  king,  shall  be  in  the  governour, 
council,  and  representatives  of  the  people  in  general 
assembly  :f  That  the  exercise  and  administration  of 
the  government  shall  be  in  the  governour  and  coun- 
cil, with  the  consent,  at  least,  of  five  of  the  council ; 
to  govern  according  to  the  laws  of  the  province,  or 
in  defect  of  them,  by  the  laws  of  England :  That 
every   year  an  assembly    should  be  holden:    That 
during  the  sessions  the  representatives  may  adjourn 
themselves  and  purge  their  own  house.     It  was  also 
declared,  that  the  laws  of  the  assembly  should  con- 
tinue in  force,  till  disallowed  by  his  majesty,  or  till 

*  Smith's  hist,  New  York,  p.  72. 
t  Before  this  time  it  had  been  matter  of  dispute  whether  the  eol- 
ony  had  any  right  to  an  assembly. 

Vol.  I.  24 


i 


186  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  *HS 

chap,  the  time  of  their  expiration.     All  trials  were  to  be 

1_    by  the  verdict  of  twelve  men  of  the  neighbourhood, 

and  every  man  to  be  judged  by  his  peers.  No  tax 
or  imposition  might  be  laid,  but  by  the  general  as- 
sembly. No  freeman,  tavern-keepers  excepted,  might 
be  compelled  to  entertain  any  soldier  or  mariner,  un- 
less in  times  of  actual  war.  All  lands  in  the  province 
were  to  be  accounted  as  freehold,  and  inheritance  in 
free  and  common  soccage,  according  to  the  tenure 
of  East  Greenwich  in  England.  All  christians, 
Roman  Catholics  excepted,  behaving  peaceably, 
were  to  enjoy  a  free  toleration.* 

Whilethe  old  colonies  had  been  deprived  of  their 
natural  and  charter  rights,  and  were  grievously  suf- 
fering under  the  heavy  hand  of  despotism,  New- 
Hampshire  was  made  a  distinct  jurisdiction.  The 
settlement  of  some  parts  of  it  was  almost  as  early  as 
the  settlement  of  New-Plymouth.  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  and  captain  John  Mason,  who  were  both  mem- 
bers of  the  great  council  of  Plymouth,  men  of  singu- 
lar activity  and  enterprise,  obtained  several  patents 
,  f  of  part,  or  of  the  whole  of  New-Hampshire.     As 

New-  early  as  1621,  captain  Mason  obtained  a  grant,  from 
Hamp-  the  council  of  Plymouth,  of  all  the  land  from  the  riv- 
er Naumkeag,  since  called  Salem,  round  Cape  Ann 
to  the  river  Merrimack ;  thence  up  each  of  those 
rivers  to  the  furthest  head  of  it ;  thence  running  from 
the  head  of  the  one  to  the  head  of  the  other ;  with  all 
the  islands  within  three  miles  of  the  coast.  The  next 
year  a  grant  was  made  to  Gorges  and  Mason  jointly, 
of  all  the  lands  between  the  rivers  Merrimack  and  Sa- 
gadehock,  running  back  to  the  great  lakes  and  river 
of  Canada.  Under  the  authority  of  this  latter  grant, 
the  grantees,  in  conjunction  with  several  London, 
Bristol,  Exeter,  Plymouth,  and  other  merchants,  at- 
tempted the  establishment  of  a  fishery  and  colony  on 
its  settle-  the  river  Piscataqua.  In  the  spring  of  1623,  David 
menti623.  Thompson,  Edward  and  William  Hilton,  with  num- 

*  Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  251,  252.     King  William  about  six  years  af- 
ter repeated  this  law  or  declaration. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  187 

bers  of  other  people,  furnished  with  all  necessaries   chap. 
for  a  plantation,  were   sent   over   to  accomplish  the 
design.     They  consisted  of  two  companies  and  made  M     mh# 
two  different  settlements.     One  company  landed  on     1629. 
the  southern  shore,  at  the  river's  mouth,  erected  salt 
works  and  the  house  termed  Mason-Hall.     The  Hil- 
tons,  with  their  company,  planted  themselves  eight 
miles  above,  on  a  neck  of  land  since  named  Dover. 

Sometime  after  a  number  of  scattered  planters  in 
the  Massachusetts  desirous  of  making  a  plantation, 
within  the  limits  of  the  former  grants,  made  a  pur- 
chase of  the  Indians  of  "  all  that  part  of  the  main 
land  bounded  by  the  river  Piscataqua  and  the  river  Mer~ 
rimack,  to  begin  at  Newickwannock  falls,  in  Piscata- 
qua river  aforesaid,  and  down  said  river  to  the  sea, 
and  all  along  the  sea-shore  to  Merrimack  river;  and 
up  said  river  to  the  falls  at  Pantucket  ;  and  from 
thence  upon  a  north  west  line  twenty  English  miles 
into  the  woods :  and  from  thence  upon  a  straight  line 
north  east,  till  it  meet  with  the  main  rivers  that  run 
down  to  Pantucket  falls,  and  Newickwannock  falls 
aforesaid  ;  the  said  rivers  to  be  the  bounds  from  the 
thwart  or  head  line  to  the  aforesaid  falls,  and  from 
thenc  3  the  main  channel  of  each  river  to  the  sea  to 
be  the  side  bounds  ;  together  with  all  the  islands 
within  the  said  bounds  ;  as  also  the  isles  of  Shoals 
so  called."  The  Indian  conveyance  was  made  to 
the  Reverend  John  Whelewrith,  Augustin  Stor- 
er,  Thomas  Wight,  William  Wentworth,  and  Thom- 
as Leavit.  Whelewrith  was  obliged  by  the  condi- 
tions, within  ten  years  to  begin  a  plantation  at  Squam- 
scot  falls. 

The  same  year  Mason  obtained  a  new  patent,  un- 
der the  common  seal  of  the  council  of  Plymouth,  of 
the  land  "  from  the  middle  of  Piscataqua  river,  and 
up  the  same  to  the  farthest  head  thereof,  and  from 
thence  north  westward  until  sixty  miles  from  the 
mouth  of  the  harbour  were  finished,  also  through 
Merrimack  river  to  the  farthest  head  thereof,  and  so 
forward  up  into  the  land  westward,  until  sixty  miles 


188  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  were  finished  ;  and  from  thence  to  cross  over  lan3 
to  the  end  of  sixty  miles  accounted  from  Piscataqua 
river  ;  together  with  all  islands  within  five  leagues  of 
the  coast."  This  tract  comprehended  the  whole  of 
Whelewrith's  purchase,  and  was  called  New  Hamp- 
shire.* 

The  same  lands,  and  much  more,  had  been  con- 
veyed, in  prior  grants,  to  Mason  and  Gorges.  The 
only  reason  therefore  of  this  grant,  seems  to  have 
been,  either  to  frustrate  Whelewrith,  or  because  the 
other  grants,  either  having  not  been  witnessed  or  not 
sealed,  were  considered  as  having  no  validity  in 
law.f 

In  1638  Mr.  Whelewrith,  who  had  been  banished 
from  the  Massachusetts,  on  account  of  his  antino- 
mian  tenets,  with  his  adherents,  began  the  settle- 
Govem-    ment  of  Exeter.     By  voluntary  compact  they  form- 
Srmed  by  e^  themselves  into  a  body  politic,  chose  their  rulers 
voluntary  and  exercised  government  among  themselves.     The 
compact.    samc  year  Hampton  was  settled,  principally  by  peo- 
ple from  Norfolk  in  England.     They  were  nearly 
sixty  in  number,  and  had  for  their  ministers  Messrs. 
Stephen  Belcher  and  Timothy  Dalton. 
ifclO.  Two  years  after,  the  inhabitants  of  Dover  and 

Portsmouth,  after  the  example  of  Exeter,  formed 
themselves  into  a  body  politic,  binding  themselves 
to  submit  to  the  laws  of  England  and  such  others  as 
a  majority  of  their  number  should  enact.  Another 
voluntary  government  was  formed  at  Kittery  on  the 
north  side  of  the  river.  But  these  governments 
were  but  of  short  duration.  The  people  were  so  di- 
vided in  opinion,  so  factious,  and  the  government 
was  so  weak,  that  they  were  soon  convinced  that  it 
afforded  no  prospect  of  permanent  utility.  The 
most  discerning  among  them  therefore  wished  to  be 
under  the  protection  and  government  of  the  Massachu- 
setts. A  treaty  was  concluded  by  which  the  part- 
ners of  the  two  patents  resigned  the  jurisdiction   of 

*  Belknap's  hist.  p.  12,  13,  14.        f  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  113. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  lg<) 

the  whole   to   the  Massachusetts.     Their  junction 
with  the  Massachusetts  was  the  more  agreeable  to 
that  colony,  by  reason  of  a  certain  construction  put  Dissolve 
upon  their  charter  limits,  by  which  New  Hampshire  and  unite 
was  included  in  them.     A  line   drawn   from  east  to  JJjJ^ 
west  at  the  distance  of  "three  miles  to  the  northward  chusetts, 
of  Merrimack    river   and  of  any   and   every   part  *PJ? *164I 
thereof"  will  comprehend  the  whole  of  New  Hamp-       ' 
shire  and  most  of  the  province  of  Maine.     But  in 
1679  the  four  towns  of  Dover,  Portsmouth,  Exeter, 
and   Hampton,   were  adjudged  by  his  majesty  in 
council  to  be  within  captain  Mason's  claim. 

The  same  year  a   commission  was  issued  by  his  Separa- 
majesty  constituting  New  Hampshire  a  distinct  gov-  the* Mas- 
ernment.      The    commission  appointed  John    Cut,  aachuaetts 
Esquire,  the   first  president  of  the  province.     The  assembly, 
first   assembly  in  Neiv   Hampshire  was  in   March  March 
1680.     The  assembly  consisted  of  the  president  and  16th>168a 
council,  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  of  eleven  rep- 
resentatives from  the  four  towns.     By  the  commis- 
sion the  president  might  nominate  his  deputy  and  have 
the  assistance  of  nine  counsellors.     The  continuance  Constitu- 
of  an  assembly  was  during  his  majesty's  pleasure,  till, tlon* 
by  inconvenience  arising  from  it,  he  or   his   heirs 
should  see  cause  to   make  an  alteration.     All  laws 
were  to  be  approved  by  the   president  and  council, 
and  then  to  be  in  force  till  disapproved  by  his  maj- 
esty, who  had  the  prerogative  of  disannulling  them 
at  pleasure.* 

The  president  and  council  all  belonged  to  the  The  sepa- 
province,  and  were  gentlemen  of  principal  figure  and  agreeable1 
influence  among  the  people  ;  but  the  separation  from 
the  Massachusetts  was  notwithstanding  disagreeable 
to  themselves  and  to  the  people  in  general.'  Under 
the  government  of  the  Massachusetts,  for  almost 
forty  years,  they  had  enjoyed  the  privilege  of 
choosing  their  own  rulers,  and  great  harmony  and 
satisfaction,  in  an  impartial  and  faithful  government ; 

•  Belknap's  hist.  vol.  I  p.  170,  172. 


19Qf  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

€HAP.  an(]  they  wished  to  continue  in  the  enjoyment  of  the 
same  privileges,  possessed  by  the  other  colonies  in 
1680.  New- England.  The  president  and  council  were 
men  of  too  much  discernment  not  to  discover,  that 
their  appointment  was  not  from  any  respect  to  them, 
or  favourable  designs  to  the  people,  but  only  to  give 
a  more  facile  introduction  to  a  new  mode  of  govern- 
ment. This  they  knew  was  to  serve  particular  pur- 
poses, and  would  be  a  source  of  embarrassment  and 
distress.  It  was  therefore,  with  great  reluctance, 
that  they  received  and  acted  under  their  new  com- 
missions. They  found  themselves  under  an  una- 
voidable necessity  of  acting  under  them,  to  prevent 
the  appointment  of  others  to  the  government,  who 
were  entirely  inimical  to  the  province  and  to  the 
country  in  general.  It  was  to  a  small,  discontented 
party,  only,  that  the  change  of  government  was  any 
real  gratification. 

On  the  meeting  of  the  assembly  they  took  care 
to  express  their  sentiments  relative  to  the  change  of 
government,  to  assert  their  just  rights,  and  form  a 
good  system  of  laws.  A  letter  was  addressed  to  the 
general  court  of  the  Massachusetts,  with  acknowl- 
edgments of  the  kindness  of  that  colony,  in  the  pro- 
tection and  good  government  which  they  had  experi- 
enced under  their  jurisdiction.  It  assured  them, 
that  their  compliance  with  the  present  separation, 
was  so  far  from  being  agreeable  to  their  own  wishes, 
that  it  was  merely  in  submission  to  divine  Providence 
and  his  majesty's  commands.  The  first  law  which 
the  assembly  enacted  evinces,  that  it  possessed  the 
same  idea  of  the  rights  of  freemen,  which  had  been 
generally  entertained  by  all  the  assemblies  in  the  sis- 
ter colonies.  It  appeared  not  only  to  possess  senti- 
ments worthy  of  freemen,  but  courage,  even  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  second,  to  make  an  explicit  de- 
claration of  them.  The  law  was,  "  That  no  act,  im- 
position, law,  or  ordinance,  should  be  made  or  impos- 
ed upon  them,  but  such  as  should  be  made  by  the 
assembly  and  approved  by  the  president  and  coun* 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  191 

cil."     But  neither  this  nor  any  other  law,  could  se- 
cure the  liberties  of  the  people  under  an  arbitrary 
prince,  and  the  government  of  men  of  the  same  un-     1682 
just  and   arbitrary  spirit.     In  about  two  years  the  Change  of 
government  was  entirely  changed.     By  the  artifice  f^"1* 
of  Mason,  and  to  serve  his  purposes,  Edward  Cran- 
field  was  appointed  lieutenant  governour  and  com- 
mander in  chief  of  New  Hampshire.    To  effect  this 
Mason  surrendered  to  the  king  one  fifth  of  the  quit-  Jan*  25th* 
rents  which  should  become  due  on  his  lands,  which 
he  secured  to  his  majesty  by  a  deed  enrolled  in  the 
court  of  chancery.  These  quitrents,  with  the  fines  and 
forfeitures,  which  had  arisen  to  the  crown,  since  the 
establishment  of  the  province,  and  which  might  after- 
ward arise,  were  appropriated  to  the  support  of  the 
governour.      As   they  were  sensible  this  was    but 
a    precarious    foundation,     Mason   mortgaged   the 
whole  province  to  Cranfield  for  twenty  one  years, 
as  a  security  for  the  payment  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds  annually  for  the  term  of  seven  years. 
Cranfield's  commission,  which  bore  date  the  9th  of 
May,  vested  him  with  powers  of  calling,  adjourning, 
proroguing,  and  dissolving  general  courts ;  of  nega- 
tiving all  acts  of  government,  of  suspending  any  of 
his    council,    of   appointing   a    deputy   governour, 
judges,  and  all  officers,  by  his  sole  authority.     He 
had  also  the  powers  of  vice  admiralty.*     Mason  was 
appointed  one  of  the  council.     Most  of  the  former 
council  were  appointed  with  him.     The  sole  design  Design  of 
of  these  novel  powers  was  to  facilitate  the  entry  of  this 
Mason  upon  the  lands,  which  others  held  by  virtue  chanSe- 
of  grants   from  the  same  authority,  by  which   he 
claimed ;  who  had  made  fair  purchases  of  the  orig- 
inal Indian  proprietors,  had  at  their  sole  labour  and 
expense  subdued  a  wilderness,   defended  their  fami- 
lies and  estates  against  a  savage  enemy,  and  main- 
tained their  possession  more   than   half  a  century. 
His  majesty  seems,  in  effect,  to  have   received   a 

1  Belknap's  hist.  p.  188—191. 


192  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

bribe  in  favour  of  Mason.     The  governour's  sup. 
port  depended  on  putting  Mason  in  possession  of  the 
1683.    province,  at  the  expense  of  justice,  mercy,  and  all 
the  designs  of  good  government.     If  he  failed  in  this 
grand  object  he  lost  his  support,  and  his  majesty  the 
quitrents  of  one  fifth  of  the  lands.     He  was  clothed 
with  powers  for  such  an  extraordinary  purpose  ;  and 
he  made  no  secret  of  his  design,  to  enrich  himself 
by  accepting   the   government.     Within   six   days 
after  his  arrival  he  suspended  two  of  the  old  counsel- 
Cran-       lors.     Not  long  after  he  suspended  a  third  and  dis- 
pressioru   solved  the  assembly,  because  they  did  not  comply 
with  his  wishes.     In  a  short  time  others  were  sus- 
pended and  the  whole  council  modelled  according  to 
his  pleasure.* 
February       The  governour,  by  advertisement,  called  upon  the 
14th.        inhabitants  to  take   out  leases  from  Mason,  or  he 
should  certify  the  refusal  to  his   majesty.     Having 
filled  the  judicial  courts  with  officers,  who  would 
favour  his  designs,  suits  were  then  instituted  against 
all  the  principal  landholders  in  the  province.     As  the 
jurors  were  all  interested  persons,  and  as  the  cause 
ought  to  have  been  determined  by  his  majesty,  and 
not  by  a  jury,  they  universally  declined  to  make  any 
defence.     Judgment  was  as  universally  given  against 
them.     Cranfield   did  not  stop  here,  but  taxed  the 
people  without  their  consent,  and   assumed  legisla- 
tive powers.     He  kept  back  the  salaries  of  the  min- 
istry :  not  only  such  as  were  due  after,   but  even 
before,  he  came  into  the  government.     He  threaten- 
ed them  with  six  months  imprisonment  for  not  ad- 
ministering the  sacrament  according   to  the  liturgy. 
Cruelty  to  He  required  Mr.  Moody  minister  of  Portsmouth  to 
Mr.  Moo-  administer  the  sacrament  to  himself  and  some  others 
y'      4*  according  to  the  liturgy  :  and  on  his  refusal  he  or- 
dered a  prosecution  against  him.     By  undue  influ- 
ence with  the  judges  he  obtained  a  sentence  against 
him  of  six  months  imprisonment,  without  bail  or 

*  Belknap's  hist.  vol.  i.  p.  190,  198, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  193 

mainprize.*     By  said   judgment  his  benefice  was   CI!^P 

declared   to  be   forfeited  to  the   crown.      Nothing    j; 

could  have  been  a  more  direct  violation  of  liberty,  1684. 
of  conscience,  of  law,  or  reason.  Mr.  Moody  was 
not  episcopally  ordained,  and  therefore  could  not, 
without  an  open  violation  of  law,  administer  the  sa- 
crament according  to  that  mode.  He  received  no 
maintenance  by  virtue  of  the  statutes  of  England : 
and  besides,  the  king's  commission  granted  liberty  of 
conscience  to  all  protestants,  and  the  governour,  by 
his  commission,  was  obliged  to  protect  them  in  its 
undisturbed  enjoyment.  Besides  these  violences, 
Cranfield  imprisoned  the  inhabitants  without  law,  or 
any  just  cause;  exacted  exorbitant  charges,  and 
even  ventured  to  alter  the  value  of  silver  money* 
Under  these  grievous  oppressions,  the  people  des- 
patched an  agent,  with  complaints  against  him,  to 
his  majesty.  On  a  hearing  before  the  lords  of  trade,  168^ 
March  10th,  1685,  their  lordships  reported  to  his 
majesty,  "  That  Cranfield  had  not  pursued  his  in- 
structions with  regard  to  Mason's  controversy  ;  but 
instead  thereof  had  caused  courts  to  be  held  and  ti- 
tles to  be  decided  with  exorbitant  costs ;  and  that 
he  had  exceeded  his  power  in  regulating  the  value 
of  coins."  He  had  the  year  before  suspended  Ma- 
son's suits  till  the  question  respecting  the  legality  of 
the  courts  should  be  decided.  By  the  report  of  the 
lords  of  trade,  these  were  determined  not  to  be  agree- 
able to  his  instructions.  His  majesty  excepted  the 
report.  The  great  controversy  therefore,  between 
Mason  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  remained 
in  the  same  state  of  suspense  and  uncertainty,  in 
which  it  was,  when  Cranfield  was  appointed  to  the 
government.  After  all  his  artifice  and  oppression, 
he  was  baffled  in  all  his  prospects,  and  totally  disap- 
pointed with  respect  to  the  gains  which  he  expected* 
After  he  was  certified  of  the  determination  of  his 

*  Belknap's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  205,  208. 

Vol.  I.  25 


194  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chai\   majesty   he  embarked  privately  for  the  West  In- 

dies. 

1&84.         The  next  year  Sir  Edmund  Andros  arrived  and 
-     began  his  administration  of  government,  under  whose 
rapacious  conduct  New  Hampshire  had  her  share  of 
sufferings  with  her  sister  colonies. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time  that  the  four  towns  of 
Dover,  Portsmouth,  Exeter,  and  Hampton  were  ad- 
judged to  be  within  captain  Mason's  claim,  the  prov- 
ince of  Maine,  by  an  adjudication  of  the  king  in 
council,  was  confirmed,  both  as  to  soil  and  jurisdic- 
tion, to  the  heirs  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.     For 
the  silencing  of  future  disputes  and  the  gratification 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  the  Massachusetts 
employed  John  Usher  to  purchase  the  right  of  the 
said  heirs.     He  effected  the  purchase  for  twelve  hun- 
dred pounds  sterling,  and  made  a  consignment  of  it 
The  pro  v.  to  the  governour  and  company.*     In  the  charter  of 
Maine       William  and  Mary,  granted  1691,  it  was  confirmed 
and  New  to  the  Massachusetts.     By  the  same  charter,  the  col- 
«corpo-h  ony  °f  New  Plymouth  was  also  incorporated  with 
rated  with  that  province.     Dr.  Increase  Mather,  who  was  agent 
cfausetts     *°r  tne  Massachusetts,  and  indefatigable  in  his  la- 
bours for  the  welfare  of  New- England,  finding  that  it 
was  put  into  a  charter  then  preparing  for  New- York, 
by  his  influence,  procured  the  erasement  of  it  from 
that,  and  its  annexation  to  the  Massachusetts.    Thus, 
this  ancient  colony,  after  planting  herself  by  such 
exertions,  industry,  harmony,  and  fortitude,  as  rare- 
ly find  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  man,  after  an  exhi- 
bition of  the  most  striking  example  of  piety  and 
brotherly  love,  and  after  she   had  by  mere  voluntary 
compact,  for   more  than  seventy  years,  maintained 
an  orderly  and  effective  government,  became  only  a 
county  in  the  province  of  the  Massachusetts. 

While  a  new  province  had  made  its  appearance  in 
the  northern  extremities  of  New- England,  another 
was  forming  in  a  more  central  situation.     Mr.  Will- 

*  Hutch,  vol.  i.  p.  312. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  195 

iam  Penn  who  had  been  employed  in  the  purchase 
and  settlement  of  West  New  Jersey,  while  negotiat- 
ing those  matters,  became  accurately  acquainted 
with  the  country  west  of  the  Delaware,  and  conceiv- 
ed the  plan  of  settling  the  province  of  Pennsylvania. 
In  1680,  he  preferred  a  petition  to  king  Charles  II. 
representing,  that  he  was  son  to  admiral  Penn,  and 
that  there  was  a  large  debt  due  to  him  when  the  ex- 
chequer was  closed :  That  he  should,  in  time,  be 
able  to  settle  a  province,  which  might  repay  his 
claims,  and  serve  the  national  interests :  and,  for 
these  purposes,  humbly  praying  for  a  patent.  This 
passed  the  seals  March  4th,  1681.  It  bore  a  near  Penn's  pa. 
resemblance  to  the  charter  of  Maryland,  and  made  a  JS^X? 

ri       -  ,  ..      /  j         •    .,  4th,  1681. 

conveyance  of  both  ample  territories  and  privileges. 
This  conveyance  greatly  encroached  on  the  patent 
both  of  Maryland  and  Connecticut.  Both  these  pa- 
tents were  older,  by  half  a  century,  than  Mr.  Penn's, 
and  on  each  of  the  territories  which  they  conveyed 
there  had  been  made  very  considerable  settlements. 
As  the  patents  were  construed,  that  of  Mr.  Penn  en- 
croached on  the  territory  granted  to  lord  Baltimore 
one  whole  degree,  or  sixty  nine  English  miles  and 
a  half.  It  granted  a  tract  of  country  on  the  north- 
ern part  about  290  miles  across  the  whole  territory 
conveyed  in  the  ancient  patent,  fifty  years  before  to 
Connecticut.  These  encroachments  occasioned 
long  and  expensive  disputes  between  these  colonies 
with  respect  to  boundaries.  Two  other  conveyances  Grant  of 
were  made  to  Mr.  Penn  by  the  duke  of  York. the  Coun* 
One  was  a  bill  of  sale  of  New  Castle,  and  a  territory  i£j£n 
of  twelve  miles  round  it,  August  24th,  1683.  The  ware, 
other  was  a  bill  of  the  same  date  granting  to  Mr.  1683" 
Penn  a  tract  south  of  the  former  as  far  as  Cape 
Henlopen.  These  two  deeds  made  a  grant  of  the 
whole  state  of  Delaware.  The  territory  conveyed 
by  these  and  the  charter  extends  from  Cape  Henlo- 
pen to  the  43d  degree  of  north  latitude,  about  160 
miles  in  breadth  ;  and  west,  from  the  Delaware,  5  de- 
grees, 288  miles  in  length.     As  the  lines  have  since 


196 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


been  settled,  they  comprise  a  territory  of  44,900 
square  miles.  The  reasons  of  this  ample  grant  to 
Mr.  Penn  are  represented  in  the  charter.  It  is 
said  to  be  given  with  regard  to  the  memory  and 
merits  of  his  father,  Sir  William  Penn,  in  divers  ser- 
vices; particularly,  in  his  courage  and  conduct, 
under  the  Duke  of  York,  in  the  sea  fight  against  the 
Dutch  in  1665.  That  it  was  for  the  enlargement 
and  benefit  of  the  English  empire,  and  by  gentle  and 
just  manners  to  reduce  the  savage  natives  to  the 
love  of  civil  society  and  the  christian  religion.* 

The  patent  made  provision  for  the  preservation  of 
the  king's  sovereignty,  and  for  the  observation  of 
the  acts  of  parliament  respecting  commerce,  nav- 
igation, and  customs.  It  vested  the  proprietary  and 
governour  with  powers  for  assembling  the  freemen, 
or  their  delegates,  in  such  manner  as  he  should  judge 
most  convenient :  for  the  levying  of  monies  and 
enacting  of  all  such  laws,  as  should  be  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  province,  not  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  Eng- 
land nor  the  rights  of  the  kingdom.  There  were 
two  remarkable  differences  between  Mr.  Penn's  and 
PeWsand  au"  tne  otner  colonial  patents.  It  subjected  the  colo- 
the  other  ny  to  parliamentary  taxation,  and  contained  no  ex- 
patents.  press  stipulation  that  the  inhabitants  should  be  con- 
sidered as  English  subjects,  born  within  the  realm 
of  England.  It  is  said,  that  the  lawyers  judged  that 
such  stipulations  were  inferred  by  law,  and  conse- 
quently were  nugatory.  It  seems  therefore,  that,  in 
their  opinion,  the  right  of  parliamentary  taxation  in 
the  colonies,  could  not  have  been  inferred  by  law, 
otherwise  the  making  of  express  provision  for  that 
would  have  been  also  equally  nugatory.  In  May, 
1681,  the  proprietary  despatched  one  Markham,  with 
a  small  number  of  emigrants  to  take  possession  of  his 
country  and  make  preparations  for  a  more  numerous 
settlement.  For  the  encouragement  and  security  of 
those  who  were  willing  to  emigrate,  the  proprietary 

*  CokWs  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  164 


Differ, 
ence  be- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  197 

made  various  concessions  relative  to  the  location  of  chap. 
their  lands  and  the  laying  out  of  high  ways,  towns, 
and  cities.  These  also  secured  to  the  purchasers 
the  waters,  woods,  quarries,  and  mines  within  their 
respective  purchases.  It  was  stipulated,  that  the 
Jaws  respecting  "  slanders,  drunkenness,  cursing, 
pride  in  apparel,  trespasses,  distresses,  replevins, 
weights  and  measures  shall  be  the  same  as  in  Eng- 
land, till  altered  by  law  in  this  province."  That 
within  three  years  after  the  grant  of  it  every  thous- 
and acres  should  settle  one  family.  In  this  instru- 
ment, provision  was  also  made  for  the  peace  of  the 
settlers  by  a  just  and  amicable  treatment  of  the  na- 
tives. It  was  agreed  that  ail  commerce  with  them 
should  be  in  a  public  market :  That  no  abuse  or 
wrong  should  be  done  to  them  :  That  whoever  should 
injure  one  of  them,  should  suffer  the  same  penalty, 
as  if  the  injury  had  been  done  to  a  fellow  planter  : 
and  that  all  differences  between  them  and  the  plant- 
ers shall  be  decided  by  twelve  men,  six  of  whom 
were  to  be  planters  and  the  other  six  natives.* 

But  the  proprietary  found  something  more  than 
mere  concessions  necessary,  that  even  friends  might 
be  induced  to  emigrate  with  him  to  the  new  world. 
They  insisted  on  charter  rights  and  privileges.  He 
therefore  published  a  charter,  or  frame  of  gov-  Frame  of 
ernment,  providing,  that  the  government  should  ^ntAprU 
be  in  a  provincial  general  assembly,  consisting  25th, 1682. 
of  the  governour,  a  provincial  council  and  gen- 
eral assembly.  The  provincial  council  were  to 
consist  of  seventy  two  counsellors,  chosen  by  the 
freemen,  twelve  out  of  each  county.  The  general 
assembly  was  to  consist  of  delegates,  chosen  by  the 
freemen,  not  exceeding  two  hundred.  By  this  pro- 
vincial council  and  assembly  all  laws  were  to  be 
enacted,  officers  appointed,  and  public  affairs  trans- 
acted. The  proprietary  and  governour,  or  his  dep- 
uty was  always  to  preside,  and  to  have  a  treble  voice. 

Colden's  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  207—212. 


198 


Funda- 
mental 
laws  of 
Pennsyl- 
vania, 
May  5th, 
1682. 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

All  bills  were  to  be  prepared  and  deliberated  upon, 
courts  erected,  and  officers  appointed  by  the  provin- 
cial council.  This  was  also  vested  with  the  whole 
executive  power.  The  general  assembly,  or  two 
hundred  deputies  had  the  power  of  passing  or  nega- 
tiving the  bills  prepared  by  the  council.*  The 
enacting  style  was,  "By  the  governour,  with  the  as- 
sent and  approbation  of  the  freemen  in  provincial 
council  and  general  assembly."! 

Besides  certain  fundamental  laws  were  made  and 
agreed  upon,  in  London,  between  the  proprietary 
and  the  freemen,  of  which  there  was  to  be  no  altera- 
tion without  the  consent  of  the  governour,  his  heirs 
or  assigns,  and  six  parts  of  seven  of  the  freemen, 
met  in  provincial  council  and  general  assembly. 
These  confirmed  the  charter  given  to  the  freemen  by 
Mr.  Penn.  They  ordained,  that  all  who  should  pay 
scot  and  lot  to  the  government,  profess  faith  in  Christ, 
and  were  not  of  ill  fame,  should  be  freemen  and  ca- 
pable of  sustaining  all  offices  in  the  province :  That 
all  persons  in  the  province,  who  should  acknowl- 
edge one  Almighty  Eternal  God,  Creator,  Upholder 
and  Ruler  of  the  world,  and  hold  themselves  obliged, 
in  conscience,  to  live  peaceably  and  justly  in  society, 
should  in  no  ways  be  molested,  or  prejudiced  for 
their  religious  persuasion  or  practice,  in  matters  of 
faith  and  worship,  nor  be  compelled,  at  any  time,  to 
frequent,  or  maintain  any  religious  worship,  place,  or 
minister  whatsoever  :  that  every  first  day  of  the  week 
people  shall  abstain  from  their  common  labours: 
M  That  no  money  or  goods  be  raised  upon,  or  paid 
by  any  of  the  people  of  this  province,  by  way  of 
public  tax  or  contribution,  but  by  a  law  for  that  pur- 
pose made ;  and  whosoever  shall  levy,  collect,  or  pay, 
any  money  or  goods  contrary  thereto  shall  be  held  a 
public  enemy  to  the  province,  and  a  betrayer  of  the 

*  See  the  frame  of  government  at  large  in  Colden's  History,  vol.  ii. 
p.  187,  197,  204. 

f  Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  300. 


^  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  I99 

liberties  thereof:"  That  all  courts  shall  be  open,  chap. 
and  justice  shall  neither  be  sold,  denied,  nor  delay- 
ed. They  made  provision  for  trials  by  a  jury  of  the  1682> 
vicinage,  and  that  all  fees  and  fines  should  be  moder- 
ate :  That  all  prisoners,  except  in  capital  cases, 
should  be  bailable  on  sufficient  sureties:  That  all 
persons  wrongfully  imprisoned,  or  prosecuted  at  law, 
shall  have  double  damages  against  the  inform- 
er or  prosecutor :  That  no  person  shall  enjoy  more 
than  one  public  office  at  the  same  time :  That  seven 
years  quiet  possession  shall  give  an  unquestionable 
right,  except  in  cases  of  infants,  lunatics,  married 
women,  and  persons  beyond  sea.  To  promote  chas- 
tity and  population,  they  ordained,  that  all  marriages 
not  prohibited  by  the  divine  law  should  be  encour- 
aged :  That  before  the  solemnization  the  parties 
should  be  published,  and  that  the  solemnization 
should  be  before  credible  witnesses.  For  the  pre- 
vention of  idleness,  the  support  of  individuals,  and 
the  public  emolument,  they  required,  that  all  chil- 
dren should  have  some  useful  trade  or  skill.* 

These  fundamental  laws  do  honour  to  the  compil- 
ers, as  statesmen,  christians,  and  friends  to  the  liber- 
ties and  happiness  of  mankind. 

The  proprietary  having  given  these  encourage- 
ments and  securities,  a  large  body  of  friends,  with 
some  people  of  other  denominations,  engaged  in 
making  an  immediate  settlement  of  his  province. 
On  the  24th  of  October,  he  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the 
Delaware,  with  about  two  thousand  planters.  These 
were  principally  quakers.  On  his  arrival  he  found 
three  thousand  inhabitants  on  the  river,  consisting  of 
Swedes,  Finlanders,  Dutch,  and  English.  These, 
in  distinction  from  the  parts  of  the  province  included 
in  the  charter,  were  termed  the  territories.  Imme- 
diately on  his  arrival  he  entered  into  a  treaty,  and 
settled  an  amicable  correspondence  with  the  natives. 
Such  purchases  were  made  of  them  as  he  judged 

•  Colden's  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  207,  212, 


200  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

c  hap.   necessary  for  his  purpose.     He  began  his  principal 

settlement  at    Philadelphia,  the  capital  of  the  prov- 

1682.  mce»  He  convened  his  first  assembly  at  Chester, 
Act  of  set-  the  December  following.  By  an  instrument  termed, 
€h?seter.at  An  act  of  settlement,  made  at  Chester,  1682,  a  con- 
siderable alteration  was  made,  in  the  frame  of  gov- 
ernment, agreed  upon  by  Mr.  Penn.  Seventy 
two  members  only,  were  returned  from  the  prov- 
ince and  territories;  twelve  for  each  county  into 
which  they  had  been  divided.  The  freemen  and 
sheriffs  represented,  That  the  fewness  of  the 
people,  their  inability  in  estate,  and  unskilfulness 
in  government,  would  not  permit  them  to  serve 
in  so  large  a  council  and  assembly,  as  by  charter  was 
expressed.  They  therefore  prayed  that  out  of  the 
twelve  deputies,  chosen  for  each  county,  three  might 
serve  for  the  provincial  council,  and  nine  for  the 
general  assembly ;  and  that  these  numbers  might  be 
allowed  and  taken,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  for 
the  provincial  council  and  general  assembly  of  the 
province.  This  was  granted,  and  the  charter,  with 
the  alterations  made  by  the  act  of  settlement,  was 
declared  to  be  thankfully  received,  and  the  council 
and  assembly  bound  themselves  to  an  observance  of 
its  principles.  Mr.  Penn,  however  was  not  pleased 
with  his  own  scheme  of  government.  He  altered  it 
the  very  next  year.  Though  it  was  so  modelled,  as 
that  the  governour  with  one  third  of  the  council  re- 
siding with  him,  should,  from  time  to  time,  have 
the  care  and  management  of  all  public  affairs  relat- 
ing to  the  peace,  justice,  and  improvement  of  the 
province  and  territories,  yet,  with  the  freemen,  it  ob- 
tained an  easy  reception.  It  promised  more  in  ap- 
pearance than  it  really  gave.  Like  the  famous  Mr. 
Locke's  it  was  found  by  experience  too  complex  and 
perplexing  either  for  utility  or  convenience.  Great 
discontent,  and  heavy  complaints  and  charges  against 
the  proprietary,  warm  contests,  and  animosities  be- 
tween the  council  and  the  assembly  arose  under  it, 
which  were  of  long  continuance.    In  less  than  twenty 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  201 

years   it  was  given  up,  and  a  new  plan   of  govern-   chap. 
ment  introduced. 

A  variety  of  circumstances  combined  their  influ-      168e 
ence  to  give  this  province  a  rapid  population  and  set-  Reasons 
tlement.     The  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  goodness  of  jjJ^fJJS 
the  climate,  its  central  situation  in  the  colonies,  the  popuia- 
civil  and  religious  liberties,  which  the  charter  and tion- 
fundamental  laws  held  out  to  men  of  all  religious  de- 
nominations, the  persecution  of  protestants  in  Eu- 
rope, the  civil  and  religious  tyranny  which  distracted 
the  nation  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  second,  and 
especially  of  James,  his  successor,  all  united  their  in- 
fluence to  cause  men  of  all  nations,  and  of  all  denom- 
inations  of  christians,   to   flow   into   Pennsylvania. 
There  was  sometimes,  in  a  single  year,  an  importa- 
tion into  the  province  of  five  or  six  thousands  of  peo- 
ple of  various  nations.*     The  intolerance  and  divis- 
ions of  some  of  the  sister  colonies  also  contributed 
to   the   numbers,  cultivation,  and   opulence  of  this 
flourishing   province.      These  circumstances    have 
brought  together  such  a  collection  of  different  na- 
tions and  sectaries  in  Pennsylvania,  as,  perhaps,  can- 
not be  found  in  any  other  part  of  America.     At  the 
same  time  they  have  made   Philadelphia,  in  point  of 
numbers,  wealth,  and  improvement  the  capital  of  the 
United  States. 

There  are  some  singularities  in  the  history  of  this  singulan- 
province.     Though   it  was   strongly  enforced,   yet  x'^s  in  th^ 
there  was  never  a  communication  of  the  fundamental  Pennsyi-° 
laws,  frame  of  government,  nor  of  any  other  of  the  vania. 
laws  of  the  province  to  his  majesty  for  his  approba- 
tion.    Such  were  the  attachments  of  the  proprietary 
to  James  the  II.  and  so  warm  were  the  contests  be- 
tween  the   council  and  the  assembly,  that  neither 
seem  to  have  paid  any  attention  to  the  revolution, 
which  transferred  their  allegiance  and  the  govern- 
ment to  William  and  Mary.     The  laws  and  govern- 
ment of  the  province  were  administered  in  the  name 

*  Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  326. 

Vol.  I.  26 


202  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap*  of  the  abdicating  monarch,  long  after  their  accession 
to  the  throne,  and  after  a  formal  proclamation 
1692.  °f  ft  m  tne  other  colonies.  In  consequence  of  these 
attachments  to  king  James,  Mr.  Penn  fell  under  the 
imputation  of  being  a  Roman  catholic  and  Jesuit,  un- 
der the  mask  of  a  quaker.  William  and  Mary  view- 
ed him  as  an  inveterate  enemy  to  the  protestant  suc- 
cession, excepted  him  from  their  acts  of  grace,  and 
suspended  him  from  the  privilege  of  appointing  a 
deputy  for  Pennsylvania.  By  the  same  commission 
colonel  Fletcher  was  appointed  governour  both  of 
New  York  and  Pennsylvania.*  In  his  commission 
no  regard  seems  to  have  been  had  to  the  original  con- 
stitution of  the  province.  The  assembly  were  not 
constitutionally  convoked  by  the  governour,  but  con- 
siderably curtailed  with  respect  to  their  numbers. 
No  sooner  therefore  were  they  convened,  than  they 
unanimously  resolved,  "That  the  laws  of  this  prov- 
ince, which  were  in  force  and  practice,  before  the 
arrival  of  this  present  governour  are  still  in  force : 
1696.  and  that  the  assembly  have  a  right  humbly  to  move 
the  governour  for  a  continuation  or  confirmation  of 
the  same."  So  inflexible  were  the  determinations 
of  this  and  subsequent  assemblies,  for  the  security 
of  their  rights,  that  no  arts  nor  influence  of  govern- 
our s  could  effect  an  alteration. 

Mr.  Penn  had  the  address  to  vindicate  his  charac- 
ter, and  to  conduct  his  affairs  to  such  advantage  in 
the  court  of  William  and  Mary,  that,  in  1696,  he 
obtained  a  restoration  of  his  former  privileges.  In 
1699  he  came  a  second  time  into  America.  On  his 
arrival  he  found  that  there  was  great  complaint  and 
disaffection  under  his  government.  The  assembly 
insisted  on  better  security  both  with  respect  to  prop- 
erty and  privileges.  His  answers  were  evasive  and 
gave  the  colonists  no  satisfaction.  They  therefore 
pressed  him  for  a  new  charter  of  ampler  rights  and 
better  securities.     This  produced  his  third  charter, 

*  Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  343. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  203 

October  28th,  1701.     This  differed  materially  from 
the  former.     It  made  provision,  that  on  the  first  of 
October  annually  an  assembly  should  be  chosen,  con-  Penn, 
sisting  of  four  persons  out  of  each  county,  or  of  a  third  char. 
greater   number,  as  the   erovernour  and    assembly  J2X%L 

i        ij  'r-i  Li  i  f   28th, 1,01, 

should  agree,  lhe  assembly  was  always  to  con- 
vene on  the  14th  of  the  month  at  Philadelphia.  The 
governour  had  the  nomination  of  his  own  council,  a 
negative  on  the  assembly,  and  the  whole  executive 
power.  The  council  had  no  negative.  They  were 
only  assistants  of  the  governour.  The  assembly 
possessed  the  right  of  originating,  amending, 
and  rejecting  all  laws  and  bills ;  of  impeaching 
criminals  and  redressing  grievances,  and  all  other 
privileges  of  an  assembly  according  to  the  rights  of 
the  free  born  subjects  of  England,  and  the  customs 
observed  in  any  of  the  king's  plantations  in  Ameri- 
ca.* This  continued  to  be  the  constitution  of  Penn- 
sylvania till  the  late  revolution.  But  it  was  far  from 
giving  satisfaction.  The  territories  rejected  it,  and  Delaware 
dividing  from  the  province,  became  a  distinct  juris-  becomes  a 
diction.  No  measures  could  be  adopted  to  effect  a  juHs^. 
reconciliation.  From  this  time  they  held  a  distinct  tion. 
assembly,  consisting  of  eighteen  members ;  six 
from  each  county,  elected  annually  on  the  first  day 
of  October.  Their  sessions  always  commenced  on 
the  fourteenth.  Though  they  enjoyed  a  colonial  ju- 
risdiction, yet  they  had  the  same  governour  with 
Pennsylvania.  He  exercised  the  same  power  in  the 
assembly  of  Delaware  as  in  that  of  Pennsylvania. 
Notwithstanding  the  separation  the  proprietary  stip- 
ulated, That  the  inhabitants  both  of  the  province  and 
of  the  territories  should  enjoy  separately  all  liberties, 
privileges,  and  benefits  granted  to  them  jointly  by 
the  charter.f  Though  they  became  separate  juris- 
dictions yet  their  government  was  nearly  the  same. 
Notwithstanding  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania 
voted  their  thankful  reception  of  this  third  charter, 

*  Coldec's  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  246,  f  Ibid,  vol.  ii.  p.  250, 


2.04  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

from  their  proprietary  and   governour,  yet  the  same 
violent  disputes  and  animosities,  which  had  before 
1701      embroiled  the  province,  were  continued  with  equal 
Uneasi-     heat  and  virulence.     The  proprietaries  notwithstand- 
provincehe  *nS  tneir  amP*e  territories  were  poor.     The  whole 
under  the  province  of  Pennsylvania  was  once  mortgaged  by 
charter      *^e   ProPrietaiT    to   one   Mr.   Gee   and  others   for 
6,600/.  sterling.*     Poverty  was  naturally  an  induce- 
ment strongly  operating   on   them,   to  extend   their 
power,  and  accumulate  property,  by  obtaining  grants 
from  the  people,  by  exempting  their  lands  from  tax- 
ation, and  by  other  lucrative   measures.     Attempts 
of  this  nature  created  constant  jealousies  and  strug- 
gles  between   the   proprietary   and   the    assembly. 
The  assembly  opposed  them  with  an  unshaken  firm- 
ness and  perseverance,  and  thus  preserved  the  rights 
of  the  province.     Even  the  Friends  manifested,  that 
they  had  the  feelings  of  other  men,  and  that  some- 
times  they   were    neither   peaceable    nor    friendly. 
The  as-     About  the  year  1704,  the  assembly  of  the  province 
monstme"  brought  heavy  charges  against  the  proprietary,  com- 
against      plaining,  with  great  grief,  That  he  had  undermined 
Ilr?etar "     ^is  own  foundations ;  and  by  a  subtle  contrivance, 
iro4.  y'    laid  deeper  than  the  capacities  of  some  could  fathom, 
found  a  way  to  lay  aside  the  act  of  settlement,  and 
dissolve  his  second  charter :  That   he   had  extorted 
great  sums  of  money  from  the  province  :  That  they 
were  abused  by  surveyors,  clerks  of  the  court,  and 
justices  of  the  peace,  who,  they  said,  were  all  put  in 
by  the   proprietary  ;    so  that  he   became  his   own 
judge  in  his  own  cause.     They  charged  him  with 
oppression,  and   with  falsifying  his  word  with  the 
provincials  in  almost  every  respect. f     These  with 
several  other  matters  were  the  substance  of  ten  res- 
olutions unanimously  passed  in  the  assembly,  and 
transmitted  in  the  form  of  a  remonstrance  to  the  pro- 
prietary in  England.     Whatever  may  have  been  the 

*  Douglass,  vol,  ii.  p.  306. 
|  Gordon's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  81,  from  Chalmer,  and  the  Modern  Uni- 
versal History. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  205 

designs  of  the   proprietary,  or  the  complaints  of  the   chap. 
people,  it  doth  not  appear,    but  that  the  government 
had  been  generally  mild,  and  the  burdens  of  it  very     1704 
tolerable. 

In  1713,  Mr.  Penn,  by  a  certain  agreement 
made  over  all  his  rights  in  Pennsylvania  to  the  crown, 
for  the  consideration  of  12,000/.  sterling :  but  be- 
fore the  instrument  of  surrender  was  executed,  he 
was  no  more.*  In  consequence  of  this  circum- 
stance, the  propriety  of  Pennsylvania  continued  in 
the  family  of  the  Penns  till  after  the  revolution  in 
America. 

Proprietary  government  was  never  agreeable  to 
any  of  the  American  colonists.  It  was  particularly 
disagreeable  to  the  inhabitants  both  of  East  and 
West  Jersey.  As  early  as  the  year  1672  titles  from 
the  natives,  the  original  possessors  of  the  soil,  were 
set  up  against  the  proprietors,  and  many  of  the  in- 
habitants were  utterly  opposed  to  the  payment  of  the 
quitrents.  The  proprietors,  by  reason  of  the  sale  of 
small  parts  of  their  respective  shares,  and  by  the  di- 
vision of  them  among  the  children  of  the  several 
families  to  which  they  descended,  became  so  nume- 
rous, and  the  shares  were  so  subdivided  among  them, 
that  it  created  great  difficulty  and  confusion  in  the 
management  of  the  general  proprietors ;  and  with  re- 
spect to  the  appointment  of  governours.  Some  of 
the  proprietors  had  not  more  than  one  fortieth  part 
of  a  forty  eighth  part  of  a  twenty  fourth  share.  The 
inhabitants,  from  one  cause  and  another,  were  so 
uneasy  and  inclined  to  mutiny,  gave  the  proprietors 
so  much  trouble,  and  appeared  to  be  so  rapidly  ad- 
vancing to  a  dangerous  crisis,  that  they  determined 
to  surrender  the  government  to  the  crown.  Accord- 
ingly, their  agents,  Sir  Thomas  Lane  for  West,  and 
Mr.  William  Dockwra  for  East  Jersey,  on  the  17th 
of  April,  1702,  made  a  public  surrender  of  it  to  her 
majesty  queen  Anne.     She   accepted  the  surrender, 

*  Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  306, 


206 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


Divisions 
in  Caroli- 
na. 


chap,  and  appointed  lord  viscount  Cornbury  governour  of 
New  Jersey.  He  was  grandson  of  the  great  chan- 
cellor Clarendon.  By  his  commission  East  and 
West  Jersey  were  united  in  one  government.  From 
this  time  the  government  of  the  province  became 
regal.  The  governour  and  council  were  appointed 
by  the  crown,  and  the  house  of  representatives  were 
chosen  by  the  freemen.  The  council  consisted  of 
twelve,  and  the  house  of  representatives  of  twenty 
four  members. 

In  the  Carolinas  proprietary  government  was  more 
disagreeable  than  in  the  Jerseys.  It  was  unjust, 
oppressive,  cruel,  and  persecuting.  It  bred  among 
the  people  discontent,  hatred,  violent  struggles,  and 
divisions,  which  terminated  in  a  revolution.  At  an 
early  period  two  parties  were  formed  in  the  colony. 
One  party  insisted,  that  the  laws  and  regulations  of 
the  proprietors,  in  England,  respecting  government, 
ought  to  be  implicitly  and  punctually  obeyed.  The 
other  maintained,  that  respect  ought  to  be  had  to  lo- 
cal circumstances  ;  and  that  the  freemen  were  under 
no  obligations  to  obey  them,  any  further  than  they 
were  consistent  with  the  interest  of  individuals,  and 
the  general  happiness  of  the  community.  Both  par- 
ties were  warm  and  determined.  In  this  unhappy 
state  of  the  colony,  it  was  difficult  for  any  ruler,  long 
to  support  his  power  and  influence.  James  Colleton, 
one  of  the  proprietors,  was  governour;  but  in  this 
heat  of  affairs  he  entirely  lost  his  influence,  and  the 
people  were  so  exasperated  against  him,  that  nothing 
but  his  banishment  could  appease  them. 

Seth  Sothel  was  chosen  his  successor.  It  was 
soon  found,  that  he  was  destitute  of  every  sentiment 
either  of  integrity  or  honour.  His  avarice  was  un- 
salable. He  took  bribes  from  felons  and  traitors, 
and  broke  over  all  restraints  of  decency  and  common 
justice,  till  the  people,  distracted  with  his  extortion 
and  mal-administration,  compelled  him  for  ever  to 
abjure  his  government  and  country.     Till  this  time 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  207 

the  community  had  been  little  else  than  a  scene  of  chap. 
continual  animosity  and  misery. 

In  this  state  of  affairs,  Philip  Ludwell,  a  Virgini-  1690 
an,  was  appointed  governour.  He  was  a  gentleman 
of  so  much  humanity,  knowledge,  and  experience, 
that,  for  a  short  time,  he  had  the  good  fortune  to 
allay  the  ferment  among  the  people,  and  effect  a  tem- 
porary reconciliation  between  them  and  the  proprie- 
tors. But  no  sooner  had  their  affairs  assumed  this 
favourable  aspect,  than  there  sprang  up  a  new  source 
of  discontent  and  animosity.  The  French  protes- 
tants,  who  had  settled  in  the  county  of  Craven,  were 
a  large  body  of  industrious,  pious  people.  Some  of 
them  had  made  large  purchases  and  were  men  of 
principal  estates  in  the  colony.  They  had  a  number  of 
pious  ministers  for  whom  they  had  the  greatest  ven- 
eration. Under  their  influence  they  conducted  them- 
selves in  a  peaceable  and  exemplary  manner.  With 
the  English  they  had  mutually  shared  in  the  hard- 
ships, dangers,  and  expense  of  clearing  and  cultiva- 
ting a  hideous  wilderness.  The  governours  receiv- 
ed and  treated  these  exiles  from  their  native  country, 
with  civility  and  tenderness.  The  proprietors  judg- 
ed it  reasonable,  that  they  should  enjoy  the  same 
privileges  with  the  English  colonists.  Accordingly, 
the  governour  was  instructed  to  give  them  their  pro- 
portion  of  representatives,  in  the  parliament  or  gen- 
eral assembly.  But  the  English,  instead  of  treating  Abusive 
them  with  compassion  and  generosity,  as  christian  ofThT^ 
brethren,  who  had  fled  from  the  iron  hand  of  oppres-  French 
sion,  and  sought  an  asylum  in  the  wilderness,  became  refu£ees* 
envious  against  them  ;  revived  the  odious  distinctions 
and  antipathies  of  the  two  nations,  and  treated  them 
as  aliens  and  enemies.  While  every  feeling  of  compas- 
sion, every  tie  of  humanity,  interest,  and  religion 
bound  them  to  give  them  a  cordial  welcome,  they 
began  rigorously  to  execute  upon  them  the  laws  of 
England  against  foreigners.  Abusive  as  this  treat- 
ment was,  this  mad  party  proceeded  still  further  in 
their  violence.     They  insisted  that  the  laws  of  En^- 


208  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  land  allowed  no  foreigner  to  purchase  lands  in  any 
V'  part  of  the  empire,  and  that  no  authority,  but  that  of 
the  parliament,  could  incorporate  aliens  and  vest 
them  with  the  rights  of  Englishmen.  That,  as  their 
clergymen  had  not  obtained  episcopal  ordination, 
their  marriages  were  illegal  and  their  children  bas- 
tards. They  averred,  that  these  aliens  could  not 
be  allowed  a  voice  in  their  elections,  or  a  seat  in 
their  parliament,  nor  be  returned  to  serve  on  any 
jury  for  the  trial  of  issues  between  subject  and  sub- 
ject. When  the  election  for  the  assembly  came  on 
they  were  not  allowed  a  single  representative  in  the 
county  of  Craven.*  Greatly  were  these  pious  stran- 
gers alarmed  and  discouraged,  not  knowing  for 
whom  they  were  labouring,  nor  to  whom  their  es- 
tates would  finally  descend.  Meanwhile,  under  the 
countenance  of  the  governour,  who  gave  them  fair 
promises  and  kind  treatment,  they  prosecuted  their 
settlement  with  diligence,  and  remained  peaceable 
and  inoffensive.  In  the  favour  of  the  governour, 
they  found  a  partial  relief.  At  the  same  time,  a  con- 
stant struggle  was  kept  up  between  the  people  and 
the  proprietors  and  their  officers.  Notwithstanding 
all  the  wisdom  and  exertions  of  successive  govern- 
ours,  the  colony  continued  in  such  a  state  of  divis- 
ion and  turbulence,  that  it  was  determined,  that 
nothing  but  the  appointment  of  one  of  the  proprie- 
tors, with  full  powers  to  redress  all  grievances,  and 
compose  all  difficulties,  could  restore  union  and  tran- 
1695.  quillity  to  the  colonists.  Therefore,  in  1695,  John 
Archdale,  one  of  the  proprietors,  was  sent  over  with 
plenary  powers  for  these  purposes.  With  his  exten- 
sive powers,  singular  wisdom  and  address,  he  was  so 
happy  as  to  settle  all  matters  of  general  concern,  ex- 
cepting the  liberties  of  the  French  refugees,  to  gen- 
eral satisfaction.  But  he  found  that  the  national  an- 
tipathy of  the  English  settlers  against  them  was  so 
great,  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary,  for  the  peace 

♦  History  of  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  Ill,  112,  113. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  209 

of  the  colony,  to  exclude  them  from  all  concern  in  chap. 
the  legislature.  But  he  recommended  it  to  the  Eng- 
lish freeholders,  to  consider  them  in  the  most  friend- 
ly point  of  light,  and  to  treat  them  with  lenity,  mod- 
eration, and  compassion.  He  made  but  a  short  visit 
to  the  colony,  embarking  the  same  year  for  Eng- 
land. Joseph  Blake  succeeded  him  in  the  govern- 
ment. 

The  national  prejudices  against  the  French  prot- 
estants  gradually  abated.  Their  industry,  quiet  and 
inoffensive  deportment,  won  upon  the  people  and 
daily  increased  their  favour.  They  began  to  con- 
sider, that  with  themselves  they  had  defied  the  hard- 
ships and  dangers  of  the  wilderness,  that  they  had 
given  the  amplest  proofs  of  their  fidelity  to  the  pro- 
prietors, of  their  love  to  their  fellow  settlers,  and 
zeal  for  the  success  of  the  colony.  The  governour 
and  their  friends,  observing  these  favourable  dispo- 
sitions, advised  them  to  petition  the  legislature  for 
an  act  of  incorporation  with  the  freemen  of  the  colo- 
ny. The  petition  met  a  favourable  reception,  and, 
on  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  king  William, 
they  were  admitted  to  the  privileges  of  English  sub- 
jects. From  this  period  the  French  and  English 
subjects  united  in  interest  and  affection,  and  have  liv- 
ed together  in  peace  and  harmony.* 

Till  about  the  year  1700  the  colony  enjoyed  a  tol- 
erable degree  of  union  and  harmony.  But  there  was 
then  a  revival  of  jealousies  and  dissentions,  which  in 
a  few  years  arose  to  an  uncommon  height.  From  this 
period,  various  intrigues  and  corruptions  crept  into 
the  seat  of  government,  and  flagrant  encroachments 
were  made  both  on  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of 
the  colonists.  Lord  Granville,  a  bigoted  churchman, 
was  palatine.  For  all  denominations  of  dissenters  he 
had  conceived  a  supreme  contempt.  Therefore, 
though  it  was  a  fundamental  article  in  the  colonial 
constitution,  that  "no  person   whatsoever  shall  dis- 

*  History  of  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  120,  139,  140. 

Vol.  T.  27 


1696. 


210  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  turb,  molest,  or  persecute  another,  for  his  speculative 
opinions  in  religion,  or  his  way  of  worship,"  yet  he 
i70$m  made  the  establishment  of  the  church  of  England, 
and  the  suppression  of  all  other  modes  of  worship, 
in  the  colony,  the  chief  object  of  his  zeal  and  atten- 
tion. James  Moore,  a  poor,  ambitious  man,  was 
governour.  He  was  careful  to  make  his  own  profits, 
and  was  a  fit  tool  for  the  palatine.  They  united  their 
arts  and  influence  to  obtain  the  establishment  of  epis- 
copacy by  a  provincial  law.  A  very  great  majority 
of  the  colonists  were  dissenters,  who  had  fled  from 
their  native  country  on  the  account  of  the  rigorous 
acts  of  conformity.  They  were  prepared,  with  all 
their  feelings  and  influence  to  oppose  such  an  estab- 
lishment. The  only  way  in  which  the  palatine,  gov- 
ernour, and  their  tools  could  effect  their  purpose  was 
by  introducing  corruption  in  the  election  of  the 
members  of  the  assembly.  One  half  of  these  were 
chosen  from  among  the  dregs  of  the  people,  and 
were  utterly  unqualified  to  be  legislators.*  But 
after  all  his  exertions  governour  Moore  wras  not  able 
to  carry  his  point.  This  inglorious  business  was 
left  for  his  successor,  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson.  He 
appointed  a  new  election  in  which  far  greater  irregu- 
Corrup.  larities  were  practised  than  in  the  former.  All  sorts 
of  people,  aliens,  Jews,  servants,  common  sailors,  and 
negroes  were  admitted  to  vote  in  the  election.  The 
governour  and  his  adherents  by  undue  influence  and 
violence  obtained  a  majority  in  the  house.  They 
Establish-  framed  a  bill  establishing  episcopacy,  and  excluding 
me.it  of  all  dissenters  from  the  house  of  representatives.  It 
episcopa-  ajSQ  reqUirecl,  that  every  man,  who  should  afterwards 
be  chosen  a  member  of  the  assembly,  should  take 
the  oath  and  subscribe  the  declaration,  appointed  by 
law,  to  conform  to  the  religion  and  worship  of  the 
church  of  England,  and  to  receive  the  sacrament  of 
the  Lord's  supper  according  to  the  rites  of  that 
church.     It  passed  in  the  lower  house  by  a  majority 

*  History  of  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.   151,  152- 


tion    in 
election. 


;y- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  Q\\ 

of  one  only.     In  the  upper  house  landgrave  Morton   chap. 
was   denied    the   privilege    of  entering   his   protest 
against  the  bill.     An  act  was  also  passed  for  erecting     170S 
churches.    The  colony  was  divided  into  ten  parishes, 
glebes    were    granted,    with   monies    for    building 
churches,  and  salaries  for  the  different    rectors,  pay- 
able from  the  public  treasury.    Nor  did  the  business 
stop  here  ;    the  governour  determining,  at  any  rate, 
to  finish  what  he  had  undertaken,  instituted,  what 
the  people  termed  a  high  commission  court,  similar 
to  that  of  James  II.      It  was  enacted,  that  twenty 
laymen,  be  constituted  a  corporation,  for  the  exercise 
of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  ;  with  full  powers  to  de- 
prive ministers  of  their  livings,  at  pleasure;  not  bare-  starcham- 
ly  for   immorality,  but  for  imprudence,   or  on  the  ^^Car" 
account  of  unreasonable  prejudices  against  them.* 

The  colony  was  immediately  thrown  into  a   state 
of  the  utmost  tumult  and  distraction.     Some  formed 
resolutions  of  abandoning  the  colony.     Others  deter- 
mined to  petition  their  lordships,  the  proprietors,    to 
redress  their  grievances.     The  inhabitants  of  Colle- 
ton county,   who    were    chiefly    dissenters,  adopted 
this   measure.     They  stated   their   grievances   and  Theinhab- 
prayed  for  a  repeal  of  the  oppressive  acts.     The  pe-  itants 
titioners  were   computed   to   be   at  least  two  thirds  vxy  .the 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  colony.      John  Ash,  tors  to  xe- 
one  of  the  most  zealous  men  in  the  opposition,    was  dress 
appointed  to  go  with  the  petition  to  England.     The  «.^«i. 
governour  and  his  party  employed  all  their  art  and  ces. 
influence  to  prevent  his  passage  in    any   ship   from 
Carolina.     But  he  found  means  of  getting  to  Virgin- 
ia, whence  he  embarked  for  England. 

On  his  arrival  he  addressed  lord  Granville,  the 
palatine  on  the  subject  of  his  message,  and  gave  the 
proprietors  all  the  information  in  his  power.  But  as 
his  lordship  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  whole  affair,  he 
met  with  an  unfavourable  reception,  and  the  griev- 
ances were  not  redressed. 

*  History  of  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  152,  to  166,  170,  8;c, 


212 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


The  pro- 
prietors, 
notwith- 
standing, 
pass  the 
bill. 


The  dis- 
senters 
petition 
the    house 
of  lords. 


When  the  bills  arrived  in  England,  Archdale, 
who  had  lately  been  governour  in  Carolina,  and  ren- 
dered both  the  colony  and  the  proprietors  very  essen- 
tial services,  made  an  able  and  spirited  opposition 
against  them.  He  insisted,  that  the  dissenters  had 
not  yet  forgotten  the  hardships  which  they  had  suffer- 
ed in  England,  by  acts  of  conformity  :  that  the  right 
of  private  judgment  in  religion,  was  the  birthright 
of  every  man  :  that  the  charter  granted  undisturbed 
liberty  of  conscience  to  every  inhabitant  in  Carolina: 
that  acts  of  conformity,  with  penalties  annexed  to 
them,  had  generally  been  destructive  of  the  cause 
they  were  designed  to  promote  :  that  they  were  ut- 
terly inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  protectants  : 
that  they  were  unjust  and  oppressive,  as  well  as  un- 
popular ;  and  therefore,  on  the  principles  of  justice, 
sound  policy,  and  religious  liberty,  ought  to  be  re- 
pealed. The  debate  ran  high;  but  the  palatine, 
who  was  equally  a  tyrant  and  a  bigot,  declared  that 
he  would  head  the  party  in  support  of  the  bill.  It 
was  therefore  confirmed  by  a  majority  of  the  propri- 
etors.* This  rash,  impolitic,  and  ill  timed  measure, 
with  others  of  a  similar  nature,  ruined  the  influence 
of  the  proprietary  government  in  Carolina,  and  ripen- 
ed the  inhabitants  for  a  total  revolt. 

The  dissenters  saw  themselves  at  once  despoiled 
of  the  dear  enjoyments,  for  which  they  had  left  their 
native  countries,  and  braved  the  dangers  of  planting 
a  wilderness.  Great  was  their  discouragement  and 
vexation.  Some  were  for  an  immediate  removal  of 
themselves  and  families  to  Pennsylvania,  to  set  down 
under  Penh's  free  and  indulgent  government.  Oth- 
ers preferred  an  application  to  the  house  of  lords  in 
England.  Accordingly  a  petition  was  addressed  to 
their  lordships,  representing  the  securities  given 
them,  both  by  charter,  and  in  the  fundamental  con- 
stitution, agreed  to  by  the  proprietors,  granting  a 
full  toleration  of  all  christians ;    and  that  no   person 


*  History  of  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  170. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  213 

should  be  disturbed,  on  the  account  of  any  specula- 
tive opinion  in  religion  ;  and  that  no  person  should, 
on  that  account,  be  excluded  from  a  seat  in  the  gen-  1706< 
eral  assembly,  or  from  any  office  in  the  administra- 
tion :  that  under  these  encouragements  they  trans- 
ported themselves  and  their  families  into  America, 
and  settled  in  Carolina ;  and  that  by  means  of  these 
encouragements  the  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants 
were  protestant  dissenters.  How  the  elections  were 
managed,  and  the  bills  carried  in  the  assembly,  was 
evinced.  It  was  also  represented  that  the  colony, 
under  these  grievances,  was  in  a  languishing  and  dan- 
gerous situation,  and  that  its  ruin  would  be  a  great 
damage  to  the  commercial  interests  of  the  kingdom. 
Joseph  Boon  was  their  agent  to  negotiate  their  affairs 
with  their  lordships.  His  agency  was  successful. 
Their  lordships  having  heard  the  parties  on  the  peti- 
tion, resolved  that  the  act  relative  to  the  establishment 
of  the  church  of  England,  was  not  warranted  by  the 
charter,  was  not  consonant  to  reason ;  that  it  was  re-  Their 
pugnant  to  the  laws  of  the  realm,  and  destructive  of  JjJjJJjjJJJ 
the  constitution  of  the  church  of  England.  With  the  act. 
respect  to  the  other  part  of  the  act  relating  to  the  re- 
ception of  the  sacrament,  &c.  they  resolved  that  it 
was  founded  in  falsity,  in  matter  and  fact,  was  re- 
pugnant to  the  laws  of  England,  contrary  to  the 
charter  of  the  proprietors,  an  encouragement  to  athe- 
ism and  irreligion,  destructive  of  trade,  and  tended 
to  the  depopulation  and  ruin  of  the  colony.  Their 
lordships  addressed  queen  Anne,  on  the  subject, 
praying  her  majesty  to  redress  the  grievances  to  which 
the  colonists  had  been  subjected. 

Her  majesty  referred  the  matter  to  the  lords  of 
trade  and  plantation,  who  reported,  that  the  charges 
brought  against  the  provincial  government  and  the 
proprietors  were  well  grounded  :  that  they  had  abus- 
ed their  powers  and  forfeited  their  charter.  They  de- 
sired her  majesty,  by  a  scire  facias,  to  resume   the 


214 

CHAP. 
V. 


Her  maj- 
esty  de- 
clares it 
void. 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

government.     The  queen  accepted  the  report  and 
declared  the  laws  to  be  void.* 

In  the  close  of  the  year  1707  lord  Granville  was 
no  more,  and  lord  Craven  commenced  palatine. 
He  was  far  from  possessing  the  tyrannical,  intolerant 
spirit  of  lord  Granville.  He  entertained  more  fa- 
vourable sentiments  of  the  dissenters,  and  gave  in- 
structions, for  the  adoption  of  the  most  conciliating 
measures,  that  the  inhabitants,  as  far  as  possible, 
might  be  brought  into  a  state  of  harmony,  mutual  es- 
teem, and  confidence. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Ravages  of  the  French  and  Indians  in  king"  William's  and  queen 
Anne's  Wars. Destruction  of  Schenectada,  Salmon  Falls,  and  Casco. 
The  reduction  of  Port-Royal.  Sir  William  Phips'  unsuccessful 
attempt  on  Canada.  Major  Schuyler's  expedition.  The  distressed 
state  of  New-England,  Armament  from  France,  underthe  Marquis 
of  Nesmond  for  the  reduction  of  Boston  and  New  York.  The  re- 
markable preservation  of  New  York  and  the  country  in  general.  The 
uncommon  cruelties  of  this  war.  Depredations  and  distressed  state 
of  New-England  in  queen  Anne's  war.  Expedition  of  Colonel  Church. 
Expedition  under  Colonel  Nicholson  to  Wood  Creek.  Reduction  of 
Port-Royal  and  Acadia.  Expedition  against  Canada,  under  Admir- 
al Walker  and  Brigadier  Hill.  The  loss  of  New-England  in  these 
wars,  and  their  general  effect  on  the  country. 

1689.  oC  ARC  ELY  had  the  colonies  emerged  from  one 
scene  of  troubles,  before  they  were  involved  in  anoth- 
er. The  revolution,  by  William  and  Mary,  restored 
their  liberties ;  but  immediately  involved  them  in 
war.  While  Lewis  the  XIV.  attempting  to  support 
king  James,  kindled  the  flames  of  war  between 
France  and  England,  the  French  and  Indians  com- 
menced hostilities  against  the  colonies  of  New- 
June  27th.  England  and  New  York.  In  June,  1689,  the  In- 
dians surprised  Cocheco,  part  of  the  town  of  Dover, 
in  New  Hampshire ;  killed  and  captivated  about  fifty 

*  Hist.  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  174,  175. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  215 

of  the  inhabitants.     Twenty  three  were  slain,  among   chap. 
whom  was  major  Waldron,  a  worthy  man,  who  had      VI> 
performed  many  good  services  for  his  country.     The 
enemy  marked  their  route  with  destruction,  burning 
houses,  and  mills,  and   doing  every  thing  in  their 
power  to  make  the  country  desolate. 

This  disaster  spread  a  general  alarm.  Vigorous 
measures  were  adopted,  with  the  utmost  despatch, 
for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers.  A  considerable 
body  of  troops  was  sent  from  the  Massachusetts, 
garrisons  were  placed  at  convenient  places,  some  of 
the  scattering  enemy  were  slain,  and  their  corn  was 
destroyed.  But  while  the  forces  were  on  their  march, 
the  enemy  surprised  and  burnt  the  garrison  house 
at  Oyster-River,  and  slew  more  than  twenty  of  the 
inhabitants.  Depredations  were  committed  in  sev- 
eral parts  of  the  county  of  York,  in  the  province  of  Aug.28th. 
Maine,  and  the  fort  at  Pemaquid  was  taken  by  the 
enemy.  The  Indians  were  instigated  by  the  French 
from  Canada,  as  well  as  Acadia ;  who  joined  them 
in  plundering  and  burning  the  country.  From  Aca- 
dia privateers  were  fitted  out,  who  took  many  ves- 
sels and  kept  the  sea  coasts  in  constant  alarm.  There 
was  no  safety  by  land  or  sea.*  The  distressed  in- 
habitants wished  for  the  approach  of  winter,  when 
they  hoped  that  the  deep  snows  and  severities  of  the 
season  would  give  them  respite,  from  continual 
alarm  and  desolation.  But  great  was  their  disap- 
pointment and  surprise,  when  they  found  that  even 
the  winter  afforded  them  no  defence. 

Count  Frontenac,  a  brave  and  enterprising  officer, 
was  governour  of  Canada.  Inflamed  with  the  resent- 
ments of  his  master,  against  king  William  and  the 
revolution,  he  was  zealous  of  distinguishing  him- 
self in  enterprises  against  his  American  subjects. 
Therefore,  in  the  dead  of  winter,  three  expeditions 
were  planned  and  parties  of  French  and  Indians  des- 
patched  from   Canada,   on  different  routes,    to  the 

*  Hutch,  vol.  i.  p.  "96.     Belknap's  Hist.  p.  243,  250. 


216  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  frontiers  of  the  English  colonies.     One  of  the  par- 
ties, in  the  month  of  February,  fell  on  Schenecta- 
Feb.  8th.  da,  a  village  on  the  Mohawk  river.     Such  was  the 
1690.    fatal  security  of  the  people  that  they  had   not  so 
fadlfsur-   much  as  shut  their  gates.     The  enemy  made  the  at- 
prised.      tack  in  the  dead  time  of  the  night,  when  the  inhabi- 
tants were  in  a  profound  sleep.     Care  was  taken  by 
a  division  of  the  enemy  into  small  parties  to  attack 
every  house  at  the  same  instant.     Before  the  people 
were  risen  from  their  beds  the  enemy  were  in  pos- 
session of  their  dwellings,  and  commenced  the  most 
inhuman  barbarities.     In  an  instant  the  whole  vil- 
lage was  wrapped  in  a  general  flame.     Women  were 
ripped  up,  and  their  infants  dashed  against  the  posts 
of  their  doors,  or  cast  into  the  flames.     Sixty  per- 
sons perished  in  the  massacre,  and  about  thirty  were 
captivated.     The  rest  fled  naked  in  a  terrible  storm 
and  deep  snow.     In  the  flight,  twenty  five  of  these 
unhappy  fugitives  lost  their  limbs  through  the  se- 
verity of  the  season. 

The  enemy  consisted  of  about  two  hundred  French, 
and  a  number  of  Caghnuaga  Indians,  under  the  com- 
mand of  D'Aillebout,  De  Mantel,  and  Le  Moyne. 
Their  first  design  was  against  Albany,  but  having 
been  two  and  twenty  days  on  their  march,  they  were 
reduced  to  such  straits,  that  they  had  thoughts  of 
surrendering  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  The  In- 
dians therefore  advised  them  to  Schenectada :  and  it 
seems  that  the  accounts,  which  their  scouts  gave 
them  of  its  fatal  security,  was  the  only  circumstance 
which  determined  them  to  make  an  attempt  even 
upon  this.  The  enemy  pillaged  the  town,  and  went 
off  with  the  plunder  and  about  forty  of  the  best 
horses.  The  rest,  with  all  the  cattle  they  could  find, 
were  left  slaughtered  in  the  streets.  The  success  of 
the  enemy  seems  to  have  been  principally  owing  to 
the  dispute  between  Leisler  and  the  people  of  Alba- 
ny, in  consequence  of  which  this  post  was  neglected, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  217 

The  Mohawks  joining  a  party  of  young  men  from   chap. 

Albany  pursued  the  enemy  and  falling  on  their  rear,    __ 

killed  and  captivated  nearly  thirty.*  1590. 

Another  party  from  the  Three  Rivers,  commanded  Destruc- 
by  the  Sieur  Hertel,  the  succeeding  month  made  an  ^Tn^aUs 
attack  on  Salmon  Falls,  a  settlement  on   the  river  March  la 
which  divides  New  Hampshire  from  the  Province  of 
Maine.  The  inhabitants  flew  to  their  arms  and  made 
a  noble  defence.     But  after    nearly  thirty  of  their 
bravest  men  were  slain,  the  rest,  consisting   chiefly 
of  women  and  children,  surrendered  at  discretion. 
Fifty    four    were    carried  into  miserable   captivity. 
The  houses,  mills,  barns,  and  a  great  number  of  cat- 
tle were  burned,  f 

A  third  party,  from  Quebec,  making  a  junction  May  irth. 
with  Hertel,  in  May,  attacked  and  destroyed  the  fort 
and  settlement  at  Casco.  An  hundred  people  were 
either  killed  or  taken.  After  the  destruction  of  this 
settlement,  the  eastern  settlements  were  all  deserted 
and  the  people  retired  to  the  fort  at  Wells.  £ 

One  grand  design  of  these  expeditions  was  to  de- 
tach the  Five  Nations  from  the  British  interest,  raise 
the  depressed  spirits  of  the  Canadians,  encourage  the 
Indians  already  in  the  interest  of  the  French,  and  fix 
them  more  firmly  in  their  views.     As  the  Five  Na- 
tions were  in  alliance  with  Great  Britain,  and  had 
given  the  French  much  trouble,  they  had  in  some 
preceding  years  employed  nearly  the  whole  force  of 
Canada  against  them,  with  a  view  totally  to  subdue 
and  extirpate  them.     But  so  far  had  they  been  from  The  Five 
accomplishing  their  wishes,  that  the  Five  Nations,  Nati°ns 
but  two  years  before  this  time,  had  nearly  made  a  thePisiand 
conquest  of  Canada.      In  1688,  twelve  hundred  ofofMont- 
their  warriors  landed  on  the  south  side  of  the  island  juiJ  26. 
of  Montreal,  and  while  the  French  were  in  perfect 
security,  making  a  violent  attack  upon  them,  slew  all 
the  men,  women,  and  children  without  the  skirts  of 
the  town.     Not  less  than  a  thousand  French  were 

*  Smith's  Hist.  N.  Y.  p.  66,  67.         f  Belknap's  Hist.  p.  257,  258, 
t  H>id.  p.  259,  *260.     Hutch,  vol.  i.  p.  396,  397. 

Vol.   I.  28 


21g  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   slain  in  this  invasion.     Twenty  six  they  carried  int@ 
VI*      captivity  and  burnt  alive.     They  plundered  and  burnt 
1689      all  the  plantations.     But  this  did  not  satiate  their  rage 
and  thirst  for  blood,    for  in  October  they  made  ano- 
ther descent  on  the  island,  destroyed  all  the  lower 
part  of  it  and  carried  off  a  much  larger  number  of 
captives.* 
Conse-  These  expeditions  had  the  most  dismal   conse- 

quences of  qUences  on  the  affairs  of  the  French  in  Canada.  For 
preda-0"  n°  sooner  had  the  news  of  the  destruction  at  Mon- 
tions.  treal,  reached  the  garrison  at  lake  Ontario,  than  they 
set  fire  to  the  two  barks,  which  they  had  on  the  lake, 
and  abandoned  their  fort.  They  left  in  the  fort  twen- 
ty seven  barrels  of  powder  and  their  stores,  which 
were  all  seized  by  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations. 
At  their  departure  the  French  set  a  match  to  their 
powder,  with  a  design  to  blow  up  their  works ;  but 
the  match  went  out,  and  the  whole  became  the  booty 
of  their  enemies.  They  made  their  flight  down  the 
Cadarackui  river  in  seven  birch  canoes ;  but  such 
was  their  panic  that  they  went  off  in  the  night,  and  in 
shooting  the  falls,  one  of  their  canoes  overset,  and, 
with  all  the  men  on  board,  was  lost. 

These  were  not  the  only  misfortunes  which  befel 
the  French  in  this  war  with  the  Five  Nations.  They 
sent  numerous  scouts  into  their  country,  by  which 
thousands  of  their  inhabitants  were  cut  off,  and  large 
tracts  made  desolate.  These  repeated  depredations 
prevented  cultivation,  and  produced  a  distressing  fa- 
mine through  the  country.  Nothing  but  the  ignor- 
ance of  the  Five  Nations,  at  that  time,  in  the  art  of 
attacking  forts,  saved  Canada  from  a  total  destruc- 
tion. 

Unspeakably  fortunate  was  it  for  the  French,  and 
as  unfortunate  for  the  English  colonies,  that  through 
the  malignant  influence  and  execrable  measures  of 
king  James,  they  might  not,  at  that  time,  give  the 

least  assistance  to  these  faithful  allies. 
i 

*  Colden's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  90,  91. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  Q\$ 

However,  providence  very  singularly  overruled  chap. 
their  victories  for  the  preservation  of  the  English  co- 
lonies. They  rendered  them  secure  from  the  in-  1689 
roads  of  the  enemy,  till  the  work  of  the  revolution  Means  of 
was  nearly  accomplished,  and  probably  saved  New  j^8^' 
York  from  a  general  destruction.  A  scheme  had  colonies. 
been  projected  for  the  conquest  of  that  province ; 
and  Caffiniere  had  been  despatched  with  a  fleet  and 
troops  for  that  design.  The  fleet  and  troops  arrived 
at  Chebucta  in  September.*  Count  Frontenac,  who 
had  the  chief  command,  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet 
proceeded  immediately  to  Canada.  Caffiniere  had 
orders  to  sail  to  New  York,  and  continue  in  the  bay, 
in  sight  of  the  city,  but  out  of  the  reach  of  its  can- 
non, till  the  first  of  December ;  when,  if  he  should 
receive  no  intelligence  from  the  count,  he  was,  after 
unlading  his  ammunition,  stores,  and  provisions,  at 
Port  Royal,  to  return  to  France.  The  land  force  for 
this  enterprise  was  to  consist  of  thirteen  hundred  re- 
gulars and  three  hundred  Canadians.  The  land  ar- 
my was  to  take  their  route  by  the  river  Sorel  and  lake 
Champlain.  When  the  count  arrived  in  Canada,  the 
news  of  the  victories  of  the  Five  Nations,  the  loss  of 
his  favourite  fort  on  lake  Ontario,  and  the  distressed 
state  of  the  country,  dashed  his  designs  and  broke 
up  the  expedition. f 

In  the  state  in  which  count  Frontenac  found  Cana- 
da, the  expeditions  which  he  planned,  and  which 
succeeded  so  much  to  his  wishes,  were  excellently 
adapted  to  his  purposes.  The  destruction  of  Sche- 
nectada  so  alarmed  the  people,  that  they  were  on  the 
point  of  abandoning  the  country  and  even  Albany  it- 
self. But  the  Mohawk  sachems  in  a  noble  speech 
urged  their  stay,  pressed  an  union  of  all  the  colonics 
against  the  enemy,  and  roused  them  to  a  vigorous 
war  .J 

The  colonies  considered  Canada  as  the  source  of 
all  their  troubles.     An  expedition  was  therefore  plan- 

*  September,  1688.      f  Smith's  Hist.  New  York,  p.  64,  65< 
t  Colden's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  125,  126. 


220  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  ned,   both  against  Port  Royal  and  Quebec.      The 

chief  command  of  the  forces,  appointed  for  these 

1690.    purposes,   was  given  to    Sir  William  Phips.       In 

April,  a  fleet  of  small  vessels,  with  about  eight  hun- 

Aprii28th.  dred  m^n>  sailed  for  the  reduction  of  Port  Royal.    Of 

Pon  Roy  this  they  made  an  easy  conquest ;  and  Sir  William 

ai  taken.    tQQ-K  p0Ssessi0n  of  the  whole  coast  from  Port  Royal 

to    Penobscot  and   the   New-England   settlements. 

The  whole  business  was  finished,  and  the  fleet  and 

army  returned  in  about  a  month.     The  plunder  was 

so  considerable,  that  it  was  judged  equal  to  the  whole 

expense  of  the  expedition. 

This  cheap  and  easy  acquisition,  confirmed  the 
colonies  in  the  prosecution  of  their  designs  against 
Canada.  The  continual  ravages  of  the  French  and 
Indians,  on  the  frontiers,  made  the  necessity  of  the 
Expedi-  enterprise  appear  in  a  strong  point  of  light.  It  also 
tion  a-  appeared  highly  necessary  for  the  encouragement 
Canada.  °f  the  Five  Nations,  and  for  the  preservation  of  their 
friendship.  For  the  French  were  now,  by  every  art, 
attempting  to  divide  and  detach  them  from  the  inter- 
ests of  the  colonies.  The  Massachusetts  were  influ- 
enced by  a  still  further  motive ;  they  wished  to 
recommend  themselves  to  the  good  graces  of  his 
majesty,  and  to  obtain  the  establishment  of  their 
government.  Every  exertion  was  therefore  made  for 
the  equipment  of  a  force  adequate  to  the  service.  It 
was  designed  that  two  thousand  men  should  penetrate 
into  Canada  by  lake  Champlain,  and  attack  Mont- 
real at  the  same  time  that  the  armament  by  sea 
should  invest  Quebec.  The  fleet  consisted  of  thir- 
ty-two sail  of  vessels,  great  and  small.  The  largest 
was  a  44  gun  ship,  with  two  hundred  men.  The 
whole  number  of  men  was  nearly  two  thousand. 
The  success  of  the  expedition  depended  principally 
on  a  division  of  the  French  force.  The  fleet  sailed 
from  Nantasket  on  the  9th  of  August.  A  combina- 
tion of  untoward  circumstances  defeated  the  design. 
The  troops,  which  were  destined  for  Montreal  were 
not  supplied  either  with  battoes  or  provisions  suffv 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  221 

cient  for  crossing  the  lake.  The  fleet  was  early  dis-  chap. 
covered  in  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  and  unfortunately  VL 
did  not  arrive  at  Quebec  till  the  5th  of  October.  1690' 
Two  or  three  days  were  spent  in  idle  consultations. 
The  army  which  was  to  march  by  the  lake  had  now 
retreated.  Count  Frontenac  had  time  to  arrive  from 
Montreal  with  considerable  force,  and  was  now  able 
to  employ  the  whole  strength  of  Canada  against  this 
little  army.  He  therefore  despised  the  summons  of 
the  English  knight  to  surrender  the  town,  contem- 
ned both  king  William  and  his  subjects.  He  refus- 
ed any  other  answer,  than  by  the  mouths  of  his  can- 
non. On  the  8th,  all  the  effective  men,  amounting 
to  a  little  more  than  twelve  hundred,  were  landed  and 
began  their  march  for  the  town.  Though  their 
march  was  through  a  thick  wood  in  which  were  am- 
buscades of  French  and  Indians,  yet  they  continued 
their  march  till  night,  and  advanced  again  the  next  Unsuc- 
day.  The  ships  also  were  drawn  up  before  the  town;  cesstul- 
but  they  were  so  galled  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy, 
that  they  were  drawn  off  the  next  day,  without  doing 
them  any  considerable  damage.  On  the  11th,  the 
troops  re-embarked.  Another  attempt  was  designed ; 
but  the  season  was  cold,  and  tempestuous  weather 
coming  on  drove  many  of  the  vessels  from  their  an- 
chors, and  so  scattered  the  whole  fleet,  that  they  were 
obliged  to  give  over  the  enterprise.  Some  of  the 
vessels  were  afterwards  driven  off  to  the  West  In- 
dies, and  three  or  four  were  lost.* 

A  French  writer  observes,  that  had  the  English 
made  the  descent  while  the  count  was  at  Montreal, 
or  within  two  days  after  his  arrival  at  Quebec,  they 
would  have  gained  the  city  without  striking  a  blow. 
He  says  there  were  not  two  hundred  men  in  it,  and 
that  it  lay  open  and  exposed  on  all  hands. f  The 
French  applauded  the  valour  of  the  troops,  but  univer- 
sally censured  the  conduct  of  Sir  William.  They  at- 
tributed their  deliverance  to  the  immediate  hand  of 

*  Hutch,  vol.  i.  p.  399  to  402.     Smith's  Hist.  N.  Y.  p.  68,  69.     Co! 
den's  Hist.  vol.  i.p.  137,  138.  f  Le  Hontan. 


222  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CHrAP-  providence.  From  the  ill  success  of  this  enterprise 
it  has  been  treated,  both  by  English  and  French 
1690.  writers,  with  ridicule  and  contempt.  The  defeat  of 
it  has  been  generally  imputed  to  the  want  of  conduct 
in  Sir  William  Phips.  But  on  a  fair  statement  of 
the  case  it  will  appear,  that  considering  the  state  of 
the  country,  his  achievements  were  honourable ;  and 
that  the  expedition  was  defeated  more  by  the  fault  of 
others  than  by  his  own. 

In  the  two  preceding  years  the  colony  of  the 
Massachusetts  only,  had  kept  more  than  seven  hun- 
dred men  in  pay  for  the  defence  of  the  country.  The 
expense  of  the  colony  amounted  to  more  than  twen- 
ty thousand  pounds.  Many  of  the  eastern  settle- 
ments had  been  totally  swept  away.  The  frontiers 
were  in  such  continual  alarm,  and  so  many  men  call- 
ed into  public  service,  that  cultivation  was  exceed- 
ingly diminished.  Provisions  were  scarce  and  dear, 
and  many  of  the  poor  people  were  in  want  of  bread.  * 
Yet,  in  this  state  of  the  country,  such  were  his  exer- 
tions, that  he  had  conducted  an  expedition  against 
Port  Royal,  and  in  tolerable  season  had  prepared  for 
a  second  against  Quebec.  The  plan  of  it  appears  to 
have  been  good :  and  the  fleet  would  have  sailed  at 
an  earlier  period,  had  not  Sir  William  waited  some 
time  for  provisions  and  military  stores  from  England. 
For  these  the  colony  had  made  an  early  and  pressing 
application, 
chief  rea-  New  York  were  to  have  furnished  battoes  and  pro- 
dis^  the  visions  for  the  army,  which  was  to  march  by  the 
9 ointment,  lake ;  but,  by  reason  of  Leisler's  usurpation  of  the 
government,  that  colony  was  in  an  unhappy  state  of 
division  and  tumult.  Milborn  his  son-in-law  was 
commissary,  and  made  no  effectual  provision  of  eith- 
er. The  army  were  not  able  to  pass  the  lake,  nor 
even  to  keep  the  field.  Such  was  the  want  of  pro- 
visions that  they  were  soon  obliged  to  return  to  Al- 
bany.    This    circumstance    contributed  more  than 

*  Letter  ofDep.  Gov.  Danforthto  Sir  H.  Ashurst,  April  1,  1690. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  223 

any  other  to  defeat  the  enterprise.*     Even,  agreea-    chap. 
bly  to  the  French  writers,  had  the  army  advanced,      VI 
or  had  they  only  kept  the  field,  so  as  to  have  detain-      1690 
ed  count  Frontenac  a  few  days  longer  at  Montreal, 
it  would  have  been  crowned  with  success.     On  the 
19th  of  November  Sir  William  arrived  at  Boston. 
About  two  hundred  men  had  been  lost ;    thirty  by 
the  enemy,  and  the  rest  by  sickness. 

This  was  a  humbling  stroke  to  New- England, 
and  involved  them  in  almost  inextricable  difficulties. 
No  preparation  had  been  made  for  the  return  of  the 
fleet.  The  colonies  seem,  not  only  to  have  presum- 
ed on  success,  but  to  have  depended  on  the  spoils 
of  the  enemy,  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  expedi- 
tion. The  soldiers  upon  their  return  were  on  the 
point  of  mutiny  for  their  wages.  It  was  not  possible 
in  a  few  days  to  raise  a  sufficient  sum  to  make  them 
payment.  The  poverty  of  the  people,  the  heavy 
debt  brought  on  the  colonies,  the  extreme  difficulties 
to  which  they  were  now  reduced,  for  the  first  time, 
drove  them  to  the  necessity  of  emitting  bills  of  pub- 
lic credit.  These  in  a  short  time  had  a  rapid  depre- 
ciation, did  great  injury  to  the  soldiers  and  other 
creditors.  It  proved  a  source  of  complicated  and  ex- 
tensive mischiefs. 

The  failing  of  the  expedition  had  other  unhappy- 
consequences.  It  had  an  ill  effect  on  the  Five  Na- 
tions, who  were  a  great  check  upon  the  enemy,  and 
defence  to  the  colonies.  They  blamed  the  English 
for  their  inactivity,  and  appeared  more  inclinable 
to  make  peace  with  the  French.  It  encouraged  the  1691, 
enemy,  and  exposed  the  frontiers  to  still  greater 
ravages. 

To  keep  up  the  spirit  of  our  Indian  allies,  and  to  Major 
prevent,  as  far  as  might  be,  the  ravages  of  our  fron-  Schuv- 
tiers,  Major  Peter  Schuyler  the  next  year,  with  about  dition. 
three  hundred  men,  nearly  half  Mohawks  and  Scha- 

*  The  author  of  the  life  of  Sir  William  Phips  gives  this  as  a  reason 
of  the  ill  success  of  the  fleet,  and  says,  thev  were  unprovided  with 
battoes, 


224  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  kook  Indians,  passed  lake  Champlain,  and  made  a 
bold  attack  on  the  French  settlements  north  of  the 
J691  lake.  Meanwhile,  De  Callieres,  the  governour  of 
Montreal,  spared  no  pains  to  give  him  a  proper  re- 
ception. He  crossed  the  river  with  twelve  hundred 
men,  and  encamped  at  La  Prairie.  Schuyler  attack- 
ed and  put  to  flight  his  out  posts  and  Indians,  pursu- 
ed them  to  the  fort,  and  on  that  commenced  a  brisk 
attack.  He  had  a  sharp  and  brave  action  with  the 
French  regulars,  and  afterwards  forcing  his  way 
through  a  body  of  the  enemy,  who  intercepted  him, 
on  his  return,  made  good  his  retreat.  In  these  several 
conflicts,  the  major  slew  of  the  enemy  thirteen  officers, 
and  in  the  whole  three  hundred  men ;  a  greater  num- 
ber than  he  carried  with  him  into  the  field.* 

The  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations,  continued  their 
incursions  through  the  whole  summer,  all  along  the 
river  St.  Lawrence,  from  Montreal  to  Quebec,  and 
kept  the  country  in  continual  alarm.  Count  Fron- 
tenac  enraged  at  these  incursions,  for  several  years, 
employed  almost  his  whole  force  against  these  na- 
tions, till  by  his  expensive  expeditions  against  them, 
and  their  repeated  incursions,  Canada  was  reduced  a 
second  time  to  famine.  The  French  surprised  sev- 
eral of  their  castles,  and  sometimes  seemed  to  have 
the  advantage ;  and  then  the  Five  Nations,  in  their 
turn,  with  redoubled  fury,  would  attack  their  settle- 
ments and  scouting  parties,  and  like  an  impetuous 
torrent  carryall  before  them.  In  these  ways  did  prov- 
idence in  a  great  measure,  defend  the  northern  fron- 
tiers from  the  ravages  of  a  barbarous  enemy. 

But  the  eastern  were  extremely  harassed.  The 
enemy,  in  that  quarter,  kept  a  constant  watch  on  the 
inhabitants,  crept  privately  into  their  towns  and  vil- 
lages, waylaid  them  on  the  roads  and  in  their  fields, 
hunted  them  from  place  to  place,  surprised  and  slew 
them,  whenever  they  could  find  an  advantage. 
Large  bodies  of  men  were  employed  for  their  de- 

*  Colden's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  135,  136.     Smith's  Hist.  N.  Y.  p.  78. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  2& 

fence,  and  ranging  parties  scoured  the  woods  from 
one  post  to  another.  But  notwithstanding  their  ut- 
most exertions  scarcely  a  year  passed  without  repeat- 
ed damages  by  the  enemy. 

On  the  25th  of  January  the  town  of  York  was  de-  York  des- 
stroyed.  Fifty  of  the  inhabitants  were  killed,  and  25X1692" 
about  a  hundred  captivated.  The  people  of  the 
country  were  at  this  time  greatly  dispirited.  The 
war  had  already  brought  on  them  a  heavy  debt, 
which  was  still  increasing.  Considerable  numbers 
of  their  best  men  had  been  slain,  and  such  large 
bodies  were  called  out  for  their  defence,  as  greatly 
impeded  their  husbandry,  many  of  their  towns  and 
cattle  had  been  destroyed,  their  trade  and  all  their 
resources  were  exceedingly  diminished.  Poverty 
and  ruin,  at  least,  seemed  to  look  them  in  the  face. 
The  people  of  New  Hampshire,  in  particular,  on 
whom  the  storm  fell  with  the  greatest  severity,  were 
on  the  point  of  abandoning  the  province.  The  gov- 
ernour  was  obliged  to  impress  men  to  guard  the  out 
posts,  and  even  then  such  was  the  scarcity  of  provis- 
ions, that,  sometimes,  the  officers  were  under  the 
necessity  of  dismissing  them.*  In  these  distressed 
circumstances  application  was  made  to  Connecticut 
for  provisions  and  men.  Sometime  after  troops  were 
sent  from  Connecticut,  under  the  command  of  major 
Whiting,  and  acted  in  conjunction  with  those  of  the 
Massachusetts,  in  defence  of  the  eastern  frontiers.! 
Nothing  but  the  influence  of  some  men  of  greater 
magnanimity  and  perseverance  than  others,  the  un- 
ion of  the  colonies  in  the  common  defence,  with  the 
hope  of  better  times,  kept  up  the  spirits  of  the  people, 
and  prevented  their  total  depression. 

In  1694,  the  Sieur  De  Villieu,  with  a  body  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  Indians,  surprised  Oyster  river,  1694.   t  ' 
part  of  the  town  of  Dover;  killed  and  captivated 

*  Belknap's  Hist.  p.  265,  266. 
f  Contributions  of  provisions  and  money  were  also  made,  by  Con- 
necticut and  others,  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  of  the,  frontiers,  a» 
in  the  late  war.     Magnalia,  book  vii.  p.  115. 

Vol.  I.  29 


^6  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  nearly  a  hundred  persons,  and  burned  about  twenty 
"  houses.  Before  the  close  of  the  war,  several  other 
places  shared  a  similar  fate. 

Sir  William  Phips,  at  great  expense,  had  built  a 
fort  at  Pemaquid  for  the  defence  of  those  parts,  and 
to  encouarge  the  inhabitants  not  to  desert  them.  But 
1696.  an  armament  was  fitted  out  at  Quebec,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Iberville,  who  captured  the  fort ;  and  then 
sailing  to  Newfoundland  took  possession  of  St. 
John's  and  its  other  harbours. 

But  the  next  year,  1697,  was  much  more  alarm- 
ing and  distressful  than  any  of  the  preceding  years 
of  the  war.  The  preceding  winter  had  been  one  of 
the  severest  which  the  country  had  known  from  its 
first  settlement  to  that  period.  Never  had  the  coun- 
try sustained  greater  losses  in  commerce,  nor  had 
provisions,  in  any  period  of  the  war,  been  more 
scarce,  or  borne  a  higher  price.  In  these  circum- 
stances, the  people  were  in  daily  expectation  of  a 
general  invasion  by  a  powerful  armament  from 
France,  in  conjunction  with  the  whole  force  of 
Canada. 

The  Marquis  of  Nesmond,  an  officer  of  high  re- 
putation, was  despatched  from  France  with  ten  ships 
of  the  line,  a  galliot,  and  two  frigates.  It  was  ex- 
pected that  count  Frontenac  would  join  him,  at  Pe- 
nobscot, with  fifteen  hundred  men.  Immediately 
after  the  junction  they  were  to  make  a  descent  on 
Boston.  This  taken,  they  were  to  range  the  coun- 
try as  far  as  Piscataqua,  carrying  destruction  as  far 
back  into  it  as  should  be  in  their  power.  They  had 
orders  to  range  the  eastern  coast  of  Newfoundland, 
take  and  burn  all  the  English  shipping,  which  should 
fall  in  their  way.  To  finish  their  work  of  destruc- 
tion, they  were  to  take  New  York,  and  the  troops, 
under  the  count,  were  to  march  through  and  lay 
waste  that  province,  in  their  return  to  Canada.  It 
was  expected  by  the  court  of  France,  that  the  Eng- 
lish would  send  a  fleet  to  America,  early  in  the 
spring,  to  recover  what  they  had  lost  the  preceding 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  Q27 

year.     This  fleet  the  marquis  had  orders  to  attack   chap. 

and  defeat.     The  French  king  had  this  expedition 

so  much  at  heart,  that  he  gave  permission  to  the      1697 

marquis,  to  augment  his  fleet  with  a  number  of  ships, 

destined  for  another  expedition  in  Hudson's  bay,  if 

he  should  meet  them  at  Placentia,  the  place  of  their 

destination. 

There  was  little  hope  in  New  England,  of  any 
assistance   from    Great  Britain.       The   inhabitants 
therefore  were  thrown  into  great  consternation.    The 
utmost  exertions  were  made,  to  be  in  a  state  of  pre- 
paration for  the  enemy.     The  castle  at  Boston  was 
strengthened  with  such  additional  works  as  the  time 
would  permit.     The  militia  of  the  country  were  hol- 
den  in  immediate   readiness   to   march  to  the  sea 
coasts.     Five  hundred  men  were  despatched  to  the 
eastern  frontiers,  for  their  protection.     But  in  this 
terrible   crisis,    a  power  above  human,   interposed, 
and  overruled  that  which  had  been  devised  for  the 
destruction  of  the  country,  for  its  more  effectual  pre- 
servation.    De  Nesmond  sailed  too  late  for  the  ac- 
complishment of  these  purposes ;  and,  meeting  with 
contrary  winds,  it  was  nearly  August  before  he  ar-  July  24th. 
rived  at  Placentia.     There  he  heard  no  news  of  the 
English  fleet,  which  he  expected  on  the  coast.     A 
grand  council  was  now  called  to  determine  whether 
they  should  immediately  proceed  to  the  attack  of 
Boston.     Every  voice  was  in  the  negative.     This 
was  judged  an  imprudent  measure,  while  they  were 
ignorant   of  the   state  of  their   enemy. *      Beside, 
should  there  be  the  greatest  despatch  in  giving  notice 
to  the  count  De  Frontenac,  he  would  not  be  able  to 
form  a  junction  at  Penobscot  before  the  10th  of  Sep- 
tember :  and  by  this  time  it  was  computed,  that  the 
fleet  would  have  fifty  days  provisions  only,  and  would 
not  be  able  to   effect  any  matter  of  consequence. 
Count  Frontenac,  with  his  formidable  army,  lay  most 
of  the  summer  in  a  state  of  inaction,  waiting  for  or* 

*  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  101—105. 


228  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  ders.  Thus  were  the  colonies  preserved  from  their 
depredations.  They  stood  still  and  saw  the  divine 
1697#  salvation. 
Peace  of  The  pacification  of  Riswick,  the  December  fol- 
SeTioth  l°wmgi  gave  them  rest  from  a  ten  years  predatory 
and  most  distressing  war.  Nearly  a  thousand  of  the 
frontier  inhabitants  were  either  killed,  or  carried  into 
the  most  miserable  captivity.  Many  towns  and  vil- 
lages had  been  plundered  and  burnt.  Extensive 
and  fine  tracts  of  country  had  been  made  desolate, 
and  great  numbers  of  cattle  and  horses  destroyed. 
Such  numbers  of  men  had  been  employed  in  the  war, 
that  husbandry  had  greatly  declined.  Commerce 
was,  in  a  manner,  annihilated.  So  long  a  war  in 
which  so  many  men  were  employed,  and  in  which 
such  exertions  had  been  made,  had  involved  the 
northern  colonies  in  an  almost  insuperable  debt: 
when  their  numbers  and  resources  had  been  exceed- 
ingly diminished.  In  the  discharge  of  this  debt  they 
stood  alone.  They  received  no  assistance  from  the 
English  court. 

In  this  war  the  enemy  perpetrated  the  greatest  bar- 
barities, which  had  ever  been  known  in  New- Eng- 
land. Women,  far  advanced  in  pregnancy,  were 
generally  ripped  up,  and  the  tender  babe  dashed 
against  a  stone  or  tree.  Infants,  when  they  became 
troublesome,  were  despatched  in  the  same  manner. 
Sometimes,  to  torment  the  tender  mother,  the  Indians 
would  whip  the  child  unsufferably,  or  hold  it  under 
water  till  it  was  strangling,  and  then  throw  it  to  the 
mother  to  hush  and  quiet.  If  she  was  not  so  happy, 
as  soon  to  still  its  weeping,  it  was  quieted  with  the 
hatchet,  hung  in  the  crotch  of  a  tree,  or  left  to  be 
torn  in  pieces  by  dogs  or  wild  beasts.  Some  of  the 
captives  were  roasted  alive ;  others  had  the  fleshy 
parts  of  their  bodies  cut  into  deep  gashes,  and  then 
brands  and  sticks  on  fire  were  thrust  into  the  wounds, 
till,  in  this  lingering  manner  they  were  tortured  to 
death.  Poor  children  of  both  sexes  were  murdered ; 
and,  in  derision,  left  hanging  by  their  rags,  about  on 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  229 

the  fences.  In  one  instance  an  infant  was  tied  to  the  chap. 
corpse  of  its  parent,  and  left  to  perish  sucking  the 
breasts  of  its  dead  mother.*  Terrible  was  the  con-  169r> 
dition  of  those  who  fared  the  best.  They  were  sub- 
jected to  the  hardships  of  travelling  half  naked  and 
barefoot,  through  pathless  deserts,  over  craggy  moun- 
tains, through  horrible  swamps  and  thickets.  They 
were  obliged  to  endure  frost,  rain,  and  snow,  and  all 
the  inclemencies  of  the  season,  both  by  night  and  day. 
Famine  was  not  an  uncommon  attendant  on  these 
doleful  marches  and  captivities.  No  pity  was  shown, 
nor  allowance  made,  for  the  aged  or  infirm.  Such 
as,  through  infirmity,  hunger,  fatigue,  or  sorrow, 
fainted  under  their  burdens,  or  could  not  keep  pace 
with  the  enemy,  in  their  hasty  marches,  were  com- 
monly soon  despatched  with  the  tomahawk. f  Such 
were  the  hard  things,  which  our  ancestors  endured 
for  the  defence  of  the  country,  and  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  that  fair  inheritance,  which  they  have,  with 
such  honour  and  magnanimity,  transmitted  to  their 
posterity.  If  the  very  history  of  their  sufferings 
wound  our  feelings,  and  awake  our  sorrows,  how 
dreadful  was  their  condition,  who  actually  saw  and 
suffered  these  evils. 

Scarcely  had  the  colonies  wiped  their  tears,  and  1702 
recovered  from  the  wounds  and  impoverishment  of 
the  former,  before  they  were  involved  in  the  horrors 
of  a  new  war.  The  seeds  of  it,  indeed,  were  amply 
sown  both  in  Europe  and  America.  The  exorbi- 
tant power  of  Lewis  XIV.  threatened  the  liberties  of 
all  Europe.  His  seating  his  grandson,  the  duke  of 
Anjou,  on  the  throne  of  Spain,  and  proclaiming  the 
pretender  king  of  England,  were  flagrant  violations 
of  former  treaties.  The  latter  was  a  grand  indignity 
to  the  nation  and  crown  of  England.  In  America, 
lie  not  only  claimed  all  Acadia,  but  gave  orders  to 
his  governour,  Villebon,  to  extend  the  limits  as  far 
as  Kennebeck.     He  claimed  an  exclusive  right  of 

*  Col.  Church's  Hist.  p.  159. 
t  MagnaUa,  book/.     Belknap's  Hist.  p.  283—285.. 


£30  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

C^AP-   fishing  on  the  coasts,  and  gave  express  orders  for 

L.    the  seizing  of  all  English  vessels,  which  should  be 

1702.     found  fishing  upon  them.     On  the  4th  of  May,  1702, 
War  pro-   War  was  proclaimed  both  against  France  and  Spain. 
Ma™4th,        The  Five  Nations,  who  were  in  alliance  with  the 
against      English,  had  entered  mto  a  treaty  of  neutrality  with 
andspain. tne  *WcM,  in  Canada.     Therefore,  though  war  was 
proclaimed,  yet  the  province  of  New  York,  was  so 
far  from  being   harassed  on  her  frontiers,  that,  for 
sometime,  she  carried  on  an  advantageous  trade  with 
the  Indian  nations.    But  with  Massachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire  it  was  far  otherwise.     Against  these  un- 
happy provinces,  during  a  ten  years  war,  the  strength 
and  fury  of  the  French  and  Indians  were   almost 
wholly  employed. 
tr03.         On  the  28th  of  February,  1703,  a  party  of  three 
Destruc-  hundred  French  and  Indians,  commanded  by  Hertel 
Deerfieid  -^e  Rouville,    surprised  the  town  of  Deerfield,  on 
Feb.  28tb.  Connecticut  river,  slew  about  forty  persons,  burned 
the  town,  and  took  nearly  a  hundred  captives.  More 
than  twenty  of  the  captives,  unable  to  keep  pace  with 
the  enemy,  were  killed  before  they  reached  Canada. 
Mr.  Williams,  minister  of  the  town,  was  seized  by 
the  enemy  as  he  rose  from  his  bed,  and  in  that  cold 
season,  kept  standing  in  his  shirt  only,  the  space  of 
an  hour.     During  which  time  his  house  was  plun- 
dered, two  of  his  children  and  a  negro  woman  mur- 
dered.    His  wife  and  five  other  children  were  suffer- 
ed to  put  on  their  clothes,  and  then    he  was  allowed 
to  dress  and  prepare  for  a  long  and  sorrowful  march. 
The  enemy  having  plundered  and  burned  the  town, 
made  an  hasty  retreat,  fearing  that  they  should  be 
overtaken  by  a  superior  force.     Mrs.  Williams  was 
hardly  recovered  from  her  lying-in,  and  was  in  a  fee- 
ble state.     On  the  second  day  she  acquainted  Mr. 
Williams  that  she  could  not  keep  pace  with  the  ene- 
my any  farther.     He  knew  what  would  be  the  con- 
sequence.    Words  cannot  express  his  wishes  to  be 
with  and  assist  her !    But  no  leave  could  be  obtain- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  231 

ed.     He  was  carried  from  her,  and  her  savage  mas-    chap. 
ter  soon  plunged  his  hatchet  in  her  head.* 

There  were  suspicions,  that  the  Indians  on  the  1703 
eastern  frontiers  were  plotting  new  mischiefs  against 
the  colonies.  Governour  Dudley  therefore,  with 
commissioners  from  two  of  the  colonies,  held  a  con- 
ference at  Casco,  with  delegates  from  the  tribes  of 
the  Norridgewock,  Penobscot,  Pigwacket,  Pena- 
kook,  and  Amariscoggin  Indians.  They  assured  the 
governour,  that,  "  As  high  as  the  sun  is  above  the 
earth,  so  far  distant  was  their  design  of  making 
the  least  breach  of  the  peace."  As  an  expression  of 
their  sincerity  they  presented  a  belt  of  wampum. 
Both  parties  gave  the  strongest  assurances  of  their 
peaceable  and  friendly  purposes.  The  Indians  de- 
clared the  union  "  firm  as  the  mountains,  and"  that 
it  "  should  continue  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon." 

Notwithstanding  on  the  10th  of  August,  a  body  Eastewa 
of  five  hundred  French  and  Indians,  dividing  into  ments 
several  parties,  attacked  all  the  settlements,  from  depopuia- 
Casco  to  Wells  ;  killed  and  took  a  hundred  and  thir-  5xJth.Auff* 
ty  people,  burning  and  destroying  all  before  them.f 
Soon  after  a  number  more  were  killed  at  Hampton 
village.  The  whole  country  from  Deerfield  to  Cas- 
co was  kept  in  continual  alarm  and  terror  by  small 
parties  of  the  enemy.  The  women  and  children 
were  obliged  to  retire  into  garrisons,  the  men  to  go 
armed  to  their  labours,  and  constantly  to  post  centi- 
nels  in  their  fields.  Troops  of  horse  were  posted, 
and  large  scouting  parties,  employed  on  the  frontiers. 
Expeditions  were  undertaken  to  beat  up  the  head 
quarters  of  the  enemy,  and  to  desolate  their  country. 
But  when  they  were  hunted  in  one  place,  they  fled 
to  another.  Sometimes  while  the  troops  were  seek- 
ing them  in  this  quarter,  they  would  be  plundering 
and  burning  in  another.  The  country  was  inter- 
spersed with  such  extensive  groves,  hideous  swamps, 
and  fastnesses,  that  notwithstanding  the  utmost  vigi- 

*  Hutck.  vol.  ii.  p.  138,  139.         f  Belknap's  Hist.  p.  330,  331, 


232  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   lance  and  exertions.both  of  the  soldiers  and  inhabitants. 

VT 

they  would  penetrate  undiscovered  far  into  the  coun- 
1704.     try»  do  tne  mischief  they  designed,  and  make  their 
escape. 

Colonel  Church,  the  next  year,  was  despatched 
with  about  six  hundred  men,  on  an  expedition  into 
the  eastern  country.  He  destroyed  the  towns  of 
Minas,  Chignecto,  and  some  other  settlements  on 
the  eastern  rivers.  He  also  did  considerable  damage 
to  the  enemy  at  Penobscot  and  Passamaquoddy.  He 
alarmed  and  insulted  Port  Royal. 
Attempt  Three  years  after  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Roya?,rt  anc*  New  Hampshire,  with  about  a  thousand  men 
May  13th,  made  an  attempt  for  the  reduction  of  that  fortress. 
1707.  fjie  armv  embarked  at  Nantasket  in  twenty  three 
transports,  under  convoy  of  the  Deptford  man  of 
war,  and  the  Province  Galley.  Colonel  March  had 
May  26th.  the  chief  command.  In  a  few  days  the  army  arrived 
before  Port  Royal ;  and  landed  in  two  divisions. 
Colonel  March  landed  on  the  harbour  side,  with  sev- 
en hundred  men ;  and  Colonel  Appleton,  with  three 
hundred,  on  the  other.  As  March  advanced  the  next 
day,  he  was  opposed  by  a  party  of  French,  posted  on 
an  eminence,  with  Subercase,  the  governour,  at 
their  head.  He  attacked  them  with  such  spirit,  that 
the  governour's  horse  was  soon  killed  under  him, 
and  the  party  retreated.  Colonel  Appleton  put  the 
Canadians  and  Indians  to  flight  on  the  other  side. 
The  out  posts  were  driven  in,  and  all  the  inhabitants 
forsook  their  habitations  and  retired  to  the  fort. 
This  was  so  strong  and  so  well  garrisoned  with  dis- 
ciplined troops,  that  it  was  determined,  in  a  council 
of  war,  to  be  more  than  a  match  for  their  raw  and 
undisciplined  army.  Therefore,  after  a  destruction 
of  French  estates  and  settlements,  about  the  fort,  to 
June  7th.  a  vei7  considerable  amount,  the  army  re-embarked, 
and  sailed  to  Casco  Bay.  Some  officers  went  to 
Boston  for  further  orders.* 

*  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  165—171. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  233 

Governour  Dudley,  highly  chagrined  and  angry,  chap. 
ordered  the  troops  to  return  to  the  place  of  action. 
On  the  10th  of  August,  after  a  sharp  conflict  with  170J 
the  enemy,  they  made  good  their  landing.  But  nei- 
ther the  land  nor  naval  force  was  sufficient  for  the 
enterprise.  The  officers  and  men  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  service,  as,  in  their  opinion,  there  was  no 
prospect  of  success  No  means  could  inspire  them 
with  union  and  firmness.  In  about  ten  days  they 
re-embarked,  and  returned  sickly,  disheartened,  and 
ashamed. 

While  this  unfortunate  expedition  was  in  hand  the 
frontiers  were  kept  in  continual  alarm.  Oyster  riv- 
er, Exeter,  Kingston,  and  Dover,  in  New  Hampshire, 
Berwick,  York,  Wells,  Winter-Harbou.' ,  Casco,  and 
even  the  town  of  Marlborough,  in  Massachusetts, 
were  alarmed  and  considerably  damaged  by  the  en- 
emy. 

Besides  the  expeditions  mentioned,  several  winter 
campaigns  were  undertaken,  and  troops  marched  up 
the  rivers  to  the  principal  towns  and  forts  of  the 
eastern  Indians,  but  they  found  their  towns  and 
forts  abandoned,  and  the  enemy,  for  greater  security 
drawn  off  to  Canada.  No  very  considerable  blow 
could  therefore  be  given  them.  It  was  computed, 
that  every  Indian  killed  or  taken,  during  the  war, 
cost  the  country  a  thousand  pounds. 

Such  were  the  distresses  of  the  country  in  these 
times,  that  they  are  not  easily  described  or  conceiv- 
ed. While  large  quotas  of  their  best  men  were  in 
service  abroad,  the  rest  were  harassed  by  the  enemy, 
subjected  to  continual  service  in  garrisons  and  scouts 
at  home.  The  inhabitants  could  till  no  lands,  but 
such  as  were  within  call  of  their  forts  and  garrisoned 
houses.  They  lay  down  and  rose  up  in  fear,  and 
procured  their  bread  at  the  continual  hazard  of  their 
lives. 

Canada  was  considered  as  the  source  of  all  these  170& 
mischiefs,  and  the  reduction  of  that  as  the  only  effect- 
ual  remedy    against  them.     The  assembly  of  the 

Vol.  I.  30 


1709. 


234  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  Massachusetts  addressed  her  majesty  on  the  subject, 
VL  praying  for  an  armament  from  England  to  co-operate, 
in  conjunction  with  the  troops  of  the  colonies,  for 
the  reduction  of  Canada.  A  plan  was  concerted  by 
the  ministry,  not  only  for  the  reduction  of  Canada, 
but  of  Acadia  and  Newfoundland.  Early  the  next 
spring,  the  earl  of  Sunderland  communicated  to  the 
colonies  her  majesty's  design.  A  requisition  of  two 
thousand  seven  hundred  men  was  made  of  the  colo- 
nies for  this  purpose.  Twelve  hundred  from  Mas- 
sachusetts andR  hode  Island,  were  to  join  a  squad- 
ron of  ships  and  five  regular  regiments  from  Eng- 
land, and  make  an  attack  upon  Quebec.  The  oth- 
er fifteen  hundred  were  to  march  by  lake  Cham- 
plain,  and  invest  Montreal,  at  the  same  time  the  des- 
Expedi-  cent  should  be  made  on  Quebec.  Colonel  Nichols, 
tion  to  who  had  been  deputy  governour  of  New  York,  and 
Creek.  governour  of  Virginia,  was  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  land  army,  and  marched  to  Wood 
Creek.  The  colonies,  Pennsylvania  excepted,  made 
great  exertions  for  the  public  service.  Beside  their 
quota,  independent  companies  were  raised  and  sent 
on  to  the  army.  More  than  a  hundred  battoes  and 
as  many  birch  canoes  were  constructed  for  crossing 
the  lake.  Three  forts,  several  block  houses,  and 
stores  for  provisions,  were  erected.  The  colonies 
provided  transports,  boats,  and  provisions,  as  well  as 
furnished  and  paid  their  men,  at  their  own  expense. 
The  province  of  New  York  signalized  herself  by  her 
zeal  for  the  public  service.  Besides  raising  some 
independent  companies,  she  procured  and  maintain- 
ed six  hundred  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  vic- 
tualled a  thousand  of  their  wives  and  children,  at 
Albany,  while  they  were  employed  in  the  campaign. 
The  armament  from  England  was  to  have  been 
at  Boston  by  the  middle  of  May.  But  before  it  sail- 
ed the  Portuguese  were  defeated,  and  the  allies  of 
England  were  reduced  to  very  great  straits.  The 
force,  therefore,  which  was  designed  for  America, 
was  ordered  to  Portugal,  and  the  enterprise  was  cle- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  235 

ieated.     Great  sickness  and  mortality  prevailed  in   chap. 

the  army  at  Wood  Creek,  and  the  general,  receiving 

no  intelligence  of  the  armament   from  England,  re-     17Q9 

turned  to  Albany.     The  troops  were  kept  in  pay 

till  about  the  middle  of  October,  when  it  was  too 

late  to  employ  them  in  any  enterprise  of  importance. 

This  fruitless  business  was  a  prodigious  loss  and 
expense  to  the  colonies.  The  province  of  New 
York  only  expended  more  than  twenty  thousand 
pounds.* 

The  expectations  of  the  people  had  been  wrought 
up  to  a  high  degree  of  assurance,  that  the  expedition 
would  be  successful.  They  anticipated  the  fall  of 
Canada,  and  an  honourable  issue  of  all  their  troubles. 
When  therefore,  from  all  this  exertion  and  expense, 
they  received  nothing  but  loss  and  disappointment, 
their  chagrin  and  depression  were  proportionably 
great. 

However  the  importance  of  driving  the  French 
out  of  Canada,  and  the  necessity  of  immediate  exer- 
tions to  keep  up  the  spirit  and  friendship  of  the 
Five  Nations,  which  only  could  preserve  the  fron- 
tiers from  becoming  a  field  of  blood,  induced  them 
to  keep  this  object  still  in  view.  General  Nicholson 
made  a  voyage  to  England  to  solicit  assistance  from 
the  British  court. 

The  assembly  of  New  York  addressed  queen  Anne 
on  the  subject.  Colonel  Schuyler  was  so  impress- 
ed with  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of  prosecuting  vig- 
orous measures  against  the  French,  and  so  extremely 
chagrined  at  the  late  disappointment,  that  he  deter- 
mined on  a  voyage  to  England,  at  his  own  private 
expense,  to  represent  to  her  majesty  the  absolute 
necessity  of  reducing  Canada  under  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain.  He  also  determined  to  carry  over 
with  him  five  Indian  chiefs,  that  they  might  impress 
the  same  on  her  majesty.  No  sooner  were  the  as- 
sembly apprised  of  his  design,  than  they  resolved  that 

*  Smith's  Hist.  N.  Y.  119,  120. 


236  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE       ' 

he  should  be  the  man  to  present  the  address  of  the 
govern  our,  council,  and  general  assembly  to  her  maj- 
1709.  esty*  The  arrival  of  the  Indian  sachems  in  England, 
was  matter  of  great  curiosity  and  noise  through  the 
kingdom.  Her  majesty  dressed  them  in  the  English 
manner,  and,  instead  of  a  blanket,  they  had  each  a 
scarlet  cloth  mantle,  edged    with  gold,  thrown  over 

£?u\»<n  tne*r  other  garments.  In  this  dress  they  were  intro- 
duced  into  the  royal  presence.  They  represented 
the  long  wars,  which,  in  conjuction  with  her  children, 
they  had  waged  against  their  enemies,  the  French  : 
That  they  had  been  a  strong  wall  of  defence  to  them, 
even  to  the  loss  of  their  best  men  :  That  when  they 
heard  their  great  queen  was  about  to  send  an  army 
to  Canada,  with  one  consent,  they  joyfully  hung  up 
the  kettle  and  took  up  the  hatchet,  and  assisted  col- 
onel Nicholson.  They  declared,  that  the  reduction 
of  Canada  was  of  so  great  weight  to  their  free  hun- 
ting, that  if  their  great  queen  should  not  be  mindful 
of  them,  they  must,  with  their  families,  forsake  their 
country,  and  seek  other  habitations,  or  stand  neuter, 
either  of  which  would  be  much  against  their  inclina- 
tions,* Nicholson  and  Schuyler  used  their  utmost 
influence  with  her  majesty,  for  the  same  purpose. 

An  expedition  against  Canada,  it  seems,  was  again 
in  contemplation.  In  July  commodore  Martin  arriv- 
ed at  Boston,  in  the  Dragon,  with  the  Falmouth,  a 
bomb  ship,  tender,  and  two  or  three  transports. 
With  commodore  Martin,  Nicholson,  Schuyler,  and 
the  Indian  kings  returned.  It  was  expected  that  this 
squadron  would  have  been  joined,  by  a  fleet  under 
lord  Shannon,  who,  in  July,  was  under  sailing  orders 
for  America.  But  the  westerly  winds,  it  seems,  pre- 
vented his  sailing  till  the  season  was  too  far  advanc- 
ed. The  reduction  of  Port  Royal  therefore  became 
the  only  object  of  the  campaign. 

Sept.  18th.  In  September  a  fleet  sailed  from  Boston,  consisting 
of  three  fourth  rates,  the  Dragon,  Chester,  and  Fal- 

*  Smith's  Hist.  N.  Y.  p.  121,  122. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  237 

mouth,  of  two  fifth  rates,  the  Loostaff  and  Feversham, 
with  the  Star  bomb  and  province  galley,  fourteen 
transports  in  the  pay  of  Massachusetts,  five  in  that  of     mo 
Connecticut,  two  in  the  pay  of  New  Hampshire,  and  Expedi- 
three  in    that  of  Rhode    Island,    designed   for  Port  u°^t 
Royal  and  the  coasts  of  Nova- Scotia.     These,  with  Port  Roy  - 
the  tender  and  transports  from  England,  made  thirty  al* 
six  sail.     Commodore  Martin  in  the  Dragon  com- 
manded the    whole.     The  army  consisted  of  a  regi- 
ment of  marines,  commanded  by  colonel  Redding  ; 
of  four  regiments  raised  in  New- England  ;  two  com- 
manded by  Sir  Charles  Hobby  and  colonel  Tailer  of 
Massachusetts,  one  by  colonel  Whiting  of  Connect- 
icut, and  the  other  by  colonel  Walton  of  New  Hamp- 
shire.    Nicholson    was  general.     On   the    24th,  the 
fleet  and  army   arrived  at  Port  Royal.     The  troops 
landed    without  opposition,  and  made  an  easy  con- 
quest.    On  the  21st  of  October  the  engineers  open- 
ed three  batteries,  of  two  mortars  and  twenty  four 
cohorns  in  the  whole.     The  Star  bomb  at  the  same 
time  plying  the  enemy  with  her  shells.     The  next  surren- 
day  Monsieur   Subercase  surrendered  the   fort  and  ders>  °ct- 

99 

country  to  the  crown  of  Britain.  General  Nichol-  ' 
son  left  a  sufficient  garrison  under  the  command  of 
colonel  Vetch,  his  adjutant  general,  who  was  appoint- 
ed to  the  government  of  the  country.  From  this 
time  the  name  of  the  port  was  changed  to  Annapolis- 
royal.* 

Besides  the  troops  employed  in  this  expedition, 
the  colonies  had  considerable  bodies  of  men  scouring 
the  woods  during  the  whole  summer.  Colonel  Wal- 
ton after  his  return  from  Annapolis,  with  a  hundred 
and  seventy  men  ranged  the  eastern  country,  killed 
the  sachem  of  Norridgewock  and  some  other  Indians. 
The  enemy  notwithstanding  did  mischief  in  various 
places. 

Nicholson,  animated  with  his  late  success  at  An- 
napolis and  some  other  at  Newfoundland,  went  again 

*  Hutch,  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  180—184. 


1711. 


expedi 
tdon. 


238  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ch  ap  to  England,  to  solicit  another  expedition  against  Can- 
ada. The  country  in  general  had  no  expectation 
that  his  solicitations  would  be  successful.  They  did 
not  imagine  that  queen  Anne's  new  tory  ministry 
would  attempt  any  thing  of  that  nature  for  New-En- 
gland.    But,  contrary  to  all  expectation,  the  matter 

June  8.  was  resumed.  In  June  general  Nicholson  arrived 
at  Boston  with  the  news  that  a  fleet  might  soon  be 
expected  from  England,  and  with  orders,  from  her 

Canada  majesty,  that  the  several  governments  of  New-Eng- 
land, New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania, 
should  have  their  quotas  in  immediate  readiness  for 
the  expedition. 

A  general  meeting  of  the  governours  of  the  sever- 
al colonies  was  immediately  appointed  at  New  Lon- 
don.    Within  sixteen  days  after  the  arrival  of  gener- 

june  24,  al  Nicholson,  the  fleet  arrived  at  Boston.  But  very 
extraordinary  it  was,  that  the  fleet  had  neither  pro- 
visions nor  pilots.  Ten  weeks  provisions  were  re- 
quired, at  Boston,  for  the  army.  Before  this  it  had 
been  suspected,  that  it  was  not  designed,  that  Cana- 
da should  be  reduced.  These  circumstances  much 
increased  the  suspicion.  It  was  doubted  whether 
in  the  then  state  of  the  country,  it  were  possible,  in 
so  short  a  time,  as  was  necessary,  to  procure  such  a 
quantity  of  provisions.  There  was,  at  the  same  time 
a  suspicion,  that  if  the  expedition  should  miscarry, 
that  the  blame  was  to  be  thrown  upon  New-Eng- 
land. Whether  this  suspicion  was  well  grounded 
or  not,  sure  it  is,  that  it  had  great  influence,  togeth- 
er with  the  zeal  which  the  colonies  had  for  the  ser- 
vice, to  draw  forth  their  utmost  exertions.  When 
the  fleet  arrived  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
was  convened  at  Boston,  and  the  governours  were 
met  at  New  London,  to  concert  measures  for  for- 
warding the  expedition,  with  the  greatest  harmony 
and  despatch.  A  punctual  compliance  with  her  maj- 
esty's orders,  was  universally  recommended.  Not 
only  the  governments,  but  private  persons  exerted 
themselves  beyond  what  had  been  known  upon  any 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  239 

other  occasion.  The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  is-  chap. 
sued  bills  of  credit  to  the  amount  of  forty  thousand 
pounds,  and  that  of  New  York  to  the  amount  of  ten  ml 
thousand.*  Acts  were  made  stating  the  price  of  all 
articles  of  provision,  necessary  for  the  army,  and  even 
for  impressing  them  wherever  they  could  be  found. 
In  a  little  more  than  a  month,  from  the  arrival  of  the 
fleet,  the  new  levies  and  provisions  wrere  ready.  On 
the  30th  of  July,  the  fleet,  consisting  of  fifteen  men 
of  war,  twelve  from  England,  and  three  which  had 
been  before  stationed  in  America,  forty  transports, 
six  store  ships,  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  and  all  manner 
of  warlike  stores,  sailed  from  Boston  for  Canada. 
The  land  army  on  board  consisted  of  five  regiments, 
from  England  and  Flanders,  and  two  regiments  rais- 
ed in  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  New  Hamp- 
shire, amounting  in  the  whole  nearly  to  seven  thous- 
and men.  The  fleet  was  commanded  by  Sir  Hoven- 
den  Walker,  and  the  army  by  brigadier  Hill,  broth- 
er to  Mrs.  Masham,  the  queen's  favourite,  after  the 
disgrace  of  the  dutchess  of  Marlborough.  The  land 
force,  in  number,  was  about  equal  to  that,  which, 
under  general  Wolfe,  reduced  Quebec ;  though,  at 
this  time  it  was  not  half  so  strong,  as  it  was  when  re- 
duced by  that  general. 

Not  long  after  the  sailing  of  the  fleet  general  Nich- 
olson appeared  at  Albany  at  the  head  of  four  thous- 
and men,  from  the  colonies  of  Connecticut,  New 
York,  and  New  Jersey.  The  regiments  were  com- 
manded by  colonels  Whiting,  Schuyler,  and  Ingolds- 
by.  Colonel  Schuyler  had  procured  six  hundred  of 
the  Five  Nations.  More  than  this,  in  so  short  a  time, 
could  not  have  been  reasonably  expected. 

On  the  14th  of  August  the  admiral  arrived  in  the 
mouth  of  St.  Lawrence.  But  that  he  might  not  lose 
the  company  of  the  transports,  as  was  pretended,  he 
put  into  the  bay  of  Gaspy,  where  he  continued  till  the 
20th  of  the  month.     On  the  22d,  two  days  after,  he 

*  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  190, 197.     Smith's  Hist.  NY.  p.  128, 131. 


240  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
VI. 


sailed  from  the  bay,  the  fleet  appeared  to  be  in  the 
utmost  danger.     It  was  without  soundings,  without 
1711.     sight  of  land  ;  the  sky  was  darkened  with  a  thick  fog, 
and  the  wind  was  high  at  east  south  east.     In  this 
situation  the  fleet  brought  to,  with  the  heads   of  the 
ships  to  the  southward.     This  was  done  with  an  ex- 
pectation, that  the  stream  would  drive  them  into  die 
wreck  in    m^st  °f  tne  channel.     But,  instead  of  this,  about 
st.  Law-    midnight,  the  seamen  discovered,  that  the  fleet  was 
rence,        driven  on  the  north  shore  anions:  rocks  and  islands, 

a  .>™    99  o  .       7 

,v  on  the  verge  of  a  total  shipwreck.  Eight  or  nine 
of  the  British  transports,  on  board  of  which  were 
about  seventeen  hundred  officers  and  soldiers,  were 
cast  away.  Nearly  a  thousand  men  were  lost.  The 
admiral  and  general  saved  themselves  by  anchoring ; 
but  such  was  the  violence  of  the  storm,  that  they 
lost  several  anchors.  On  this  disaster  the  fleet  re- 
turned to  Spanish  river  bay,  where  in  a  council,  both 
of  land  and  naval  officers,  it  was  unanimously  deter- 
mined, that  as  they  had  but  ten  weeks  provisions, 
and  could  not  expect  a  supply  from  New- England, 
to  make  no  further  attempts.  The  fleet  sailed  for 
England,  and  on  the  9th  of  October,  arrived  at  Ports- 
mouth. Here  the  fleet  suffered  another  misfortune. 
The  Edgar,  a  70  gun  ship  blew  up,  having  on  board 
four  hundred  men,  besides  many  persons  who  came 
on  a  visit  to  their  friends.  As  the  cause  of  this  event 
was  wholly  unknown,  jealous  minds  were  not  with- 
out suggestions,  that  even  this  was  not  without 
design. 

It  was  pretended  that  both  the  English  and  French 
pilots  advised  to  the  fleets  coming  to,  in  the  manner 
it  did,  when  the  transports  were  lost ;  but  the  pilots, 
from  New- England,  declared,  upon  oath,  that  they 
gave  no  such  advice.  If  any  such  advice  was  given 
it  must  have  been  by  the  French  pilots,  on  board, 
either  upon  design  or  through  mistake.  Charlevoix 
says,  u  there  was  on  board  the  admiral,  a  French 
prisoner,  one  Paradis,  an  old  seaman  who  was  per- 
fectly acquainted  with  the  river  St.  Lawrence  :    this 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  241 

man    cautioned    him,    when  he  was  off  the  seven   chap. 

VT 

islands,  not  to  venture  too  near  the  land,  and  he 
obliged  him  to  make  frequent  tacks  and  keep  near  the  17U 
wind,which  did  not  favour  him.  At  length  the  admiral, 
tired  out,  and,  perhaps,  suspecting  the  pilot  only  de- 
signed to  wear  out  his  men,  refused  to  come  to  stays/? 
and  so  was  driven  ashore.  Thus  other  accounts 
were  entirely  different  from  the  admiral's.  But  the 
blame,  at  any  rate,  was  imputed  wholly  to  New- Eng- 
land. No  notice  was  taken  of  the  exertions  of  the 
colonies,  nor  of  the  extraordinary  measures  to  sup- 
ply the  army  :  measures  to  which,  probably,  nei- 
ther the  people  of  England,  nor  even  of  Ireland  would 
have  submitted. 

The  whigs  in  England,  in  general,  censured  the 
ministry  for  their  conduct  respecting  this  expedition. 
When  the  plan  of  it  was  concerted  the  parliament 
was  sitting,  yet  it  was  never  laid  before  the  members. 
It  was  said  that  this  was  for  the  greater  secrecy,  and 
that  for  the  same  reason  the  army  were  not  victual- 
led. But  lord  Harley  represents  the  whole  affair,  as 
a  contrivance  of  Bollingbroke,  Mote,  and  the  lord 
chancellor,  Harcourt,  to  cheat  the  public  of  twenty- 
thousand  pounds.  Lord  Harcourt  was  pleased  to 
say,  "  No  government  was  worth  serving  that  would 
not  admit  of  such  advantageous  jobs."  Another 
English  writer  observes  upon  it,  that,  "  If  the  minis- 
try were  sincere  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  they 
were  certainly  the  most  consummate  blunderers  that 
ever  undertook  the  government  of  state."* 

General  Nicholson  had  not  proceeded  far  on  his 
march,  before  he  received  intelligence  of  the  loss 
sustained  by  the  fleet,  and  the  army  soon  returned. 

The  marquis  De  Vandreuil,  governour  of  Canada, 
received  intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  from 
England,  and  of  the  preparations  making  in  the  colo- 
nies for  the  invasion  of  his  country,  and  had  omitted 
nothing  in  his  power  to  put  it  in  the  best  state  of  de- 

*  Rider's  Hist,  of  England,  vol.  xxxii.  p.  189,  19©. 

Vol.  I.  31 


1711. 


242  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ch\p.  fence.  No  sooner  was  he  apprised  of  so  many  ships 
*'  wrecked,  and  so  many  bodies  with  red  coats  driven 
upon  the  shore,  and  that  the  river  was  clear  of  ships, 
than  he  ordered  the  whole  strength  of  Canada  to- 
wards Montreal  and  lake  Champlain.  At  Chambly, 
he  formed  a  camp  of  three  thousand  men,  to  oppose 
general  Nicholson.  Had  the  general  crossed  the 
lake,  it  might  have  been  difficult  for  him  to  return. 

Very  providential  it  was,  that  the  provincial  trans- 
ports were  all  preserved.  A  small  victualler  only 
was  cast  away,  but  her  crew  were  saved.  Yet  the 
loss  and  disappointment  were  exceedingly  grievous 
to  the  colonies.  After  so  many  attempts  had  been 
blasted,  some  pious  minds  gave  up  all  expecta- 
tions of  the  conquest  of  Canada.  They  imagined 
that  it  was  not  the  design  of  Providence  that  this 
northern  continent  should  belong  wholly  to  any  one 
European  nation.* 

Upon  the  return  of  general  Nicholson's  army,  and 
the  report  of  Vandreuil's  force,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country  were  not  only  disappointed,  but  thrown  in- 
to a  state  of  general  fear  and  alarm.  They  were  ap- 
prehensive, that  the  enemy  in  different  parties,  by 
different  routes,  would,  with  redoubled  fury,  harass 
and  desolate  the  frontiers.  New  York  kept  part  of 
her  troops  in  pay  the  ensuing  winter,  for  the  repair 
and  defence  of  their  out  posts.  The  New  England 
colonies  took  proper  measures  for  their  defence. 
Colonel  Walton  was  sent,  with  considerable  force, 
as  far  as  Penobscot ;  where  it  was  expected  the  en- 
emy would  make  an  attack.  He  burned  several  of 
the  enemy's  vessels,  designed  for  privateers,  and  took 
some  prisoners. 

Though  the  expedition  against  Canada  was  unsuc- 
cessful, yet  it  probably  prevented  the  fall  of  Annapolis- 
royal  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Such  had  been 
the  mortality  among  the  soldiers,  that  of  the  four  or 
five  hundred  New  Englandmen  left  to  garrison  the 

*  Hutch,  vol.  ii.  p.  195,  196.     Smith's  Hist.  N.  Y.  p.  130,  131. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  243 

fort,  not  more  than  one  in  five  survived.  The  gar-  chap. 
rison  was  reduced  to  a  handful  of  men.  They  were 
in  fear  even  of  the  Acadians  alone,  without  any  ad-  im 
ditional  force.  The  French  court,  sensible  of  their 
mistake,  in  not  paying  a  more  particular  attention  to 
that  country  while  it  was  in  their  hands,  had  sent 
pressing  orders  to  Vandreuil  to  exert  himself  for  its 
recovery.  Troops  were  raised  and  on  the  point  of 
marching  from  Canada  for  this  purpose,  when  the 
news  of  the  arrival  of  the  British  fleet,  and  of  the 
preparations  in  New- England  reached  him  ;  and 
they  were  detained,  at  home,  for  the  defence  of  Can- 
ada.  The  French  inhabitants  of  Acadia,  having  in- 
telligence of  the  force  designed  for  their  assistance, 
grew  so  insolent,  that  it  was  not  safe  for  an  English- 
man to  go  from  the  fort.  But  as  soon  as  they 
knew,  that  the  force  which  they  expected  was  coun- 
termanded, they  acknowledged  their  faults  and  be- 
came submissive.  At  the  same  time,  however,  they 
acquainted  Vandreuil,  that  their  submission  was  a 
matter  of  mere  necessity,  and  that  the  French  king 
had  no  better  subjects  than  they  were. 

Sometime  after,  captain  Pigeon,  one  of  the  regular 
officers,  going  up  the  river  to  destroy  some  French 
houses,  and  to  cut  timber  for  the  repairs  of  the  fort, 
was  surprised  by  a  great  number  of  Indians,  who 
killed  the  major  of  the  fort,  the  engineer,  and  the 
whole  boat's  crew,  besides  taking  nearly  forty  of  the 
garrison  prisoners.  This  stroke  so  encouraged  the 
Acadians,  that  they  again  took  up  arms.  Five  hun- 
dred of  them,  with  as  many  Indians  as  they  could 
collect  made  preparations  for  attacking  the  fort. 
They  expected  to  have  been  headed  by  an  experi- 
enced officer  from  Placentia.  But  the  governour 
was  not  able  to  afford  them  any  assistance,  and  they 
laid  down  their  arms.* 

Early  the  next  spring  the  enemy  began  their  de-  ins. 
predations  on  the  frontiers.     They  made  spoil  on 

*  Hutch.  Hist,  vol,  ii.  p.  199. 


£44  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Oyster  river,   Exeter,    Kittery,  York,  and  Wells. 
The  frontiers  this  year  were  well  guarded,  in  some 
1712.     °f tne  colonies,  one  half  of  the  militia  were  on  duty 
in  the  garrisons  and  ready  to  march  at  a  minute's 
warning.     Scouts  were  kept  out  ranging  from  one 
post   to   another.     On   the  eastern  coast,  spy-boats 
were  constantly  employed,  to  watch  and  to  give  notice 
of  the   appearances  and   motions   of  the  enemy. * 
Nevertheless,  the  countenance  of  public  affairs,  wore 
an  uncommon  gloom. .  Though  numbers  of  the  en- 
emy were  killed  and  the  country  was  guarded  with 
such  spirit  and  vigilance,  scattering  parties  of  the 
enemy  murdered  more  or  less  of  the  inhabitants, 
both   on  the  eastern  and  northern   frontiers.     The 
French  emissaries  were  daily  seducing  the  Five  Na- 
tions from  the  British  interest.     The  late  ill  success 
gave  powerful   influence  to  their  solicitations.     The 
Senacas,  Shawanese,  and  even  the  Catt's  Kill  In- 
dians, became  disaffected ;  so  that  there  was  a  gen- 
eral apprehension  of  their  falling  on  the  inhabitants, 
and  desolating  the  country  all  along  upon  Hudson's 
river,  f 
March  But  the  pacification  of  Utrecht,  the  next  year,  re- 

sist, 1713.  lieved  the  apprehensions  of  the  country,  and  put  a 
welcome  period  to  a  ten  years  most  expensive  and 
distressing  war.  By  the  treaty  of  peace  France  ced- 
ed Newfoundland,  Nova  Scotia,  New-Britian,  Hud- 
son's Bay,  and  the  French  part  of  the  island  of  St. 
Christophers  to  Great  Britain.  It  was  also  stipu- 
lated, that  u  the  subjects  of  France  inhabiting  Cana- 
da, and  others  shall  hereafter  give  no  hindrance  or 
molestation  to  the  Five  Nations,  or  cantons  of  In- 
dians subject  to  the  dominion  of  Great  Britian,  nor 
to  the  other  nations  of  America,  who  are  friends  to 
the  same."  By  this  article,  the  French  gave  up  all 
claim  to  the  Five  Nations  and  to  all  parts  of  their 
territories ;  and,  as  far  as  it  respected  them,  entitled 

*  Belknap,  p.  356;  f  Smith's  Hist.  N.  Y.  p.  133, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  245 

the  British   crown,  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  coun-    C?.AP* 
try. 

After  the  peace  was  known  in  America,  the  east-      ln2. 
ern   Indians   sent   a  flag  and   desired  peace.     The  Peace 
governour  of   Massachusetts,  with  his  council,  and  J^-mmE 
that  of  New  Hampshire,  met  them  at  Portsmouth;  juiyisth. 
where,  by  their  chiefs  and  deputies,  they  renewed 
articles  of  submission  and  pacification,  asking  par- 
don for  their  perfidy  and  rebellion,  and  promising, 
for  the  future,  to  demean  themselves  as  faithful  sub- 
jects of  the  crown  of  Great  Britian. 

Though,  in  these  long  and  distressing  wars  the 
colonies  and  churches  of  New  England  and  New 
York  were  grievously  chastised,  yet  they  were  not 
forsaken.  In  various  respects  the  care  and  good- 
ness of  Providence  were  conspicuous.  These  were 
to  be  seen  in  the  admirable  preservation  of  their  cap- 
tivated countrymen,  sons,  daughters,  and  dearest 
connexions  ;  in  their  tedious  marches  to  the  remote 
settlements  of  the  Indians,  and  to  Canada ;  in  the 
kindness  of  the  French  in  purchasing  them  out  of 
the  hands  of  barbarians,  and  making  their  captivity 
comfortable  by  humane  and  generous  treatment  ; 
and  in  restoring  such  numbers  of  them,  after  a  long 
captivity,  to  the  embraces  of  friends  and  the  bosom 
of  their  country.  These  were  manifest  in  their  sup- 
port under  such  an  accumulation  of  evils,  and  of 
such  long  continuance  :  and  especially,  in  those  in- 
terpositions, which  apparently  delivered  them  from 
destruction,  at  times,  when  it  could  not  have  been 
done,  but  by  that  Power  only  which  is  more  than 
human.  The  same  were  conspicuous  in  the  season- 
ableness  of  the  peace  and  its  great  advantages  to  the 
country. 

For  about  five  and  twenty  years  the  colonies  had 
enjoyed  hardly  four  years  peace.  During  more  than 
twenty  years  of  this  long  term  there  had  been  no  peace 
to  him  who  went  out  or  came  in,  to  him  who  slept 
or  awoke.  For  several  years  of  the  war  not  less  than 
a  fifth  part  of  all  the   inhabitants,  able  to  bear  arms,, 


246  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   were  in  actual  service  ;  and  at  sometimes  half  of  the 

]_    militia.     Those  who  were  not  in  service,  were  oblig- 

1713.  ed  to  guard  their  own  fields  and  families  at  home, 
and  were  subject  to  constant  alarms.  The  fields 
were  untilled,  and  fine  extensive  tracts  desolated. 
The  loss  of  men  was  great.  Few  families  were  so 
happy  as  not  to  be  in  mourning,  either  for  their  slain 
or  captivated  friends.  The  resources  of  the  country- 
were  exceedingly  diminished  and  its  debts  were 
enormous.  The  aspect  of  affairs  grew  more  and  more 
gloomy.  In  these  circumstances,  what  could  be 
more  seasonable,  or  a  greater  blessing  than  peace  ? 
Remarkably  providential  was  it,  that  when  a  most 
abandoned  ministry  were  at  helm,  and  the  peace  for 
the  nation  in  general,  was  much  less  favourable  than 
might  have  been  expected,  that  such  ample  territo- 
ries were  ceded  to  the  English,  in  America,  and  such 
advantages  were  procured  for  the  colonies,  both  with 
respect  to  fishery  and  commerce. 

Our  fathers  saw  these  events  and  were  glad.  In 
their  most  public  solemnities  they  celebrated  them 
with  admiration  and  praise.  Will  they  not  ever  chal- 
lenge of  their  posterity  a  religious  remembrance,  as 
important  parts  of  that  great  chain  of  events,  by 
Which,  under  the  divine  administration,  have  been 
handed  down  to  them,  their  extensive  country,  their 
distinguished  privileges  and  happiness  ? 

The  country  had  already,  by  their  wars,  been  re- 
tarded in  wealth,  in  extent  of  settlement,  in  popula- 
tion and  literature,  not  less  than  twenty -five  or  thir- 
ty years. 

The  country  in  general,  in  twenty,  or  at  farthest 
in  twenty-five  years,  doubled  its  inhabitants  :  yet 
such  were  the  losses  sustained  by  the  Massachusetts 
and  New  Hampshire  in  particular,  that  after  the  pa- 
cification, in  1713,  there  were  not  double  the  num- 
ber of  inhabitants,  within  the  limits  of  the  two  col- 
onies, that  there  were  half  a  century  before.  At  a 
moderate  computation,  not  less  than  five  or  six  thou- 
sand of  young  men,  the  flower  of  the  country,  in 


in: 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  24? 

those  colonies,  fell  by  the  sword  of  the  enemy,  or  chap. 
by  diseases  contracted  in  the  public  service.*  In  the 
whole  of  New  England  and  New  York  the  numbers, 
probably,  were  not  less  than  eight  or  nine  thousand. 
Nine  tenths  of  these,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose, 
might  have  been  heads  of  families,  and  in  forty  years 
have  increased  to  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
souls. 

The  support  of  the  war,  of  civil  government,  of  a 
regular  and  constant  worship  of  the  SupremeBeing 
in  the  churches,  undoubtedly,  occasioned  an  annual 
burden  greater  than  any  felt,  by  any  other  subjects 
of  Great  Britian.  Under  this  pressure  our  venera- 
ble ancestors  had  not  the  least  relief  nor  compensa- 
tion from  the  crown.  Surely  great  were  their  mer- 
it and  magnanimity,  and  ought  to  be  had  in  perpet- 
ual remembrance  and  admiration. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

iSxpeditioR  again9t  St.  Augustine.  Defeat  of  the  French  in  Carolina. 
Palatines  settle  in  North  Carolina.  Massacre  by  the  Corees  and  Tus- 
cororas.  Expedition  against  them.  General  conspiracy  of  the  In- 
dians against  the  Carolinians.  War  with  them.  Distressed  state  of 
the  colony.  It  revolts  from  the  proprietary  government  and  effects 
a  revolution.  Under  the  government  of  Great  Britain  enjoyed  safe- 
ty, prosperity,  and  general  satisfaction. 

NEW  ENGLAND  and  New  York  were  not  alone 
in  the  distresses  of  queen  Anne's  war.  Carolina, 
which  was  then  the  southern  frontier,  had  her  full 
share  in  its  expenses  and  dangers.  Immediately  af- 
ter the  commencement  of  hostilities,  between  Eng- 
land and  Spain,  governour  Moore,  thirsting  for  Spanish 
gold  and  plunder,  used  all  his  influence  with  the  as- 
sembly to  engage  them  in  an  expedition  against  St. 
Augustine.  Numbers  of  the  principal  members 
were  against  the  measure  ;  but  the   governour  and 

*   Hutch.  Hist,  vol.  ii.  p.  201- 


248  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  his  party  obtained  a  majority  in  the  house ;  and  two 
thousand  pounds  sterling  was  voted  for  the  expedi- 
1702.  tl0n*  A11  army  of  twelve  hundred  men,  one  half 
Expedi-  militia,  and  the  other  half  Indians  were  raised  and 
fffthutSt  armed  for  the  enterprise.  A  sufficient  quantity  of 
Augus-  shipping  was  impressed  for  the  transportation  of  the 
cme,  1702.  army,  stores,  and  provisions.  Colonel  Daniel,  an 
enterprising  officer,  with  a  party  of  the  militia  and 
Indians,  marched  by  land,  while  the  governour,  with 
the  main  body,  proceeded  by  water.  Daniel  arrived 
before  the  governour,  entered  and  plundered  the 
town.  But  the  Spaniards  having  been  apprised  of 
the  expedition,  had  laid  in  four  months  provisions  in 
the  castle ;  to  which  on  his  approach  they  repaired 
with  all  their  money  and  most  valuable  effects.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  governour  with  the  main  body, 
the  harbour  was  blocked  up,  and  the  castle  com- 
pletely invested,  with  a  force  against  which,  the  ene- 
my could  make  no  appearance.  They  therefore 
kept  themselves  snug  in  their  fortress.  The  govern- 
our had  no  artillery  sufficient  to  dislodge  them,  and 
therefore  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of  dis- 
patching colonel  Daniel  to  Jamaica  for  cannon,  mor- 
tars, and  shells  for  that  purpose.  Before  his  return 
two  large  Spanish  ships  appearing  off  the  mouth  of 
the  harbour,  struck  the  governour  with  such  a  panic, 
that  he  instantly  raised  the  siege,  and  abandoning  his 
shipping,  made  a  precipitate  retreat  into  Carolina. 
Instead  of  enriching  himself  with  gold  and  plunder, 
which  was  one  principal  object  of  the  expedition, 
the  ships,  provisions,  and  military  stores,  became  the 
booty  of  his  enemies.  Colonel  Daniel,  having  no 
intelligence  that  the  siege  was  raised,  on  his  return, 
stood  in  for  the  harbour  of  St.  Augustine,  and  very 
narrowly  escaped  the  enemy. 

In  consequence  of  this  rash  and  unfortunate  enter- 
prise, a  debt  of  six  thousand  pounds  sterling  was 
entailed  on  that  then  poor  colony.  This  gave  rise 
to  the  first  paper  currency  in  Carolina.  The  defeat 
of  the  enterprise  and  the  ill  effects  of  the  currency 


UNITED  STATES  0F  AMERICA,  249 

united  their  influence  to  fill  the  colony  with  dissen- 
tion  and  tumult.  The  governour,  instead  of  sharing 
heaps  of  gold,  had  a  large  portion  of  public  odium 
and  reproach. 

Soon  after  a  new  calamity  arose.     The  Appala- 
chian Indians,   in  consequence  of  their  connexions 
with  the  Spaniards,  became  insolent  and  hostile.    An  Expedi- 
expedition  against  them  became  necessary.  Govern-  gainst  the 
our  Moore,  at  the  head   of  a  body  of  white  men  Appaia- 
and  Indian  allies,  marched  into  the  heart  of  their  set-  chians 
tlements.     The  towns  of  those  tribes,  who  lived  be- 
tween the  rivers  Alatamaha  and  Savannah  were  laid 
in  ashes.     Many  of  the  savages  were  captivated,  and 
others  obliged  to  submit  to  the  English  government. 
By  this  expedition  the  governour  served  two  pur- 
poses of  considerable  importance  to  himself.     He 
wiped  away  the  reproach  and  odium  occasioned  by 
the  former ;  and,  by  employing  the  Indian  captives 
in  cultivating  his  fields,  or  selling  them  for  his  pri- 
vate advantage,  he  obtained   a  handsome   personal 
emolument.* 

Though  this  enterprise  was  successful,  yet  dan- 
gers more  alarming  arose  from  another  quarter.  In 
1707  the  colony  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  general  1707' 
consternation  and  distress,  by  the  news  of  a  designed 
invasion  from  the  French  and  Spaniards.  No  soon- 
er was  this  intelligence  received  than  every  precau- 
tion in  the  power  of  the  colony,  was  taken  for  its 
defence.  The  militia  were  mustered  and  trained  ; 
the  fortifications  at  Charleston  were  repaired  ; 
James  island  was  fortified,  trenches  were  opened  at 
White  Point ;  and  at  such  other  places  as  were  judg- 
ed necessary.  The  colony,  nevertheless,  was  in  a 
feeble  state  to  resist  a  powerful  and  enterprising 
enemy. 

The  necessity  of  all  their  exertions  and  precaution  French  in- 
soon  appeared.     Monsieur  le  Feboure,  captain  of  a^^Ca-? 

•  History  of  Car.  p.  152,  1ST. 

Vol.  I.  32 


250  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

French  frigate,  with  four  armed  sloops,  appeared  off 
Charleston  bar.  The  French  had  been  assisted  in 
1707.  their  enterprise  by  the  governours  of  Havannah  and 
St.  Augustine.  The  land  army  consisted  of  about 
eight  hundred  men,  under  the  command  of  Mon- 
sieur Arbuset.  Le  Feboure  had  received  intelli- 
gence that  great  sickness  prevailed  at  Charleston, 
and,  imagining  that  this  might  prevent  the  marching 
of  the  troops  of  the  country  into  it,  he  sailed  sooner 
from  St.  Augustine  than  otherwise  he  would  have 
done,  expecting  to  take  the  town  without  opposition. 
In  this  haste,  it  seems  the  general,  Arbuset,  was  left 
to  come  on  with  as  much  expedition  as  possible. 
On  the  appearance  of  the  enemy,  signals  from  the 
shore  announced  their  arrival  and  the  number  of  their 
ships.  On  the  first  day  of  their  arrival  they  hovered 
on  the  coast  without  passing  the  bar.  The  next  day 
was  spent  in  sounding  the  south  bar.  This  delay 
was  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  the  colony,  as  it 
gave  time  to  alarm  the  country,  and  march  the  mili- 
tia to  the  town.  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson  was  now 
governour,  a  man  excelling  in  courage  and  military 
skill,  and  by  his  presence  he  checked  the  general 
consternation  of  the  people,  inspired  them  with  fresh 
courage,  and  roused  them  to  action.  The  next 
morning  after  the  enemy  had  sounded  the  bar,  they, 
with  four  ships  and  a  galley,  with  a  fair  wind  and 
tide,  crossed  the  bar  and  sailed  directly  for  the  town. 
But  when  they  had  advanced  as  far  up  the  river,  as 
to  discover  the  fortifications,  they  stopped  short,  and 
casting  anchor  a  little  above  Sullivan's  island,  sent 
a  flag,  demanding  a  surrender  of  the  town.  By  this 
time  the  militia  were  generally  collected,  at  or  near 
the  town,  and  a  number  of  Indian  allies  were  come 
in  for  its  defence.  Besides  a  privateer,  which  lay  in 
the  harbour,  guns  were  put  on  board  five  other  small 
ships,  and  the  gallant  sailors  were  directed,  in  their  own 
way,  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  the  town.  The  gov  rn- 
our  therefore  answered  the  flag,  that  it  was  his  determi- 
nation to  defend  the  town  to  the  last  extremity.    On 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  £5! 

the  reception  of  this  answer,  the  enemy  seemed  to   c"^p" 

hesitate,  and,  instead  of  advancing  towards  the  town,    '^ 

kept  their  station  and  effected  nothing  that  day.  The  l7Q7 
next,  they  landed  a  party  on  James'  island,  and 
burnt  a  village  by  the  river's  side.  Another  party 
went  ashore  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and 
plundered  and  burnt  all  before  them.  The  next  day 
the  enemy  were  driven  from  James'  island ;  and  the 
other  party,  consisting  of  about  a  hundred  and  sixty, 
were  surprised  by  the  militia,  and  mostly  either  kill- 
ed, wounded,  or  taken. 

This  success  so  animated  the  Carolinians,  that 
they  determined  to  try  their  fortune  by  sea,  as  well 
as  upon  the  land.  The  ships  were  commanded  by 
William  Rhett,  a  man  of  spirit  and  conduct.  With 
his  little  squadron  he  set  sail,  and  bore  down  upon 
the  enemy  ;  but,  instead  of  preparing  for  action,  they  French 
immediately  weighed  anchor,  recrossed  the  bar,  and  defeate(1- 
soon  disappeared.  Such  was  the  precipitation  with 
which  Monsieur  le  Feboure  made  his  departure,  that 
a  scattering  party  was  left  on  shore  and  taken. 

Some  days  after,  Monsieur  Arbuset  appeared  on 
the  coast,  with  a  ship  of  force,  and  landed  a  number 
of  men  at  Sewee  bay.  Rhett  with  the  privateer  and 
an  armed  sloop  put  to  sea,  and  sailed  for  the  bay. 
Captain  Fen  wick,  at  the  same  time,  crossed  the  river 
and  marched  to  attack  the  enemy  by  land.  He 
found  them  advantageously  posted,  but  after  a  brisk 
and  sharp  fire  they  gave  way  and  fled  to  their  ship. 
Rhett  soon  coming  to  his  assistance,  took  the  ship 
and  about  ninety  prisoners.  Among  these  was 
Monsieur  Arbuset,  commander  in  chief  by  land,  and 
a  number  of  sea  officers.  These,  together,  ottered 
ten  thousand  pieces  of  eight  for  their  ransom. 

Thus  ended  Monsieur  Feboure's  invasion  of  South 
Carolina ;  little  to  his  own  honour,  and  as  little  to  the 
credit  of  his  men.  The  militia  conducted  them- 
selves  with  great  spirit,  and  their  exertions  were 
crowned  with  uncommon  success.     Of  eight  hun*- 


252  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  TH£ 

chap,  dred  men  who  came  against  the  colony  nearly  three 

^ hundred  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners.* 

t707t  The  divine  interposition  was  very  conspicuous  in 
this  happy  event.  The  Carolinians,  in  letters  which 
they  wrote  to  their  friends  on  the  subject,  represent- 
ed their  deliverance  as  marvellous.  Feboure's  sail- 
ing too  hastily,  before  he  was  prepared  for  the  enter- 
prise, and  leaving  general  Arbuset  to  come  after  him, 
.  were  happy  circumstances  for  the  Carolinians.  As 
this  was  in  consequence  of  the  intelligence  which  he 
had  received  of  the  mortality  at  Charleston,  this 
circumstance,  contrary  to  all  human  expectation  or 
foresight,  seems  to  have  had  a  principal  share  in  de- 
feating the  enemy.  It  brought  them  on  presumptu- 
ously without  necessary  preparation,  and  was  of  no 
essential  disservice,  with  respect  to  the  defence  of 
the  town.  Though  the  governour,  at  first,  marched 
the  militia  only  to  the  environs  of  it ;  yet,  as  soon  as 
it  became  necessary ;  he,  notwithstanding  the  sick- 
ness, ordered  them  in  for  its  defence.  The  delay  of 
the  enemy  after  they  appeared  off  the  bar,  their  hesi* 
tation  on  receiving  the  governour's  answer,  their  land- 
ing their  men  in  small  parties,  instead  of  making  a 
general  attack  with  their  whole  force,  were  all  ch% 
cumstances  as  favourable  to  the  Carolinians  as 
if  they  themselves  had  planned  the  whole  affair.  The 
panic  which  seized  the  enemy  at  the  approach  of 
Rhett's  little  squadron;  the  ignorance  of  general  Ar- 
buset of  what  had  happened  when  he  came  on  the 
coast ;  the  landing  of  his  party  and  the  stay  they 
made,  seemed  not  less  providential  than  if  they  had 
all  been  particularly  designed  by  the  Supreme  Ruler 
to  give  the  province  a  signal  triumph,  and  a  striking 
demonstration  that  the  councils  of  the  enemy  had 
been  turned  into  foolishness. 

June,  In  1709,  about  six  or  seven  thousand  Palatines  were. 

1709.        transported  into  England.     As  they  had  been  perse-r 
€11160!  by  the  French,  and  driven  from  their  country] 

•»  Hist.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  180—18.1, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  353 

on  the  account  of  their  religion,  they  were  recom-    chap. 

mended  as  peculiar  objects  of  charity.  Queen  Anne's 

exemplary  liberality  to  these  people  was  not  less  ser-      l709 
viceable  to  the  colonies  than  beneficial  to  themselves. 
As  by  the  tedious  wars  in  Germany,  they  had  been 
reduced  to  circumstances  of  great  indigence  and  mis- 
ery, her  majesty  assisted  them  in  making  settlements 
in  America.     On  application  to  the  proprietaries  a 
considerable  body  of  them  were  encouraged  to  make 
settlements    in  Carolina.     Ships  were  prepared  for 
their  transportation  ;  and  governour  Tynte,  who  then 
presided  over  the  colony,  had  instructions  to  provide 
for  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  a  hundred  acres 
of  land  free  of  all  quitrents  for  ten  years,  and  that 
the  rent  annually  should  never  be  more  than  one  pen- 
ny per  acre.*     The  territory  granted  them  was  in  Palatines 
North  Carolina,  on  Roanoke,  in  the  counties  of  Al-  s£tile  £  ■. 
bemarle  and  Bath.     Here  commenced  a  third  con-  oima, 
siderable  settlement  in  that  colony,  f  1^10- 

The  same  year,  nearly  three  thousand  of  the  same 
people,  came  over  with  governour  Hunter  to  New 
York.  Some  settled  in  the  city,  where  they  built  the 
old  Lutheran  church.  Others  settled  on  a  pleas- 
ant tract  of  several  thousand  acres,  in  Livingston's 
manor.  Some  others  went  into  Pennsylvania.  The 
flattering  accounts  of  the  country,  which  they  trans- 
mitted to  Germany,  was  the  occasion  of  the  transmi- 
gration of  so  many  thousands  of  their  countrymen, 
afterwards  into  that  province.  They  were  protestants; 
some  were  men  of  wealth,  and  all  well  affected  to 
the  government.  In  the  several  governments  in 
which  they  settled,  they  have  been  industrious  and 
peaceable. 

But  scarcely  had  those  who  settled  in  North  Car- 
olina, seated  themselves  comfortably  in  a  hideous 
wilderness,  and  begun  to  please  themselves  with  the 
prospects  of  liberty  and  peace,  when  they  were  over- 
taken with  a  miserable  destruction. 

*  Hist,  of  S.  Car.  vol.  i.  199.     f  Sec  its  history  in  a  subsequent  chapter,. 


254  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OP  THE 

chap.        Though  it  had  been  strongly  recommended  to  the 
Carolinians   to   take   all   the    Indians,    within   four 
mo     hundred  miles  of  Charleston,  under   their  protec- 
tion, and  to  treat  them  in  the  most  friendly  manner ; 
yet  neither  the  assembly,  nor  the  people  would  com- 
ply with  the  recommendation.     The  friends  of  those, 
who  had  been  tortured  and  slain    by  the    Indians, 
were  so  incensed   against  them,  that  they  breathed 
nothing  but  vengeance  and   implacable  resentment. 
Besides  other  acts  of  violence,  the  people,  at  some 
periods,  had,  without  restraint,  kidnapped  and  shipped 
them  off  to  the  West  Indies.*    The  remembrance  of 
past  injuries,  and  the  encroachments  which  they  saw 
making  by  new  settlements,  probably,  induced  them  to 
1712.     form  a  general  conspiracy  against  these  new  planters, 
Conspira-  ancj  soon  after  against  the  whole  province.  Those  pow- 
Sdians?    erful  tribes,  the  Corees  and  Tuscaroras,  with  other  In- 
dians, united  with  a  determination,  to  expel  all  the 
European  intruders.     Their  plan  was  formed  with 
admirable  cunning  and  secrecy.     For  the  security 
of  their  own  families,  they  surrounded  their  princi- 
pal town  with  a  breast- work.     Here  the  warriors  of 
*         different  tribes  met,  to  the  number  of  twelve  hun- 
dred bow- men.     The  plan  which  they  had  concert- 
ed was,  all  on  the  same  night,  to  begin  their  work 
Massacre  of  destruction,     When  the  fatal  night  came,  they  is- 
°tifles Pal  suec^  out  m  different  Parties,  and  on  different  roads, 
and  coming  under  the  mask  of  friendship,  almost  at 
the  same  instant,  to  the  houses  of  the  planters,  mur- 
dered men,  women,  and  children,  without  mercy  or 
distinction.     To  prevent  the  spreading  of  an  alarm, 
they  ran,  like  bloody  tygers,  from  house  to  house, 
carrying   death    and  carnage  wherever   they  came. 
None    knew   what  had  happened  on  that  dreadful 
night  to  his  hapless  neighbours,  till  the   barbarians 
brought  destruction  to  his  own  doors.     About  Roa- 
noke, in  one  night,  a  hundred  and  thirty  seven  of 
the  inhabitants  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  savage  fury* 

*   Hist. of  S.  Car.  vol.  i.  p.  93,  92. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  25, 

A  Swiss  baron  and  a  great  part  of  the  Palatines  were  chap, 
among  this  unhappy  number.  Some  escaped  and 
gave  the  alarm,  next  morning,  to  their  neighbours.  1712 
This  prevented  the  total  destruction  of  these  infant 
settlements.  The  people  were  all  collected  at  one 
place,  and,  night  and  day,  the  militia  kept  watch 
around  them. 

No  sooner  had  the  news  of  this  sad  disaster  reach- 
ed South  Carolina,  than  governour  Craven,  with 
great  exertion  and  despatch,  raised  an  army  of  near- 
ly a  thousand  men.  It  consisted  of  six  hundred 
militia,  and  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  six  Indians 
of  various  tribes.  Colonel  Barnwell  commanded 
the  whole.  Hideous  were  the  woods  through  which 
it  was  necessary  for  the  colonel  to  pass,  that  he  might 
give  seasonable  relief  to  his  distressed  countrymen. 
Neither  could  horses  pass  wTith  carriages,  nor  could 
the  men  carry  their  arms  and  the  provisions  necessa- 
ry for  their  support.  The  Indians  by  hunting,  fur- 
nished them  with  provisions,  on  their  march.  The 
colonel  came  up  with  the  enemy,  and,  after  a  consid- 
erable action,  entirely  defeated  them.  Three  hun- 
dred were  slain,  and  a  hundred  taken  prisoners.  No 
sooner  had  the  Tuscaroras  made  their  escape  to  their 
fortified  town,  than  the  colonel  surrounded,  and,  with 
great  spirit,  attacked  them.  After  numbers  had 
been  slain  the  remainder  capitulated.  It  was  com- 
puted that  nearly  a  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  kill- 
ed, wounded,  and  taken.  Colonel  Barnwell's  loss 
was  not  very  considerable.  Five  of  the  militia  only 
were  slain  and  not  a  large  number  wounded.  Thirty 
six  Indians  were  killed,  and  nearly  seventy  wounded. 

On  this  severe  chastisement  the  Tuscaroras  fled 
their  country,  and  were  incorporated  with  the  Five 
Nations.* 

Singular  mercies  were  here  to  be  seen  in  the  midst 
©f  judgment.  That  there  was  not  a  general  conspir- 
acy and  rising  among  the  Indians  in  South,  as  well 

tfist.  S.  Car.  vol.  i.  p.  201,  203.     Colden's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  5. 


256 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CH  A  P. 
VII 

1712. 


General 
conspira- 
cy and 
rising'  of 
the  In- 
dians 1715 


as  North,  Carolina,  as  soon  after  happened  ;  that  so 
many  of  them  should  offer  themselves,  and  act  so 
friendly  and  faithful  a  part,  in  the  defence  of  the 
country,  could  be  owing  to  nothing  but  a  divine  in- 
fluence. To  what  could  the  safe  conduct  of  the  ar- 
my,  through  a  horrible  wilderness,  and  the  victories 
won,  be  ascribed,  but  to  a  divine  interposition  ?  To 
what  other  cause  could  it  be  ascribed,  that  the  re- 
mains of  the  slaughtered  settlements,  should,  with 
such  wisdom  and  fortitude,  defend  themselves  till 
they  were  succoured  by  their  neighbours  ?  Their 
magnanimity  and  spirit  of  defence  were  eminent. 

The  assembly  voted  four  thousand  pounds  for  the 
service  of  the  war.  Governour  Craven,  who  had 
but  lately  been  invested  with  the  government,  was  a 
man  of  great  integrity,  wisdom,  and  courage,  and 
seemed  providentially  to  have  been  fixed  at  the  helm 
for  such  a  time  ;  and  for  the  still  more  stormy  sea- 
son which  soon  after  commenced.  By  his  wisdom 
and  justice  he  conciliated  the  affections  and  gained 
the  confidence  of  the  people.  The  elections  were 
again  conducted  with  regularity,  without  riot  and 
tumult. 

But  scarcely  had  the  people  forgotten  their  former 
sorrows,  and  emerged  from  the  late  dangers  and  ex- 
pense, when  others  far  more  general  and  threatening 
arose.  The  Yamosees,  a  powerful  tribe  of  Indians, 
the  Creeks,  Cherokees,  Appalachians,  Catawbaws, 
Congarees,  and  all  the  Indian  tribes  from  Florida  to 
Cape  Fear  river,  formed  a  conspiracy  for  the  total 
extirpation  of  the  Carolinians.  The  15th  of  April, 
1715,  was  fixed  upon,  as  the  day  of  general  destruc- 
tion. With  such  secrecy  and  appearances  of  friend- 
ship was  the  affair  managed,  that  the  English  imag- 
ined that  all  was  peace  and  safety.  Even  the  tra- 
ders slept,  the  preceeding  night,  with  the  king  and 
war-captains  in  the  chief  town  of  the  Yamosees.  All 
was  peace  and  silence  till  the  dreadful  morning  rose. 
Then,  all  on  a  sudden,  as  the  day  broke,  the  traders, 
one  man  and  boy  excepted,  were  slain  by  one  vol- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  257 

ley.     The  war  captains  were  instantly  out  in  arms   chap. 

calling  upon  their  fellows,  and   proclaiming  in  their    

terrible  manner  the  designs  of  their  vengeance.  The  1715 
young  warriors  in  a  flame  of  passion  flew  to  their  Destruc- 
arms,  and  like  a  conflagration  bore  down  all  before  jSkJJ^* 
them.  In  a  few  hours  they  massacred  about  a  hun- 
dred christians  in  the  town  of  Pocataligo  and  the 
neighbouring  plantations.  They  advanced  in  two 
parties  ;  one  fell  upon  Port  Royal,  the  other  on  St. 
Bartholomew's  parish.  The  man  and  boy  who  were 
not  killed  in  the  first  fire,  though  the  former  was 
much  wounded,  made  their  escape  to  Port  Royal, 
and  gave  the  alarm.  On  this  short  notice,  about 
three  hundred  souls  escaped,  on  board  a  ship  to 
Charleston.  The  women  and  children,  from  both 
these  places,  generally  made  their  escape  to  this  town. 
Some  families  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  and, 
in  their  barbarous  manner,  were  tortured  and  murder- 
ed. Their  effects  were  generally  abandoned  to  the 
enemy,  and  their  buildings  burnt,  or  otherwise  des- 
troyed. 

While  the  Yamosees,  Creeks,  and  Appalachians 
were  advancing  against  the  southern  frontiers,  mark- 
ing their  route  with  terror  and  desolation,  the  Con- 
garees,  Catawbaws,  and  Cherokees,  came  down  in 
formidable  numbers  on  the  northern.  It  was  com- 
puted that  the  southern  division  of  the  enemy  consist- 
ed of  six  thousand  bow- men  ;  and  the  northern  of 
between  six  hundred  and  a  thousand.  So  scattered 
were  the  settlements,  and  so  sudden  was  the  dan- 
ger, that  the  people  had  not  time  to  collect  in  sufficient 
numbers,  to  make  any  stand  against  the  enemy  ;  but 
each  one  consulting  the  safety  of  himself  and  family 
iled  to  the  capital. 

In  this  distressed  state  of  the  colony,  the  assembly 
authorized  the  governour  to  impress  men,  arms,  hor- 
ses, and  whatever  might  be  necessary  for  the  com- 
mon defence.  He  was  impowered  even  to  arm  the 
negroes  on  whom  they  could  depend,  for  assistance 
in  the  common  defence.     Wisdom,  despatch,  firm- 

Vol.  I.  33 


25%  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  ness,  and  caution  marked  his  conduct.  He  marched 
against  the  southern  division  of  the  enemy  with  twelve 
ln5t  hundred  white  men,  and  such  negroes  as  could  be 
trusted.  These  were  the  whole  number  on  the  mus- 
ter rolls  able  to  bear  arms.  It  was  judged  that  such 
was  the  strength  of  the  fortifications  at  Charles- 
ton, that  the  inhabitants  would  be  able  to  defend 
themselves  in  his  absence.  Doleful  was  the  day  when 
the  whole  strength  of  the  colony  was  called  to  ac- 
tion with  a  numerous,  subtile,  and  merciless  foe. 
When  its  very  existence  depended  on  the  success  of 
this  little  army. 

Meanwhile,  the  northern  division  of  Indians  were 
destroying  the  country  and  making  an  inroad  to- 
wards Goose  creek.  Captain  Barker  with  a  corps  of 
ninety  horse  was  sent  against  them  ;  but  he  was  be- 
trayed by  the  treachery  of  an  Indian  whom  he  trust- 
ed, drawn  into  an  ambush  in  a  thick  wood,  slain, 
and  his  party  defeated.  The  enemy  penetrated  the 
country  as  far  as  Goose  creek.  The  whole  tract 
was  deserted,  excepting  one  or  two  plantations,  which 
were  fortified.  Seventy  white  people  and  about  for- 
ty faithful  negroes,  who  had  compassed  themselves 
with  a  small  breast-work,  for  some  time  bravely  de- 
fended themselves  against  the  whole  force  of  this 
northern  division ;  but  afterwards,  unwarily  hearken- 
ing to  the  enemy's  proposals  of  peace,  were  betray- 
ed and  massacred.  Flushed  with  success,  the  enemy 
destroyed  all  before  them,  till  they  were  met  by 
captain  Chicken  at  the  head  of  the  Goose  creek  militia; 
when,  after  a  long  and  hard  fought  battle,  they  were 
totally  defeated.  This  happily  secured  the  country 
on  that  side  from  all  further  ravages. 

Governour  Craven,  apprised  of  the  arts  of  the  ene- 
my, and  sensible  how  much  the  safety  of  the  whole 
colony  depended  on  his  success,  marched  with  every 
precaution.  His  army  was  guarded  in  the  strictest 
manner.  As  he  advanced,  the  straggling  parties  fled 
before  him.  At  Saltcatches  he  came  upon  their 
great  camp.     Here  commenced  a  sharp  and  bloody 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  £5 

battle.  The  enemy  fought  from  behind  trees,  bush-  chap. 
es,  and  every  cover,  setting  up  their  terrible 
war  whoops  and  yells  :  sometimes  retiring,  and  then 
again  and  again,  with  redoubled  fury,  returning  to  the 
charge.  Notwithstanding  their  hideous  yells  and 
superior  numbers,  the  governour,  keeping  his  troops 
close  at  their  heels,  drove  them  before  him.  He 
drove  them  from  their  settlements,  at  Indian  land, 
and  pursuing  them  over  the  Savannah  wholly  ridded 
the  country  of  this  formidable  body  of  savages*  The 
Yamosees  fled  to  the  Spanish  territories  in  Florida. 
What  numbers  were  killed  in  this  battle  on  either 
side  is  not  known  ;  but  during  the  war  nearly  four 
hundred  of  the  inhabitants  were  slain.* 

On  the  return  of  the  governour  to  Charleston,  the 
people  were  raised  from  the  depths  of  despondency 
to  the  highest  tide  of  joy.  Providence  had  indeed 
wrought  wonderfully  for  them,  and  given  them  a 
great  and  memorable  salvation. 

Though  the  termination  of  the  war  was  honoura- 
ble and  happy  for  the  Carolinians,  yet  the  effects  of 
it  were  long  and  heavy.  Many  of  them  had  lost 
their  negroes,  and  had  none  to  assist  them  in  raising 
provisions  for  their  families.  Those  who  had  not 
lost  them,  were  called  into  service  and  could  not 
oversee  them,  so  that  their  plantations  were  unculti- 
vated. Many  were  driven  from  their  estates,  and 
their  dwellings  and  effects  were  destroyed.  The 
harvest  was  so  inconsiderable,  that  they  were  obliged 
to  send  to  the  northern  colonies  for  the  necessaries 
of  life.  The  colony  had  sustained  a  great  loss  both 
of  men  and  treasures.  By  the  two  recent  wars,  it 
had  contracted  a  debt  of  not  less  than  eighty  thous- 
and pounds.  Applications  were  made  to  the  propri- 
etors, either  in  whole,  or  in  part,  to  re-imburse  the 
colony;  but  they  would  advance  nothing  for  the 
purpose.     The  assembly  considered  the  Indian  lands 

*  Most  of  the  particulars  of  this  war  are  taken  from  the  History  of 
South  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  219—230.  Some  few  are  from  Dr.  Hum- 
phrey's History  of  Missionaries  in  South  Carolina,  p»  96—191, 


260  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   as  conquered  by  the  colony;    and  that,  in  justice, 
they  ought  to  be  applied  to  the  public  emolument. 
1716      They  therefore  appropriated  them  to  their  own  ad- 
The  Irish  vantage,  for  the  encouragement  of  new  settlers.     In 
th^fron-  consecluence  of  the  acts  of  the  assembly,  live  nun- 
tiers,         dred    people    transported  themselves  from  Ireland, 
and  made  settlements  on  the  frontiers.    At  this  junc- 
ture, this  was  a  happy  acquisition,  forming,  for  the 
colony,  a  strong  barrier  against  the  incursions  of  the 
savages.     But  the  injustice,  cruelty,  and  violence  of 
the  proprietors,  frustrated  all  the  happy  consequences 
of  the  wise  and  salutary  measures  adopted  by   the 
province ;  and  at  once  involved  it  in  a  state  of  dis- 
traction and  misery.     Though  they  had   expended 
nothing  in  the  war,  and  had  represented  both  to  the 
lords  and  to  his  majesty,  that  they  could  not  provide 
for  the  defence  of  the  colony ;    yet  they  insisted  on 
their  right  to  the  conquered  lands ;  repealed  the  acts 
of  the  assembly,  and  ordered  the  lands  to  be  laid  out 
in  large  baronies,  for  their  own  use. 
Are  ruin-       By  this  means  they  violated  the  faith  of  the  colo- 
ed  by  the  nv   and  totally  ruined  the  Irish  emigrants.       Maiw 
tors.  of  them  had  spent  the  little  money  they  had,  in  their 

transmigration  and  settlement ;  and  by  this  means  were 
reduced  to  the  greatest  misery,  and  actually  perished 
for  want.  Others  removed  to  the  northern  colonies. 
The  old  settlers  having  lost  this  important  barrier 
on  the  frontiers,  deserted  their  plantations,  and  left 
the  country  open  to  the  incursions  of  the  enemy. 
This  revived  and  greatly  increased  the  former  aver- 
sion and  hatred  of  the  people,  to  the  proprietors  and 
their  government.  With  more  earnestness  and  im- 
patience than  ever  did  they  wish  for  the  protection  of 
the  crown. 

This  year  governour  Craven,  who  had  performed 
such  important  services  for  the  colony,  and  by  mer- 
it gained  the  highest  love  and  esteem  of  the  Caroli- 
nians, left  the  government,  to  take  care  of  his  domes- 
mr.  tic  affairs  in  England.  Robert  Daniel  succeeded  him 
in  the  chair* 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  261 

At  this  time  of  general  discontent,  nothing  could  chap. 
exceed  the  impolicy  and  injustice  of  the  proprietors. 
Instead  of  redressing,  'hey  increased  the  grievances  m7 
of  the  people.  One  Trott,  a  cunning,  supercilious, 
oppressive  man,  was  chief  justice  of  the  colony,  and 
of  the  court  of  vice  admiralty.  William  Rhett,  his 
brother-in-law,  was  receiver  general  and  comptroller 
of  his  majesty's  customs,  both  in  Carolina  and  the 
Bahama  islands.  Their  cunning,  many  offices,  and  Trott  and 
emoluments,  gave  them  great  influence  in  the  colony.  Sesl^SSe 
New  instructions  were  given  by  the  proprietors  re-  people, 
specting  the  elections,  which  were  contrary  to  the 
constitution.  These  men  employed  all  their  art  to 
serve  the  oppressive  designs  of  the  proprietors,  and 
had  an  undue  influence  in  the  elections.  In  the 
assembly  they  opposed  all  popular  bills,  and 
whenever  they  could  not  prevent  their  passing,  they 
made  such  representations  of  them  to  the  proprietors, 
as  to  prevent  their  approbation  of  them.  The  affairs 
of  government  were  so  managed,  that  the  public  ex- 
penses ate  up  all  the  fruits  of  the  people's  labour : 
and  these  artful  men,  made  such  representations  to 
the  proprietors,  as  to  prevent  all  means  of  relief. 
So  great  and  numerous  were  the  grievances  of  the 
people,  and  the  instances  of  Trott's  maladministra- 
tion, that  governour  Daniel  joined  with  them  in 
their  complaints,  and  both  he  and  a  majority  of  the 
council  joined  the  commons  in  their  charges  against 
him.  But  no  redress  could  be  obtained.  The  pro- 
prietors continued  Trott  in  his  office,  and  even 
thanked  him  for  his  good  services.  They  displaced 
the  old  counsellors,  nominated  twelve  others,  appoint- 
ed a  new  governour,  and  repealed  a  number  of  the 
laws.  They  also  ordered  a  new  election  of  the  as- 
sembly. These  were  finishing  strokes  to  the  pro- 
prietary government,  threw  the  people  into  a  state  of 
general  perplexity  and  tumult,  and  ripened  them  for 
an  immediate  revolt. 

When  the  new  assembly  met,  1719,  with  a  manly     1719. 
firmness  and  true  spirit  of  patriotism,  they  determin-  Nov-  28th. 


262  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CvnP'   ec* t0  Pa^  no  attenti°n  t0  tne  instructions  of  the  pro- 

prietors ;    but  at  all  hazards,  to  execute  their  own 

1719.  laws  and  defend  the  rights  of  the  province.  The  as- 
sembly absolutely  refused  to  transact  any  business 
/  with  the  proprietary  governour  and  his  council.  The 
governour,  at  this  time,  was  Robert  Johnson,  son  of 
Nathaniel  Johnson,  who  formerty  held  the  same  office, 
and  left  him  a  good  estate  in  the  colony.  He  was  a 
man  of  address  and  high  in  the  affections  and  esteem 
of  the  people ;  but,  with  all  his  address  and  influ- 
ence, he  could  not  persuade  the  assembly  to  depart 
from  their  resolution.  No  regard  for  personal  char- 
acters could  make  them  forget  the  weakness,  injus- 
tice, and  contemptibleness  of  the  proprietary  govern- 
ment. They  preferred  the  public  good,  their  own 
liberty  and  safety  ta  every  personal  consideration. 
They  had  impeached  Trott,  before  the  assembly,  in 
more  than  thirty  articles  of  maleconduct ;  and  the 
articles  of  charge  were  supported  with  strong  evi- 
dence. It  was  alleged,  that  he  had  been  guilty  of 
many  partial  judgments :  that  he  had  contrived  ways 
of  multiplying  and  increasing  his  fees  :  that  he  had 
contrived  a  fee  for  continuing  suits  from  one  term  to 
another ;  and  had  put  off  the  hearing  of  them  for  years : 
that  he  had  given  advice  in  cases  depending  in  his 
own  court,  with  many  other  matters  of  like  nature. 
Governour  Johnson,  with  a  majority  of  his  council, 
as  governour  Daniel  had  done  before,  joined  the  as- 
sembly in  the  charges  against  him.  To  give  further 
weight  to  them,  before  the  proprietors,  Francis 
Yonge,  one  of  the  council,  was  appointed  agent, 
fully  to  represent  the  whole  matter  to  their  lord- 
ships ;  but  Trott  was  still  continued  to  oppress  the 
people. 

War  was  this  year  proclaimed  between  England 
and  Spain,  and  the  colony  was  threatened  with  an 
immediate  invasion  from  the  Spaniards.  The  mili- 
tia, just  before  the  meeting  of  the  new  assembly,  had 
been  called  to  a  general  review  at  Charleston.  The 
officers    and    soldiers    took    this    opportunity,   t© 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  26S 

subscribe  a  general  association  and  firm  agreement,  chap. 
to  stand  by  each  other,  in  the  defence  of  their  com- 
mon rights,  against  the  oppression  and  tyranny  of  1719 
the  proprietors.  A  determination  having  been  form- 
ed to  revolt,  and  put  themselves  under  the  crown, 
the  affair  was  conducted  with  uncommon  address 
and  resolution.  The  assembly  while  they  utterly 
refused  to  transact  any  thing  with  the  governour,  un* 
der  the  proprietors,  expressed  the  highest  esteem 
for  his  person,  and  in  an  obliging  and  genteel  man- 
ner, made  him  repeated  offers  of  the  government, 
intreating  him  to  hold  the  reins  of  it  for  the  king, 
till  his  pleasure  should  be  known.  The  governour 
absolutely  refused,  and  issued  his  proclamation  dis- 
solving the  house.  The  representatives  ordered  it 
to  be  torn  from  the  hands  of  the  marshal,  met  under 
the  name  of  a  convention  of  the  people,  and  proceed- 
ed to  do  their  own  business.  Colonel  James  Moore 
was  elected  governour.  He  was  a  bold  man,  excel- 
lently qualified  for  a  popular  leader  in  perilous  ad- 
ventures. The  governour  had  suspended  him  from 
his  office  in  the  militia,  for  espousing  the  cause  of 
the  people.  To  him  therefore  he  was  no  friend,  to 
the  proprietors  he  was  an  inveterate  enemy,  and  in 
whatever  enterprise  he  engaged,  he  was  firm  and 
inflexible.  On  the  21st  of  December,  1719,  the  con-  Revoiu- 
vention  and  militia  marched  to  the  fort  in  Charleston, tion  inCro. 
and  proclaimed  him  governour,  in  his  majesty's  name,  2Uu 
and  till  his  pleasure  should  be  known.  With  this 
popular  assembly,  or  convention,  he  assumed  the 
powers  of  government,  and  put  the  colony  in  a  state 
of  defence  against  the  invasion  which  was  every 
day  expected.  It  was  the  design  of  the  Spaniards 
to  possess  themselves  of  both  sides  of  the  gulf  of 
Florida,  and  to  command  the  navigation  through  the 
stream.  The  capture  of  Providence  island,  as  well 
as  the  reduction  of  Carolina  was  an  object  of  their 
expedition.  They  sailed  from  the  Havannah,  with 
fourteen  ships,  and  twelve  hundred  men.  They 
commenced   their   operations    against    Providence.. 


.264  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CHAP-   Captain  Rogers,  who  commanded  the  island,  receiv- 

ing  them  with  great  spirit  and  conduct,  gave  them  a 

1719.  severe  repulse.  Soon  after  they  were  overtaken  by 
a  storm,  in  which  most  of  the  fleet  were  lost.  In 
this  singular  manner,  did  the  Great  Disposer  of 
events  interpose,  and  give  safety  to  his  people.* 

The  Carolinians  having  assumed  the  government 
in  behalf  of  his  majesty,  referred  their  complaints  to 
the  royal  ear.     On  a  full  hearing  of  the  ill  govern- 
ment and  oppression  of  the  lords  proprietors,  and  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  people,  before  his  majesty,  it 
was  judged,  that  the  proprietary  charter  had   been 
1721.    forfeited,  and  the  colony  was  taken  under  the  royal 
protection. 
Govern-         From  this  period  the  government  became  regal, 
ment  be-    an(j  continued  under  that  form  till  the  late  revolution. 

comes  re-    ™.  .         .  ,  .. 

gal.  1  he  governour  was  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  vest- 

ed with  its  constitutional  powers  civil  and  military. 
He  had  a  negative  on  all  bills  passed  by  the  assemblies, 
with  the  power  of  convoking,  proroguing,  and  dis- 
solving them.  He  was  vested  with  powers  of  chancery, 
admiralty,  supreme  ordinary,  and  of  appointing  all 
officers  civil  and  military.  To  him  was  also  entrust- 
ed the  execution  of  the  laws.  A  council/  was  ap- 
pointed him,  by  the  crown,  to  advise  and  assist  him 
in  legislation.  The  assembly  consisted  of  represen- 
tatives chosen  by  the  free  suffrages  of  the  people. 
The  government  was  formed,  as  nearly  as  circum- 
stances wTould  admit,  on  the  plan  of  the  British  con- 
stitution. 

Francis  Nicholson  was  appointed  the  first  kingly 
governour.  In  the  beginning  of  1721,  he  arrived  in 
Carolina  and  took  on  him  the  administration  of  gov- 
ernment. 

He  found  the  colony  in  a  low  and  pitiable  condi- 
tion. The  proprietors,  during  the  half  century  of 
their  government,  had  built  no  churches,  erected  no 
schools,  done  nothing  for  the  civilization  or   chris- 

*  Hist.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  i.  p.  287—290. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  <&& 

tianizing  of  the  heathen,  nor  even  for  the  support  cf  chap. 

that  mode  of  worship,  which  in  such  an  undue  and    

oppressive  manner  they  had  established  in  the  colo-      172i. 
ny.     The  people  in  general  grew  up  in  great  ignor- 
ance, and  some  were  almost  entirely  strangers  to  pub- 
lic worship. 

At  the  term  of  fifty  four  years  from  the  arrival  of  172*- 
the  first  planters,  the  number  of  white  inhabitants  in 
the  colony  amounted  only  to  fourteen  thousand. 
This  low  degree  of  population  was  owing  to  various 
causes.  The  principal  ones  were  the  unhealthiness 
of  the  country,  the  massacres  and  depredations  com- 
mitted by  the  Indians,  and  the  weak,  impolitic^  and 
oppressive  government  of  the  proprietors. 

Nicholson  was  a  popular  governour  ;  and,  under 
his  administration,  the  affairs  of  the  colony  took  a 
new  and  happy  turn.  Though  he  was  naturally  pas- 
sionate and  headstrong,  and,  having  been  bred  a  sol- 
dier, was  profane  ;  yet  so  strong  was  his  conviction 
of  the  importance  of  religion,  to  the  happiness  of  civ- 
il society,  that  he  made  liberal  provision,  for  the  en- 
couragement of  public  worship,  for  the  erecting  and 
support  of  schools ;  and  in  these  respects,  by  his  in- 
fluence  and   example,  did  great  good  to  the  colony. 

In    1728,  the  crown  made  a  purchase  of  seven  1728. 
eighth  parts  of  Carolina,  both  of  lands  and  quitrents,  5cmJm 
for  a  little  more  than  twenty  two  thousand  and  five  naby  the 
hundred  pounds  sterling.    Lord  Carteret  retained  his  crown- 
right  in  the  property  and  quitrents,  but  resigned  his 
right  of  jurisdiction.     The  next  year  the  proprietors  Surren- 
made  a  formal  surrender  of  the  country  to  his  majes-  fy^QSevt' 
ty.*     From  this  period  the  government  of  the  Car- 
olinas  became  regal.     Four  years  after,  the  patent  of 
Georgia  passed  the  royal  seals,  and  a  plan  was  adopt- 
ed for  its  speedy  settlement. 

At  the  time  of  settlement,  and  for  half  a  century 
from  that  period,  few  colonies  endured  greater  hard- 
ships and  dangers  than  South  Carolina ;  but  after  it 

*  Hist.  S.  Carolina,  vol,  i.  p.  318,  119. 

Vol.  I.  34 


266  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  became  a  royal  government,  it,  in  general,  enjoyed 
great  prosperity.  On  the  north  it  was  secured  from 
172i  the  ravages  of  the  Indians,  by  its  sister  colonies,  and 
on  the  south  Georgia,  soon  after,  became  an  import- 
ant barrier  against  the  southern  tribes.  The  inhab- 
itants enjoyed  peace,  and  were  safe  in  their  persons 
and  property.  The  fertility  of  the  soil  generously 
repaid  the  labours  of  the  husbandman,  made  the 
poor  to  sing,  and  industry  every  where  to  smile.  The 
inhabitants  were  entirely  satisfied  with  the  govern- 
ment and  protection  of  Great  Britain,  gloried  in  her 
as  their  mother  country  ;  and  through  a  thousand 
channels  wealth  poured  in  upon  them. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Settlement  of  North  Carolina.  First  voyages  made  to  that  country  . 
Interview  with  the  Natives.  Their  kindness.  Settlement  of  Al- 
bemarle and  Cape  Fear.  Revolt  in  Albemarle.  Deed  from  the 
proprietors.  Constitution  of  the  colony.  Palatines  plant  themselves 
on  the  Roanoke.  The  colony  is  purchased  by  the  crown,  and  the 
government  becomes  regal.  The  plan  and  patent  for  the  settlement 
of  Georgia.  Settlements  made.  Regulations  of  the  trustees.  Ex- 
pedition against  St.  Augustine.  Spaniards  invade  Georgia  and  are 
defeated.  The  corporation  surrender  their  charter  and  the  govern- 
ment becomes  regal.  General  observations  relative  to  Georgia  and 
the  southern  colonies. 

1  HE  first  voyages  to  any  part  of  the  territories  of 
the  United  States,  were  made  to  North  Carolina. 
Here  the  French  and  Spaniards  attempted  to  make 
settlements,  and   alternately  destroyed  each    other. 
To  this  part  of  the  continent  Amidas  and  Barlow 
made  their  voyage  in  fifteen  hundred  eighty  four. 
They  first  landed  at  Wococon,  and  afterwards  visit- 
ed Roanoke.      On  the  north  end  of  the  latter  were 
nine  houses,  built  of  cedar  and  fortified  with  sharp- 
Indian       ened  trees.     The  Indian  name  of  the  country  was 
name  of    Wingandacoa,  the  king  of  it  was   Wingina.     His 
tryini584.  cnief  town  was  six  days  journey   from  Wococon. 
His  brother,  Ganganameo  resided  at  the   village  on 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  261 

Roanoke.  The  third  day  after  the  arrival  of  the  chap. 
English  at  Wococon  some  of  the  natives  made  their 
appearance,  in  a  small  boat,  and  one  of  them,  of  his  1584 
own  accord,  after  making  a  considerable  speech,  of 
which  they  understood  not  a  word,  went  boldly  on 
board  the  ships.  The  English  gave  him  a  shirt,  hat, 
wine,  and  a  good  meal.  He  appeared  to  be  highly  interview 
pleased,  and  soon  made  them  a  grateful  return.  ^tive8. 
Paddling  off,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  ships,  he 
soon  loaded  his  boat  with  fish,  and  returning  to  the 
point,  he  divided  his  cargo  into  two  parts ;  and  point- 
ing one  to  one  ship  and  the  other  to  the  other,  took 
leave  of  his  new  friends.  The  next  day,  Gangana- 
meo  came,  with  his  train  of  about  fifty  men.  They 
had  fine  limbs  and  a  good  stature.  They  appeared 
exceedingly  civil  and  harmless.  Though  the  Eng- 
lish appeared  in  arms,  he  manifested  no  signs  of  fear, 
but  spreading  his  mat  on  the  point,  sat  down  and 
made  signs  for  them  to  sit  with  him.  He  gently 
stroked  his  own,  and  their  heads  and  breasts,  in  to- 
ken of  his  cordial  friendship,  and  that  their  heads  and 
hearts  should  be  one.  After  he  had  addressed  them 
in  a  long  speech,  they  presented  him  with  a  number 
of  toys,  with  which  he  manifested  the  highest  satis- 
faction. Then  opening  a  trade  with  him  they  re-  Trade 
ceived  twenty  deer  skins,  worth  twenty  crowns,  for  Wlththem. 
a  pewter  bason.  Charmed  with  its  glitter  and  nov- 
elty he  made  a  hole  through  it,  and  hung  it  about 
his  neck  for  a  breast  plate.  He  conceived  it  to  be 
a  very  princely  ornament.  They  sold  him  a  copper 
kettle  for  fifty  skins  more,  worth  fifty  crowns.  Thus 
they  made  their  gain  of  this  friendly  and  simple 
people. 

Some  days  after  Ganganameo  made  a  visit  with  visit  of 
his  wife  and  children.  They  were  of  low  stature,  ^a"sana" 
but  modest  and  handsome.  His  wife,  the  princess, 
wore  a  coat  of  leather,  and  before  a  short  apron  of 
the  same.  About  her  forehead  was  a  band  of  white 
coral,  and  in  her  ears  bracelets  of  pearls,  of  the  big- 
ness  of  large  peas,  hanging  down  to  her  middle. 


meo. 


208  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.   The  only  distinction,  in  dress,  between  the  prince 
•     and  his  wife,  was   the  manner  in  which  they  wore 
1584.     tneir  nair«     His  was  long  on  one  side  only,   hers, 
agreeably  to  nature,  was  long  on  both. 

Ganganameo  was  greatly  respected  by  his  people : 
none  traded,  sat,  or  spake,  when  he  was  present,  ex- 
cept some  of  his  chief  men.     In  whatever  the  Eng- 
lish trusted  him  he  was  punctual  and  faithful.     He 
commonly  sent  them  daily  a  brace  of  bucks,  conies, 
hares,    fish,    and,  sometimes,   melons,    cucumbers, 
peas,  walnuts,  and  various  kinds  of  esculent  roots. 
He  was  so  charmed   with  the  English  arms,  that  he 
would  have  engaged   a  bag  of  pearls  only  to  have 
been  armed. 
Courtesy       When  the  English  went  to  Roanoke,  they  made  a 
of  an  in-    visit  at  his  house.     As  he  was  from  home,  his  wife 
qess.Prm"  ran  to  meet  them,  and  ordered  her  men  to  bear  them 
on  their  backs  to  the  land.     As  the  season  was  rainy 
and  tempestuous  she  ordered  their  boat  to  be  drawn 
on  shore,  that  it  might  not  be  injured  by  the  waves, 
and  the  oars  to   be  carried   into  the  house,  that  they 
might  not  be  stolen.     In  the  house  were  five  rooms. 
Having  brought  them  into  one  of  these,  she  washed 
their  clothes  and  feet,  and  when  they  had  warmed  and 
dried   themselves,  by  a  good  fire,    she  introduced 
them  into  another,  where,  on  a  long  board,  she  had 
spread  a  table  for  their  refreshment.     Here  she  en- 
tertained them  with  a  kind  of  frumenty,  boiled  ven- 
ison, roasted  fish,  boiled  roots,  melons,  and  divers 
kinds  of  fruit.     When  they  repaired  to  their  boat,  in 
the  evening,  she  appeared  to  be  much  grieved,  and 
sent  them  mats  to  cover  them  from  the  rain.     Ma- 
ny other  courtesies  did  she  show  them.     Say  the 
voyagers,  "A  more  kind,  loving  people  cannot  be."* 
Cruel  wars  now  raged  among  the  Indians,  in  those 
parts,  and  Wingina  lay,  at  his  chief  town,  recover- 
ing from  the  wounds  he  had  received  in  battle. 

♦  Voyage  of  Amidas  and  Barlow ;  Smith's  History  of  Virginia,p.334» 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  269 

Governour  Lane,  with  the  second  company  of  Sir   chap. 

Walter  Raleigh,  on  the  seventeenth  of  August,   fif-    'm 

teen  hundred  eighty  five,  fixed  his  residence  at  Roan-  Discove- 
oke.     He  made  discoveries  to  the  southward  as  far  ries  of 
as  Secotan,which  was  about  eighty  miles.  This  was  the  f^weTS 
southern  boundary  of  the  country  called  Wingandacoa. 
His  passage  was  through  Pamtico  sound.     Through 
Currituck  sound,  he  went  to  the  northward,  and  ex- 
plored the  country  as  far  as  the  town  of  the  Chesa- 
peaks,  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles.    To  the  north- 
west, proceeding  through  Albemarle  sound,  he  made 
discoveries  as  far  as  Choanoke,  since  called  Chow- 
an.    This  was  estimated  a  hundred  and  thirty  miles. 
Choanoke  was,  at  that  time,  the  greatest  town  on  the 
river,  and  was  supposed  to  be  able  to  muster  seven 
hundred  warriors.* 

About  sixty  five  years  after  these  discoveries,  a  Settie- 
permanent  settlement  was  made  in  North  Carolina.  J^e^unty 
Several  substantial  planters  from  Virginia,  and  some  of  Albe- 
other  plantations,  emigrated  and  began  a  settlement  JSJof" 
in  the  county  of  Albemarle,  chiefly  in  Chowan  pre- 
cinct. They  found  the  winters  mild  and  the  coun- 
try fertile  beyond  expectation.  Every  thing  which 
they  planted  yielded  a  prodigious  increase.  Their 
horses,  cattle,  swine,  and  sheep,  breeding  at  an  un- 
common rate,  and  passing  the  winter  without  the 
care  of  the  husbandman,  they  soon  found  themselves 
living  in  ease  and  plenty.  With  these  encourage- 
ments, though  few  in  number,  settled  at  considera- 
ble distances  from  each  other,  and  surrounded  with 
numerous  Indian  nations,  they  unanimously  deter- 
mined to  keep  their  ground.  From  the  flattering 
descriptions  given  of  the  country,  in  a  few  years,  a 
considerable  number  of  families  were  induced  to  em- 
igrate and  make  settlements  in  the  colony.  They 
soon  commanded  a  number  of  articles,  such  as  wheat, 
Indian  corn,  beef,  pork,  tallow,  hides,  deer  skins,  and 
furs,  for  exportation.     These  they  exchanged  with 

*  Smith's  History  of  Virginia,  p.  5,  6. 


270  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  the  Bermudians  and  New  Engenders,  for  rum,  su- 
gar, salt,  molasses,  and  wearing  apparel.  The  lat- 
ter was  obtained  at  an  exorbitant  price. 

As  the  soil  was  liberal  to  the  planters  so  were  they 
to  all  who  visited  them.     Most  of  them  living  nobly, 
gave  away  more  to  coasters  and  guests  than  they  ex- 
pended in  their  own  families.* 
Settle-  In  sixteen  hundred  sixty  one,settlements  were  made 

ment  at  at  and  about  Cape  Fear,  by  a  number  of  adventur- 
?66t?ar'  ers  fr°m  Massachusetts.  They  obtained  a  transfer 
of  their  lands  from  the  natives,  the  original  proprie- 
tors of  the  soil.  This,  with  occupancy,  they  esteem- 
ed a  good  title  to  their  lands,  without  deeds  or  pa- 
tents from  the  crown.  They  judged  themselves 
entitled  to  the  same  privileges  which  they  enjoyed 
in  the  country,  whence  they  emigrated.  For  some 
time  they  were  exceedingly  distressed  for  want  of 
necessary  subsistence.  On  application  to  the  gen- 
eral court  of  Massachusetts,  an  extensive  contribu- 
tion was  ordered  for  their  relief. 

Some  of  these  planters,  it  seems,  gave  such  offence 
to  the  Indians,  by  sending  off  a  number  of  their  chil- 
dren, under  the  pretence  of  instructing  them  in  the 
principles  of  Christianity,  that  they  drove  them  off 
with  their  bows  and  arrows. f 

The  grant  of  Carolina,  to  their  lordships  Claren- 
don, Craven,  &c.  having  passed  the  royal  seals, 
March  4th,  1663,  these  noblemen  held  a  meeting  in 
Xfay,i663.  May,  and,  at  the  desire  of  the  New  England  people 
settled  within  the  limits  of  their  grant,  published 
general  proposals  for  planting  the  country.  They 
gave  assurance  to  all  who  should  plant  themselves  in 
Carolina,  of  the  most  perfect  freedom  in  religion ; 
that  they  should  be  governed  by  a  free  assembly, 
enjoy  the  same  exemption  from  customs,  granted 
by  the  charter ;  and,  that  every  freeman,  during  the 
term  of  five  years,  should  be  allowed  a  hundred 
acres  of  land  for  himself,  and  fifty  for  every  servant, 

*  Lawson's  History  of  North  Carolina,  p.  62,  63. 
f  Manuscripts  of  the  Hon.  Benjamin  Hawkins. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  271 

paying  only  an  acknowledgment  of  a  halfpenny  an   chap. 
acre.  |- 

The  same  year  three  men,  Anthony  Long,  Will-  1663 
iam  Hilton,  and  Peter  Fabian  were  sent  from  Bar- 
badoea  to  make  discoveries  in  North  Carolina.  They 
came  to  anchor  in  Cape  Fear  road,  on  the  12th  of 
October.  They  spent  some  time  in  going  up  the 
branches  of  the  river,  especially  the  north  east. 
They  discovered  some  rich  lands  at  a  place  which 
they  named  Rocky  Point.  It  is  probable,  that  in 
consequence  of  their  discoveries,  some  settlements 
were  made  in  those  parts  from  Rarbadoes.* 

The  proprietors  by  virtue  of  their  patent  claimed  The  pro- 
all   the   lands  in  Carolina,  and  jurisdiction  over  all  pnetors 
who  had  made  settlements  on  them.     And,  as  the  risdiction" 
planters  in  the  county  of  Albemarle  were  principally  over  the 
emigrants  from  Virginia,  and  till  this  time  had  been  Jjj.'JL86*" 
within  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of  that  colony,  the 
proprietors   appointed    Sir    William   Berkley,   then 
governour   of  Virginia,    superintendant   general   of 
their   county  of  Albemarle.      He  repaired   to   the 
county,  granted  and  confirmed  lands  on  the  condi- 
tions published  by  the  proprietors.    He  also  appoint- 
ed officers  for  the  government  of  the  people.     He  al- 
lowed them  a  general  assembly,  and  appointed  Mr. 
Drummond  their  governour. 

Two  years  after,  the  people  who  had  settled  at  sir  John 
and  about  Cape  Fear  were  made  a  distinct  county  Yeamans 
by  the  name  of  Clarendon  county.     This  was  ex-  o^ciaren- 
tended,  on  the  coast,  from  Cape  Fear  to  the  river  St.  don  coun- 
Matheo,  though  it  does  not  appear,  that  there  were,  y* 
at  this  period  any  settlers  south  of  little  river,  the 
southern  boundary  of  North  Carolina.     John  Yea- 
mans,  a  respectable  planter,  from  Barbadoes  was  cre- 
ated a  baronet  and  appointed  commander  in  chief  of 
this  county. 

The  inhabitants  of  Albemarle  were  not  well  pleas-  inhabit- 
ed with  the  new  claims  of  their   lordships.     Thev  ?ntsof  Ai- 

1  "    be  marie 

*  Extracts  from  their  journal  now  before  me.     Lawson's  Hist.  N.  V ssatls* 
C.p,  65-73.  '  htd- 


272 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
VIII 

1665. 


Petition 
their 
Lord- 
ships, 
1666. 


Revolt. 

Oct.  1667, 
S.  Ste- 
phens 
governour 


Grand 
Deed  to 
North 
Carolina, 
May  1st, 
166*8. 


had  endured  the  hardships  and  dangers  of  making 
new  settlements  in  a  vast  wilderness.  They  had  set- 
tled to  the  general  satisfaction  of  the  natives,  the 
original  proprietors  of  the  soil.  They  planted  them- 
selves under  the  old  Virginia  patent,  and  had  enjoy- 
ed about  fifteen  years  quiet  possession.  To  be  eject- 
ed now,  or  become  tributaries  to  the  proprietors,  ap- 
peared to  them  not  only  palpably  inconsistent  with 
every  idea  of  justice,  but  in  a  high  degree  inhuman. 
They  were  neither  pleased  with  the  claims,  nor  gov- 
ernment of  such  men.  Indeed  they  were  on  the 
point  of  a  general  revolt.  In  this  state  of  their  af- 
fairs the  general  assembly  preferred  a  petition  to  their 
lordships,  the  proprietors,  praying  that  the  people  of 
Albemarle  might  hold  their  possessions  on  the  same 
terms  on  which  they  were  holden  in  Virginia.  Their 
lordships  delaying  to  grant  their  petition,  the  colony 
revolted  for  nearly  two  years.* 

In  October,  1667,  Samuel  Stephens  was  appointed 
governour  of  Albemarle.  But  he  does  not  appear  to 
have  convoked  an  assembly,  for  nearly  two  years,  on 
the  constitution  of  the  proprietors.  Something 
more  was  yet  necessary  to  be  done  to  quiet  the  plant- 
ers. One  Colepepper,  who  had  been  active  in  the 
revolt,  with  another  person,  was  despatched  to  Eng- 
land with  a  promise,  on  certain  conditions,  of  the 
submission  of  the  colony  to  the  proprietaries.  To 
quiet  the  inhabitants  the  proprietaries  executed  the 
following  deed  to  the  colony. 

To  our  trusty  and  well  beloved  Samuel  Stephens, 
Esq.  governour  of  our  county  of  Albemarle,  and  the 
isles  and  islets  within  ten  leagues  thereof,  and  to  our 
trustv  and  well  beloved  counsellors  and  assistants  to 
our  governour,  Greeting  : 

Whereas  we  have  received  a  petition  from  the 
grand  assembly  of  our  county  of  Albemarle,  praying 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  county  may  hold 
their  lands  upon  the  same  terms  and  conditions,  that 


*  Chalmer's  Political  Annals. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  373 

the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  hold  theirs  ;  and  foras- 
much as  the  said  county  doth  border  upon  Virgin- 
ia and  is  much  of  the  same  nature,  We  are  con-  16m 
tent,  and  do  grant  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  coun- 
ty, do  hold  their  lands  of  us,  the  lords  proprietors, 
upon  the  same  terms  and  conditions  that  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Virginia  hold  theirs. 

Wherefore  be  it  known  unto  all  men  by  these 
presents,  that  we,  the  said  lords  and  absolute  proprie- 
tors of  the  county  within  the  province  aforesaid, 
have  given,  granted,  and  by  these  presents  do  give 
,  and  grant  full  power  and  authority  unto  you  the  said 
governour,  for  the  time  being,  or  that  shall  hereafter 
be  by  us  appointed,  full  power  and  authority,  by 
and  with  the  consent  of  our  council  then  being,  or 
the  major  part  thereof,  to  convey  and  grant  such 
portions  of  land  as  by  our  instructions  and  conces- 
sions annexed  to  our  commission,  bearing  date  in 
October,  Anno  Domini  1667,  we  have  appointed  to 
such  persons  as  shall  come  into  our  said  county  to 
plant  and  inhabit." 

The  proprietaries  allowed  them  a  general  assem-  Constitu* 
blv,  which  was  to  consist  of  the  governour,  twelve  tIon  of 
counsellors,  and  twelve  delegates  annually  chosen  by  mem. 
the  freeholders.     The  governour  was  appointed  by 
the  proprietaries,  half  the  council  were    chosen  by 
the  governour,  and  half  by  the  assembly.     The  gov- 
ernour was  obliged  to  act  agreeably  to  the  advice  of 
a  majority  of  his  council.     No  taxes  were  to  be  im- 
posed without  the  consent  of  the  assembly.      All 
men,  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  king,  and 
of  fidelity  to  the  proprietaries,  were  declared  to  have 
a  title  to  equal  privileges. 

In  sixteen  hundred  sixty  nine  governour  Stevens  First  as- 
convoked   the   first   assembly  on  this  constitution.  I!SSL?2I 

~r%  -  J      n  •  cording-  to 

Besides  various  regulations  for  the  security  of  it,  1669. 
property  and  the  good  government  of  the  colony, 
it  was  enacted,  "  None  shall  be  sued,  during  five 
years,  for  any  cause  of  action  arising  out  of  the 
country ;  and  none  shall  accept  a  power  of  attor- 
Vol.  I.  35 


274 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
VIII. 


1669. 


Coiepep- 
per tried 

for  high 
treason. 


Palatines 
settle  on 
Roanoke, 
1710. 


Are  mas- 
sacred, 
1712. 


Enacting- 
style  in 
1715. 


ney,  to  receive  debts  contracted  abroad.' '  Hence 
this  colony  was,  for  a  time,  considered  as  the  refuge 
of  the  criminal,  and  the  common  asylum  of  the  fu- 
gitive debtor. 

After  Coiepepper  had  executed  his  trust,  and  was 
about  to  return,  he  was  impeached,  by  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  customs,  for  acting  as  collector  with- 
out their  authority,  and  embezzling  the  king's  reve- 
nue in  Carolina.  He  was  seized,  on  board  a  vessel 
in  the  Downs,  carried  back,  and  tried  by  virtue  of 
the  statute  of  Henry  VIII.  on  an  indictment  of  high- 
treason  committed  out  of  the  realm.  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury, who  was  then  in  the  height  of  his  popularity, 
undertook  his  defence.  His  lordship  insisted  "  That 
there  never  had  been  any  regular  government  in  Al- 
bemarle, that  its  disorders  were  only  feuds  between 
the  planters,  which  could  only  amount  to  a  riot." 
On  this  plea  Coiepepper  was  acquitted,  though  it  was 
contrary  to  the  plainest  facts. 

In  seventeen  hundred  and  ten  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  Palatines  were  settled  in  the  colony,  on  and 
near  Roanoke,  in  Albemarle  and  Bath  counties. 
These  were  a  considerable  accession  to  the  strength 
and  numbers  of  the  colony.  But  its  population  was 
exceedingly  slow.  Though  it  was  now  sixty  years 
from  its  first  settlement  yet  the  whole  number  of 
fencible  men  did  not  exceed  twelve  hundred.  Two 
years  after  the  colony  sustained  a  great  loss  both  of 
lives  and  property,  in  the  horrible  massacre  perpe- 
trated by  the  Corees  and  Tuscaroras.  The  expense 
of  defending  the  colony  against  the  enemy,  till  the 
arrival  of  colonel  Barnwell  and  his  troops  from 
South  Carolina,  and  the  summer  following,  was  very 
considerable. 

The  enacting  style  of  the  colony  from  about  the 
year  sixteen  hundred  fifteen  was,  "Be  it  enacted,  by 
his  excellency  the  palatine,  and  the  rest  of  the  true  and 
absolute  lords  proprietors  of  Carolina,  by  and  with 
the  consent  of  the  general  assembly,  now  met  at  Lit- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  275 

tie  River,  for  the  northeast  of  the  said  province,  and    chap. 
it  is  hereby  enacted."  ' 

There  appears  ever  to  have  been  a  government  in  17n9 
this  colony  distinct  from  that  in  South  Carolina. 
During  the  whole  term  of  the  proprietary  govern- 
ment the  colonies  appear  to  have  had  different  gov- 
ernours.  The  last  governour  in  this  colony,  under 
the  proprietaries,  in  seventeen  hundred  twenty  nine, 
was  Sir  Richard  Everard.  At  the  same  period  the 
government  of  South  Carolina  was  vested  in  Arthur 
Middleton,  president  of  the  council. 

In  September  the  payment  of  seventeen  thousand  The  Caro- 
and  five  hundred  pounds  sterling  was  completed,  in  J^dVred 
behalf  of  the  crown,  for  seven  eighths  of  the  Caroli-  to  the 
nas.     Seven  eighths  of  the  quitrents  due  from  the  col-  ™°™ j*_ 

P  {.ill     Sent.1729. 

omsts,  amounting  to  more  than  nine  thousand  pounds 
sterling,  were  purchased  for  five  thousand.  A 
clause  in  the  act  of  parliament,  respecting  the  pur- 
chase, reserved  an  eighth  share  of  the  property  and 
quitrents  then  in  arrears,  to  John  Lord  Carteret, 
which  continued  to  be  legally  vested  in  his  family.* 
All  his  share  in  the  government  he  surrendered  to  the 
crown.  The  other  proprietors  made  a  surrender 
both  of  property  and  jurisdiction. 

From  this  period  the  government  became  regal, 
similar  to  that  of  the  other  royal  governments.  The  Boundary 
boundary  line  between  North  and  Soutii  Carolina, lines- 
begins  at  a  cedar  stake,  by  the  sea  side  near  the 
mouth  of  Little  River,  which  is  the  southern  ex- 
tremity of  New  Brunswick,  and  thence  runs  a  north 
west  course  through  the  boundary  house  in  thirty 
three  degrees  and  forty  six  minutes,  to  thirty  five  de- 
grees north  latitude  ;  and  thence,  agreeably  to  the 
ancient  charters,  a  west  line  to  the  South  Sea.  The 
north  line  between  this  colony  and  Virginia  begins 
on  the  sea  shore  in  thirty  six  degrees  and  thirty  min- 
utes north  latitude,  and  runs  west  parallel  with  the 
other  west  line  to  the  same  western  boundary. 

*  His  eighth  share  lay  in  North  Carolina,  and  since  became  the 
property  of  Lord  Greenville. 


Sir  Alex- 
ander 


276  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.       The  first  royal  governour  was  George  Barrington. 
VIIL     He  continued  in  office  till  seventeen  hundred  thirty 
1729%    four.      He  had  five  successors  before  the  American 
revolution.* 

From  the  period  in  which  his   majesty  assumed 
the  immediate  care  and  government  of  the  Carolinas, 
a  new  era  commenced  in  that  country,  which  the  Car- 
olinians esteemed  the  era  of  their  freedom,  security, 
and   happiness.      That   the    colonists    might   apply 
themselves  to  industry  with  vigour  and  success,  it 
was  the  first  object  of  the  royal  concern,  to  establish 
the  peace  of  these  colonies  upon  the  most  sure  and 
permanent  foundations.     For  this  purpose  Sir  Alex- 
Cumming  ander  Cumming  was  commissioned  and  sent  out  to 
theachWlth  treat  with  tne  Cherokees.      They  spread  over  the 
kees.  ler°  lands  at  the  head  of  Savannah  river  and  back  into  the 
3730.        Appalachian  mountains.     They  claimed  an  immense 
tract  of  country,  as  their  hunting  grounds,  and  its 
boundaries  had  never  been  clearly  ascertained.    Their 
numbers,  at  that  period,  were  estimated  at  twenty  six 
thousand.     It  was  supposed  that,  on  any  emergency, 
they  were  able  to  send  into  the  field  six  thousand 
warriors*     An  alliance  with  them  was  an  object  of 
prime  importance.       Sir  Alexander  arrived  in   the 
beginning  of  the  year,  and  with  despatch  made  his 
journey  to  the  distant  hills.      When  he  arrived  at 
Chowee,  about  three  hundred  miles  from  Charleston, 
he  was  met  by  the  chiefs  of  the  lower  towns,  and  a 
general  congress  of  the  chiefs  of  the  nation  were 
summoned  to  meet  him  at  Nequasset.     In  April  the 
congress  met.     The  chiefs,  upon  their  knees,  prom- 
ised fidelity  and  obedience  to  the  great  king  George, 
calling  upon  every  thing  terrible  to  fall  upon  them  if 
they  should  violate  their  promise.      By  the  unani- 
mous consent  of  the  nation,  Moytoy  was  appointed 
commander   in   chief.       Numerous    presents   were 

*  Gabriel  Johnson  from  1734 — 1752.  Matthew  Rowan  president 
of  the  council  till  1754.  Arthur  Dobbs  till  1764.  William  Tryon  till 
1771,    Josiah  Martin  till  1774. 


UNITED  STATES  OP  AMERICA.  277. 

made  to  the  Indians  ;  and  they  brought  the  crown,   c^IifIP* 

with  five  eagle  tails  and  four  scalps  of  their  enemies,    'm 

from  Tennassee,  their  chief  town,  and  Moytoy  pre-  1730 
sented  them  to  Sir  Alexander,  praying  him  to  lay 
them  at  his  majesty's  feet.  Sir  Alexander  proposed 
that  a  number  of  their  chiefs  should  be  deputed  to 
accompany  him  to  England,  to  do  homage  in  person. 
Six  were  appointed,  and  sailed  with  him  for  Eng- 
land. They  arrived  at  Dover  in  June.  As  a  pledge 
of  their  loyalty,  the  crown  of  their  nation,  the  feath- 
ers of  glory,  and  the  scalps  of  their  enemies,  were 
laid  at  his  majesty's  feet.  A  treaty  was  drawn  up, 
and  signed  by  Alured  Popple,  secretary  to  the  lords 
commissioners  of  trade  and  plantations,  on  the  part 
of  his  majesty,  and  the  Cherokee  chiefs  in  behalf  of 
their  nation.  The  chief  articles  were  for  substance, 
That  the  king's  children  of  Carolina  should  trade  with 
the  Indians,  and  furnish  them  with  all  goods  riiey 
should  want  ;  and  make  haste  to  build  houses  and 
plant  corn  from  Charleston  towards  the  Cherokee 
towns  behind  the  great  mountains  :  That  the  Chero- 
kees  should  be  always  ready  to  fight  against  any  na- 
tion of  white  men  or  Indians,  who  shall  hurt  or  mo- 
lest the  English  :  That  the  trading  path  should  be 
kept  clean  from  blood  :  That  the  Cherokees  shall 
trade  with  no  people  but  the  English,  nor  admit  any 
to  build  forts,  or  cabins,  or  to  plant  among  them  : 
That  if  any  should  attempt  to  do  it,  they  shall  give 
notice  of  it  to  the  English  governour  :  That  if  any 
Englishman  shall  kill  an  Indian,  he  should  be  pun- 
ished by  the  English  laws,  as  if  he  had  killed  an 
Englishman ;  and  that  when  an  Indian  should  kill  a 
white  man,  he  should  be  delivered  up  and  punished 
in  the  same  manner.  Every  article  was  accompa- 
nied with  presents  of  different  kinds,  such  as  cloth, 
guns,  shot,  vermilion,  flints,  hatchets,  &c*  This 
peace  was  kept  inviolably  by  the  Cherokees  nearly 
thirty  years. 

*  Hist.  S;  Carolina,  vol  ii.  p.  6,  7,  8. 


278 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
VIII. 

1730. 


Plan  for 
the  settle, 
ment  of 
Georgia, 


The  first  governour  of  South  Carolina,  under  the 
crown,  was  Robert  Johnson.  He  arrived  at  his  seat 
of  government  the  beginning  of  the  year  seventeen 
hundred  thirty  one.  With  him  returned  the  Indian 
chiefs,  with  such  ideas  of  the  power,  greatness  and 
generosity  of  the  English  nation,  as  imagination  can 
better  paint  than  language  express. 

For  the  encouragement  of  the  Carolinians,  his  majes* 
ty  granted  them  several  indulgences.  The  restraints 
on  rice,  an  enumerated  article,  were  partly  taken  off, 
and  the  parliament  allowed  a  discount  on  hemp.  The 
arrears  of  quitrents,  amounting  to  more  than  nine 
thousand,  were  remitted  as  a  bounty  from  the  crown. 
Seventy  pieces  of  cannon  were  sent  over  by  his  maj- 
esty, and  the  governour  had  orders  to  build  a  fort  at 
Port  Royal,  and  another  on  the  river  Alatamaha. 
An  independent  company  of  foot  was  allowed  for 
their  defence  by  land,  and  ships  of  war  were  stationed 
for  the  protection  of  trade.  For  the  encouragement 
of  commerce,  the  colony  was  allowed  to  continue, 
and  very  considerably  to  increase,  their  bills  of  credit. 

Till  this  period  the  cultivation  of  the  Carolinas 
was  very  inconsiderable.  Says  a  writer  of  their  his- 
tory, "  The  face  of  the  country  appeared  like  a  des- 
ert, with  little  spots  here  and  there  cleared,  scarcely 
discernible  amidst  the  immense  forest;"  but  after 
this,  under  the  royal  smiles,  they  began  to  emerge 
from  a  state  of  poverty  and  oppression,  to  a  state  of 
freedom,  ease,  and  affluence. 

Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  two  distinct 
governments  of  South  and  North  Carolina,  a  plan 
was  concerted  for  the  settlement  of  a  colony,  be- 
tween the  rivers  Alatamaha  and  Savannah.  Till 
this  time  that  extensive  country  had  remained  a 
wilderness,  without  an  inhabitant,  except  the  savage 
natives.  In  the  settlement  of  this,  two  principal 
objects  were  had  in  view ;  the  relief  of  the  indigent 
inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  ;  and  the 
more  effectual  security  of  the  Carolinas.  To  South 
Carolina  especially,  it  would  form  an  important  bar- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  279 

rier,  both  against  the  Indians  and  Spaniards.  The  chap. 
plan  was  conceived  by  a  number  of  charitable  people, 
Avho  raised  monies  for  the  purpose  of  transporting  1732 
valuable  families  made  miserable  by  misfortune  and 
poverty,  at  home,  into  this  part  of  America.  The 
design  was  not  only  to  transport,  and  give  them  lands 
in  America,  but  to  clothe,  and  furnish  them  with 
utensils  necessary  to  make  a  permanent  settlement. 

On  application  to  his  majesty,  for  his  countenance 
and  a  legal  execution  of  their  design,  his  letters 
patent  were  granted,  incorporating  twenty  one  per- 
sons, by  the  name  of  Trustees  for  the  settling  and 
establishing  of  the  colony  of  Georgia.  These  letters  patent  for 
passed  the  seals  June  9th,  1732.  The  charter  of  theepuTr"ne 
incorporation  made  a  grant  of  all  that  part  of  Caro-  P°^»June 
lina,  lying  between  the  most  northerly  stream  of 
Savannah  river,  along  the  sea  coast,  to  the  most 
southern  stream  of  Alatamaha  river ;  westward  from 
the  heads  of  these  rivers  respectively  in  direct  lines 
to  the  South  Sea,  inclusively,  with  all  islands  within 
twenty  leagues  of  the  same.  The  present  boundaries 
are  the  Atlantic  ocean  on  the  east,  the  Floridas  on 
the  south,  Missisippi  on  the  west,  and  South  Car- 
olina on  the  north,  and  northeast.  The  state  is 
about  600  miles  in  length  and  250  in  breadth. 

The  trustees  having  exhibited  an  ample  charity, 
by  making  large  contributions  themselves,  under- 
took the  solicitation  of  contributions  from  others ; 
for  the  purposes  of  clothing,  arming,  purchasing 
utensils  for  cultivation,  and  for  the  transportation  of 
such  needy  families,  as  would  consent  to  emigrate, 
and  begin  the  settlement  of  the  colony.  Their  views 
were  not  confined  to  British  subjects  only,  but  it  was 
their  design  to  open  a  door  for  indigent  and  oppress- 
ed protestants  of  other  countries  and  denominations. 

To  prevent  all  abuse  and  misapplication  of  those 
charitable  donations,  they  agreed  to  deposit  the  mon- 
ey in  the  bank  of  England ;  and  to  enter  in  a  book 
the  names  of  the  donors,  with  the  sums  contributed 
by  each  of  them.     They  also  obliged  themselves, 


1732. 


280  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  and  their  successors  in  office,  to  lay  a  statement  of 
VIIL  the  money,  received  and  expended,  before  the  lord 
chancellor  of  England,  the  lords  chief  justices  of  the 
king's  bench  and  common  pleas,  the  master  of  the 
rolls,  and  the  lord  chief  baron  of  the  exchequer. 
These  generous  trustees  offered  their  time,  labour, 
and  money,  wholly  for  the  good  of  others ;  seeking 
no  other  reward  for  themselves  than  the  noble  satis- 
faction of  virtuous  actions,  and  of  doing  good  to  in- 
dividuals and  the  public.  Doubtless,  they  may  chal- 
lenge the  annals  of  any  nation  to  produce  a  more 
charitable  and  worthy  undertaking. 

The  trustees  held  their  first  meeting  in  July,  1732, 
elected  lord  Percival  president,  and  appointed  a  com- 
mon seal.  Besides  the  liberal  donations  made  by 
the  gentry,  clergy,  and  nobility,  the  parliament  grant- 
ed ten  thousand  pounds  for  carrying  the  design  into 
immediate  effect.  The  November  following,  a  hun- 
dred and  sixteen  emigrants  offered  themselves,  and 
embarked  for  Georgia.  James  Oglethorpe,  one  of 
the  trustees,  a  zealous  and  active  promoter  of  the 
January  colony,  embarked  with  them.  The  next  January 
15th,l733.  tney  arriye^  \n  g00(]  health,  at  Charleston  in  South 
Carolina.  The  Carolinians  sensible  of  the  vast  ad- 
vantages, which  might  be  derived  to  them,  from  the 
settlement  in  contemplation,  gave  it  a  generous  en- 
couragement. They  made  the  emigrants  a  present  of 
a  hundred  breeding  cattle,  with  some  other  live  stock, 
and  twenty  barrels  of  rice.  They  also  furnished 
them  with  a  party  of  horse,  and  with  scout  boats  for 
their  conveyance  to  Savannah,  and  assistance  in  the 
Settle-  exploration  of  the  country.  GovernoUr  Bull  accom- 
inent  of  panied  Mr.  Oglethorpe  and  the  emigrants,  to  Savan- 
Georgia.  ^^  .  ^^  ^e  Carolinians  assisted,  with  their  labours 
as  well  as  purses,  in  planting  this  new  colony.  Af- 
ter exploring  the  country  they  began  their  settle- 
ment on  the  high  pleasant  bluff,  on  which  the  town 
of  Savannah  now  stands.  A  regular  town  was  mark- 
ed out,  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  ;  and,  near  its 
bank,  a  fort  was  erected  and  guns  mounted,  for  the 


the  trus- 
tees. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  281 

defence  of  the  inhabitants.     The  town  was  named   chap. 
Savannah  from  the  Indian  name  of  the  river  which     v 
washed  it  on  the  north.  "1733" 

Mr.  Oglethorpe  concluded  a  treaty  of  friendship 
with  the  Creeks,  that  numerous  and  powerful  tribe 
of  Indians.  He  embodied  all  the  men  capable  of 
bearing  arms,  arranged  them  under  proper  officers, 
and  equipped  them  for  service. 

While  these  things  were  effected  in  the  colony,  the  Reguia- 
trustees  had  been  forming  a  plan  of  settlement,  and  tjons  of 
establishing  such  regulations,  as  in  their  opinion, 
were  best  adapted  to  answer  the  purposes  of  their  in- 
corporation. As  the  military  strength  of  the  colony 
w7as  one  principal  object  of  its  settlement,  they  con- 
sidered the  inhabitants  both  as  planters  and  soldiers ; 
to  be  furnished,  no  less  with  arms  for  defence,  than 
with  tools  for  cultivation.  Each  grant  of  land 
was  viewed  as  a  military  fief,  for  wThich  the 
possessor,  whenever  called,  was  to  appear  in  arms 
and  take  the  field,  for  the  common  defence.  It  was 
determined,  that  the  lands  should  be  granted  in  tail 
male  ;  and,  that  on  the  termination  of  the  estate  in  tail 
male,  it  should  revert  to  the  trust,  and  should  be  re- 
granted,  as  the  trustees  should  determine.  They 
were  however,  especially  to  regard  the  widows  and 
daughters  of  those  who  had  made  settlements  on  the 
lands  thus  reverting.  The  widows  during  life  were 
entitled  to  the  mansion  house  and  one  half  of  the 
lands,  which  had  been  improved  by  their  husbands. 
Allowances  were  also  to  be  made  to  daughters,  es- 
pecially if  they  had  not  been  previously  provided  for 
in  marriage.  If  any  of  the  lands  granted,  should  not 
be  cleared,  improved,  and  well  inclosed  within  eigh- 
teen years  from  the  date  of  the  grant,  they  were  al- 
so to  return  to  the  trust.  All  forfeitures  for  non- 
residence,  treason,  felonies,  &c.  were  to  the  trustees, 
for  the  emolument  of  the  colony.  The  use  of  ne- 
groes and  the  importation  of  rum  were  absolutely 
prohibited.     There  was  also  a  prohibition  of  all  trade 

Voi,.  I.  36 


282  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

°vVnP    W^  ^e  ^nc^ans?  unless  by  virtue  of  a  special  licence 
for  that  purpose. 

1733.  As  this  new  settlement  was  designed  as  a  barrier 
against  the  Spaniards,  and  numerous  and  potent 
tribes  of  Indians  within  the  limits  of  the  colony,  it 
was  imagined  that  negroes  would  disserve  a  princi- 
pal object  in  view.  Rum  was  viewed  as  injurious 
to  health,  and  destructive  to  the  peace  and  interests 
of  a  new  settlement.  It  is  not  improbable,  that  the 
trustees  had  also  in  the  prohibition  of  this  article,  a 
charitable  regard  to  the  peace  and  life  of  the  Indians. 
It  was  imagined  that  a  free  trade  with  them  would 
be  productive  of  wars,  and  expose  the  colony  to  de- 
struction. These  were  some  of  the  reasons,  which 
induced  these  humane  and  liberal  gentlemen,  to 
adopt  such  an  uncommon  system  of  fundamental 
regulations.  Scarcely  could  the  human  mind  have 
formed  one  less  adapted  to  the  condition  of  the  poor 
settlers,  more  impolitic,  or  in  its  consequences  more 
destructive  of  the  population  and  prosperity  of  the 
province. 

1734.  Notwithstanding  there  came  over  the  next  year 
five  or  six  hundred  emigrants  to  advance  the  settle- 
ment. But  it  was  soon  found  by  experience,  from 
these  first  embarkations  of  poor  people,  from  England, 
collected  from  the  refuse  of  towns  and  cities,  that 
these  were  not  the  people  to  fell  the  mighty  groves 
of  Georgia,  and  turn  the  wilderness  into  gardens  and 
pleasant  fields.  Those  who  had  been  irresolute,  idle, 
and  useless  members  of  society  at  home,  were  found 
to  be  no  better  abroad.  A  more  enterprising  and 
hardy  race  of  men  were  to  be  sought,  that  the  ends 
in  view  might  be  answered.  The  trustees  therefore 
determined  to  introduce  upon  their  lands,  a  number 
of  Scotch  and  German  labourers.  To  effect  this 
proper  inducements  were  necessary.  The  trustees 
therefore  resolved  that  eleven  townships,  each  con- 
sisting of  twenty  thousand  acres  should  be  laid  out  in 
square  piats,  upon  the  principal  rivers  in  the  colony. 
Two  were  to  be  laid  out  on  the  Alatamaha,  two  on 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  283 

the  Savannah,  two  on  the  Santee,  and  the  other  on  chap. 
Pedee,  Wacamaw,  Wateree,  and  Black  rivers,  as  they 
were  then  called.  Each  town  was  to  be  divided  in-  lr34 
to  fifty  acre  shares  ;  of  which  every  man,  who  would 
make  a  settlement,  had  one  share.*  On  the  publi- 
cation of  these  terms  Switzers,  Scotch,  and  Germans 
became  adventurers  in  the  colony. 

By  the  influence  of  John  Peter  Pary,  of  Neufchat- 
el,  in  Switzerland,  a  number  of  Switzers  came  over 
and  made  settlements  in  the  colony.  Nearly  at  the 
same  time  about  a  hundred  and  seventy  Saltzbergers, 
protestants  from  Germany,  emigrated  and  made  a 
settlement  on  the  Savannah,  which  they  named  Eben-  1735. 
ezer.  The  same  year  about  a  hundred  and  sixty 
Scotch  Highlanders  were  transported  into  Georgia, 
and  settled  on  the  Alatamaha.  They  built  a  fort, 
which  they  called  Darien.  About  this  they  settled 
a  small  town,  which,  in  memory  of  that  whence  they 
emigrated,  was  named  New  Iverness. 

In  1736,  Mr.  Oglethorpe,  who  made  it  his  busi-  1736. 
ness  to  oversee  and  advance  the  settlement  of  the 
colony,  brought  over  with  him  a  recruit  of  three 
hundred  planters.  With  these  he  settled  Fred- 
erica,  on  the  island  St.  Simon,  the  west  side  of  which 
is  washed  by  the  river  Alatamaha.  Great  pains 
were  taken  to  strengthen  the  southern  parts  of  Geor- 
gia. In  addition  to  the  ten  thousand  sterling,  grant- 
ed 1732,  the  parliament  made  a  second  grant  of 
twenty  six  thousand  pounds  for  the  encouragement 
of  the  colony.  About  fourteen  hundred  planters, 
in  the  term  of  three  years,  had  been  transported  into 
the  colony.  Under  these  favourable  appearances, 
the  trustees  flattered  themselves,  with  expectations  of 
soon  seeing  their  new  colony  in  a  flourishing  state 
of  population,  wealth,  and  power.  But  sadly  were 
their  expectations  disappointed.  Not  all  the  liberal- 
ity of  individuals,  nor  the  countenance  and  generous 

*  Hist.  S.  Car.  vol.  ii.  p.  42,  45.  By  comparing  the  grants  with  the 
number  of  men  who  made  settlements,  as  they  are  set  clown  from  year 
to  year,  I  find  about  60  acres  and  a  half  granted  to  each  man.  . 


284 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


grants  of  parliament,  could,  under  their  regulations, 
raise   the  colony  from  an  affecting  state  of  poverty 
lr37     and  wretchedness. 

In  1737,  on  a  rumour  that  the  Spaniards,  at 
the  Havannah  and  St.  Augustine,  were  making 
preparations  for  the  invasion  of  the  colony,  the 
government,  at  the  request  of  the  trustees,  sent 
over  a  regiment  of  six  hundred  men  for  its  defence. 
Each  soldier,  at  the  end  of  seven  years,  might  be 
discharged  with  a  title  to  twenty  acres  of  land.  The 
parliament  also  made  another  grant  of  twenty  thous- 
and pounds,  enabling  the  trustees  to  transport  into 
the  colony  a  fresh  embarkation  of  persecuted  protes- 
tants.  Within  the  term  of  seven  years,  from  June, 
1732,  to  June,  1740,  the  British  parliament  granted 
Donations  /.  94,000  for  the  settlement  of  Georgia.  The  bene- 
factions made  to  the  corporation  for  that  purpose,  in 
Great  Britain,  amounted  to  /.  16,704,6,3,2.  and  those 
in  Carolina  to  /.  1,296,5,9.  The  whole  sum  given 
was  /.  112,000, 12,0,2.  Of  this,  during  the  seven 
years,  the  trustees  expended  /.  106,08 1,4,5,2.  They 
had  settled  in  the  colony  687  men,  and  834  women 
and  children,  1521  persons;  equal  to  304  families, 
reckoning  five  to  a  family.  Of  this  number  915 
were  originally  poor  British  subjects,  and  606  were 
poor  foreign  protestants.  The  settlement  of  each 
person  cost  the  nation  about  70/.  and  each  family 
about  /.350.  Within  the  same  period,  it  appears 
from  the  quantity  of  lands  granted,  allowing  the  same 
proportion  to  rich  and  poor,  that  they  had  settled 
977  rich  people.  So  that  in  1740,  there  were  2,498 
inhabitants,  equal  to  500  families.*  This  is,  on  sup- 
position that  all  the  lands  granted  were  settled,  and 
that  none  of  the  planters  were  dead.  Neither  of 
these  can  be  supposed :  but  it  is  probable,  that  the 
increase  of  the  planters  amounted  to  all  deficiencies 
by  death  or  otherwise. 

*  I  have  before  me  an  account  of  benefactions,  expenditures,  and- 
grants  made,  and  of  the  poor  people  sent  over  to  the  colony  the  first 
seven  years. 


and  ex 
pendi- 
tures  in 
the  settle 
ment  of 
Georgia. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  085 

Besides  the  expenditures  which  have  been  stated,  chap. 
the  nation  was  at  the  expense  of  transporting  a  reg-  x  In* 
iment  of  600  men  into  Georgia,  and  of  arming,  cloth- 
ing, victualling,  and  paying  them  during  three  of  the 
seven  years.  (  This,  probably,  amounted  to  as  much 
as  all  the  other  expenses.  We  may  therefore  esti- 
mate the  cost  of  settling  every  person  for  the  term  of 
seven  years  at  /.TO  at  least,  and  of  each  family  at 
1.350  At  this  time  nothing  had  been  received,  by 
way  of  compensation,  nor  was  any  thing  received  for 
many  years  after  this  period.  The  corporation  af- 
terwards expended  /.5, 919,7,7  the  balance  remaining 
on  hand  in  1740,  in  advancing  the  settlement  of  the 
colony.  At  the  same  time  the  nation  were  at  great 
and  constant  expense  for  its  protection. 

Upon  the  declaration  of  war  against  Spain,   Mr. 
Oglethorpe    was    vested  with  a  general  command. 
As  the  Spaniards  had  been  bad  neighbours  in  peace, 
and  as  it  was  expected  they  would  be  much  worse  in 
war,  he  undertook  an  expedition   against    Florida. 
Assisted  by  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  he  marched  Ogie- 
with  an  army  of  more  than  two  thousand  men,   con-  thorpe,a 
sisting    of  regulars,  provincials,    and    Indian  allies.  tk>n! 
He  took  two  Spanish  forts,  Diego  and  Moosa.     He  l74°- 
invested  St.  Augustine,  cannonaded  and  bombarded  it 
for  a  considerable  time.     By  sea  he  was  assisted  by 
captain  Vincent  Price,  with  several  twenty  gun  ships; 
but  after  all  their  exertions,  the  general  was  obliged 
to  raise  the  seige  and  return  with   considerable   loss. 

Two  years  after,  the   Spaniards  in  their  turn  in-      1742 
vaded  Georgia.     In  May,  1742,  two  thousand  land 
forces,  under  the  command  of  Don  Antonio  de  Ro- 
dando,  from  the  Havannah,  under  a  strong  convoy, 
arrived  at   St.  Augustine.     This  armament  was  dis-  Spanish 
covered  on  its   passage,  by  captain  Haymer  of  the  arma- 
Flamborough  man  of  war,  who  was  cruising  on  the  ment' 
coast,  and  advice  was  immediately  sent  to  general 
Oglethorpe  of  its  arrival  in   Florida.     The   general  Prepara- 
sent  intelligence,  with  the  utmost  expedition,  to  gov-  *ionf  for 
ernour  Glen  of  South  Carolina,  desiring  him,  with  tion.eCeP 


286  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  all  possible  despatch,  to  collect,  and  send  on  to  his 
assistance,  all  the  force  in  his  power.  He  also  re- 
1742.  quested  him  to  despatch  a  sloop  to  the  West  Indies, 
to  acquaint  admiral  Vernon  with  the  intended  inva- 
sion of  the  country.  Georgia,  Port  Royal,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  southern  frontiers  of  South  Caroli- 
na, began  to  tremble.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  latter  deserted  their  habitations  ;  and,  with  their 
families  and  effects,  repaired  to  Charleston.  But 
the  Carolinians  though  exposed  to  the  same  dangers 
with  their  fellow  subjects,  in  Georgia,  and  though  it 
was  their  policy  to  keep  the  enemy  at  a  distance,  yet 
having  imbibed  prejudices  against  general  Oglethorpe, 
on  the  account  of  his  late  unsuccessful  expedition 
against  St.  Augustine,  determined  to  provide  for 
their  own  defence,  and  leave  him  to  act  alone,  in 
opposing  the  superior  force  which  was  coming  against 
him. 

Meanwhile  the  general  made  all  possible  prepara- 
tions for  a  vigorous  defence.  Message  after  mes- 
sage was  sent  to  his  Indian  allies,  who,  as  they  had  a 
great  esteem  for  his  person,  flocked  to  his  camp. 
With  his  own  regiment,  such  rangers  and  highland- 
ers  as  could  be  mustered  in  Georgia,  amounting  on- 
ly to  seven  hundred  men,  exclusive  of  his  Indians, 
he  fixed  his  head  quarters  at  Frederica,  determining 
in  case  of  an  attack,  to  sell  his  life  as  dearly  as  pos- 
sible, in  defence  of  the  province.  At  the  same  time 
,  he  had  no  doubt  of  a  reinforcement  from  Carolina, 
for  which  he  every  day  waited  with  anxious  expec- 
tation. The  Spanish  armament  after  a  considerable 
reinforcement  from  St.  Augustine,  on  the  last  of 
imadc1  S  June  came  to  anchor  off  Simon's  bar.  The  fleet 
Georgia,  consisted  of  thirty  two  sail,  having  on  board  more 
than  three  thousand  men,  commanded  by  Don  Man- 
uel de  Monteano.  After  they  had  spent  some  time, 
in  sounding  the  channel,  and  found  a  sufficient  depth 
of  water,  with  the  tide  of  flood,  they  stood  in  for 
Jekyl  sound.  The  general,  who  was  now  at  Simon's 
fort,  fired  upon  them  and  made  every  exertion  in  his 


1742. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  287 

power  to  prevent  their  passing  up  the  river.  The  chap. 
Spaniards  returned  the  fire  from  their  ships,  and  pro- 
ceeded up  the  river  Alatamaha,  beyond  the  reach  of 
his  guns.  Hoisting  a  red  flag  at  the  mizzen-topmast- 
head  of  the  largest  ship,  they  landed  on  the  island 
and  erected  a  battery  of  twenty  eighteen  pounders. 
Among  their  land  forces  was  a  fine  artillery  compa- 
ny, under  the  command  of  Don  Antonio  Rodondo. 
General  Oglethorpe  finding  that  he  could  not  pre- 
vent the  enemy's  going  up  the  river,  and  that  their 
force  was  so  great  that  it  was  unsafe,  with  his  hand- 
ful of  men,  to  remain  at  fort  Simon's,  nailed  up  his 
cannon,  burst  his  bombs  andcohorns,  and  destroying 
the  stores,  retreated  to  his  head  quarters  at  Frederica. 
He  perceived,  that  the  most  he  could  do,  was,  by  Conduct 
vigilant  and  vigorous  measures,  to  act  on  the  defen-  and  diffi- 
sive,  to  plan  all  means  of  retarding:  the  enemy  and  of  cult,esof 

.         * .  ^  .  crenera.1 

gaining  time  till  he  should  receive  a  reinforcement,  ogle- 
This  he  constantly  expected  from  Carolina.  While  thorpe, 
his  main  body  were  working  on  the  fortifications, 
and  making  them  as  strong  as  possible,  in  their  cir- 
cumstances, scouting  parties  were  kept  out  to  watch 
every  motion  of  the  enemy.  Night  and  day  the  In- 
dian allies,  assisted  by  the  highlanders,  ranged  through 
the  woods,  harassed  the  out  posts,  and,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, obstructed  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  The 
general  was  pressed  with  difficulties.  He  not  only 
wanted  men  but  provisions.  These  were  neither 
good  nor  plentiful.  The  enemy  commanded  the 
river,  and  he  was  at  so  great  a  distance  from  the 
settlements,  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  a  supply. 
But  to  prolong  the  defence,  which  was  of  the  utmost 
consequence,  not  only  to  Georgia,  but  to  Carolina, 
the  general  concealed  from  the  army  every  discourag- 
ing circumstance.  To  inspire  them  with  vigour  and 
perseverance,  he  exposed  himself  to  the  same  hard- 
ships and  fatigues  with  the  meanest  soldier.  The 
enemy  made  several  attempts  to  pierce  through  the 
woods  to  the  attack  of  the  fortress  at  Frederica ;  but 
they  met  with  such  opposition  from  deep  morasses 


288  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  and  dark  thickets,  lined  with  fierce  Indians  and  wild 
highlanders,  that,  in  every  instance,  they  were  re- 
1742.  pulsed.  Numbers  of  their  officers  and  best  troops 
were  slain,  and  more  than  a  hundred  men  taken  pris- 
oners. On  this  the  Spanish  general  kept  his  men 
under  cover  of  his  cannon,  and  proceeded  up  the 
river  with  a  number  of  galliesto  reconnoitre  the  fort, 
and  to  draw  the  attention  of  general  Oglethorpe  to  that 
quarter.  To  counteract  this  design  the  general  detach- 
ed parties  of  his  Indians  to  lie  in  ambush  in  the  woods, 
along  the  shore,  to  prevent  the  enemy's  landing. 
Learning  that  there  was  a  difference  in  the  Spanish 
army,  so  that  the  troops  from  Cuba,  and  those  from  St. 
Augustine,  formed  two  distinct  camps,  he  conceived 
the  plan  of  surprising  one  of  them.  His  knowledge 
of  the  woods  gave  him  great  advantage  for  the  exe- 
cution of  his  design.  He  marched  out  under  the 
cover  of  night,  with  a  number  of  chosen  men,  and 
having  advanced  within  two  miles  of  the  enemy's 
camp,  he  halted  his  main  body,  and  advanced 
with  a  small  party  to  view  the  situation  of  the  enemy. 
While  he  was  conducting  every  thing  with  the  ut- 
most secrecy  a  Frenchman  in  his  service,  firing  his 
piece,  deserted  and  gave  the  alarm  to  the  enemy.  As 
the  general's  plan  was  defeated,  by  this  perfidy,  he 
retreated  to  head  quarters.  But  deeply  apprehen- 
sive of  the  mischief  which  this  treacherous  villain 
might  effect,  by  discovering  his  weakness,  he  began 
to  devise  means  to  defeat  the  credit  of  his  informa- 
tions. With  this  view  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
French  deserter,  desiring  him  to  acquaint  the  Span- 
iards with  the  defenceless  state  of  Frederica,  and  how 
practicable  it  would  be  to  cut  him  and  his  small  gar- 
rison in  pieces ;  and  begged  him,  as  his  spy,  to 
Ogle-  bring  them  on  to  the  attack.  If  he  could  not,  he 
thorpe's  desired  him  to  use  all  his  art,  to  persuade  them  to 
stratagem  tarly   at  ieast    three  days  more  at  fort  Simon's,  inti- 

to  get  rid  J  »  \  J ..  .      ' 

oftheene-  mating  that  within  that  time  he  should   receive  such 

™y-  a    reinforcement   from    Carolina,    with    six    British 

ships  of  war,  that  he  should  be  able  to  give  a  good 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  289 

account  of  the  Spaniards.  At  the  same  time,  heurg-  chap. 
ed  him  not  to  mention  a  word  of  admiral  Vernon's 
coming  against  St.  Augustine.  He  concluded  with  1742 
assurances,  that  for  his  services  he  should  receive  an 
ample  compensation.  This  letter  was  entrusted  to  a 
Spanish  captive,  who  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  his 
liberty  and  for  a  small  reward,  engaged  to  deliver 
it  to  the  French  deserter.  But  instead  of  delivering 
it  to  him,  he,  agreeably  to  the  wishes  of  the  general, 
conveyed  it  directly  to  the  commander  of  the  Spanish 
army. 

Great  was  the  perplexity,  various  the  conjectures  Their £er- 
and  speculations,  which  this  letter  occasioned  in  the  piexity 
Spanish  camp.  The  commander  himself  was  not  a  ™*  diVls" 
little  perplexed.  The  deserter  was  put  in  irons,  and 
a  council  of  war  was  called,  to  deliberate  on  the 
measures  to  be  taken,  in  a  case  so  puzzling  and  ex- 
traordinary. Some  of  the  officers  were  of  opinion, 
that  it  was  only  a  stratagem  to  deceive  them,  and 
prevent  the  attack  of  Frederica.  Others  imagin- 
ed that  the  matters  mentioned  in  the  letter  were 
probable  ;  that  the  English  general  might  wish  for 
an  attack,  and  to  detain  them  till  a  reinforcement 
should  arrive,  or  till  admiral  Vernon  should  make 
himself  master  of  Augustine.  They  were  therefore 
for  dropping  a  plan  of  conquest  attended  with  so 
many  difficulties,  and  for  consulting  their  own  safety 
and  that  of  Augustine  ;  lest,  while  they  were  at- 
tempting conquests,  they  should  be  oonquered  them- 
selves, and  lose  Florida.  While  the  Spaniards  were 
employed  in  these  deliberations,  and  embarrassed 
with  contrary  opinions,  an  event,  entirely  providen- 
tial, took  place,  which  at  once  united  their  councils. 
Three  ships  of  force,  sent  out  by  the  governour  of 
Carolina,  at  this  nick  of  time,  appeared  on  the  coast. 
This  corresponding  with  the  intimations  given  in  the 
letter,  convinced  the  Spanish  general  of  the  truth  of 
its  contents.  The  Spaniards,  in  imagination,  saw  a  Sudden 
vast  reinforcement  at  hand,  and  were  so  panic  struck,  August 
that  they  immediately  set  fire  to  the  fort,  and  em-  tine. 

Vol.  I.  37 


290  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CvmP'  Marked  in  such  hurry  and  confusion,  that  some  can 
1        non,  a  quantity  of  provision  and  military  stores  were 
1742     left  behind.* 

In  this  very  providential  and  remarkable  manner, 
was  Georgia  delivered  from  the  very  jaws  of  des- 
truction. Fifteen  days  was  Don  Manuel  de  Monteano 
on  the  small  island,  on  which  Frederica  stands,  with- 
out effecting  any  thing  of  importance.  He  wTas  fright- 
ed, and  all  his  designs  defeated,  by  a  mere  stratagem, 
in  which  general  Oglethorpe  lost  not  a  man. 

In  this  resolute  defence,  general  Oglethorpe  dis- 
played both  personal  courage  and  military  skill ;  and 
not  only  saved  Georgia,  but,  probably,  a  considera- 
ble part  of  South  Carolina  from  destruction.  He 
performed  singular  services  for  the  country,  and 
merited  an  equal  degree  of  applause  and  thanks  from 
both  colonies. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  the  principal  designs  of 
the  Spaniards  were  against  Carolina;  and  had  they 
succeeded  in  Georgia,  Port  Royal,  the  southern  fron- 
tiers of  South  Carolina,  and  Charleston  itself,  might 
have  fallen  an  easy  prey  to  their  victorious  arms.  It 
was  by  far  the  most  formidable  armament  ever  employ- 
ed against  that  part  of  the  country.  It  was  in  a  pecu- 
liar manner  calculated  to  distress  and  ruin  Carolina. 
Augustine,  before  the  war,  had  been  the  grand  re- 
sort of  all  runagate  negroes.  The  governour  of  Au- 
gustine had  not  only  refused,  on  application,  to  deliver 
them  up  to  their  masters,  but  had  proclaimed  pro- 
tection and  liberty  to  all  who  should  repair  to  him.f 
The  Spaniards  had  now  a  negro  regiment  whose  of- 
ficers were  negroes  clothed  in  lace,  and  bore  the 
same  rank  as  the  white  officers,  and  with  the  same 
familiarity  walked  and  conversed  with  the  Spanish 
general.  Many,  if  not  the  principal  part  of  these 
were  refugees  from  Carolina.  Had  the  Spaniards 
penetrated  into  that  province,  where,  at  that  period, 
there  were  more  than  40,000   negroes,  they  might, 

*  Hist.  S.  Car.  vol.  ii.  p.  112—119.  f  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  71. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  291 

with  such  an  example,  have  soon  acquired  numbers   chap. 

against  whom,  no  force  in  Carolina  could  have  made 

any  effectual  resistance.  1742 

Though  the  Carolinians  exhibited  as  little  good 
policy  as  good  neighbourhood  in  this  affair,  yet  they,  as 
well  as  the  inhabitants  of  Georgia,  under  the  all  gov- 
erning hand  of  Providence,  experienced  a  very  mem- 
orable deliverance. 

The  inhabitants  of  Port  Royal  and  its  vicinity  ex- 
pressed their  deep  sensibility  of  it,  in  their  address 
to  general  Oglethorpe,  on  this  occasion.  In  it  are 
the  following  sentences  : 

"  We,  the  inhabitants  of  the  southern  parts  of  Car- 
olina, beg  leave  to  congratulate  your  excellency  on 
your  late  wonderful  success,  over  your  and  our  in- 
veterate enemies,  the  Spaniards,  who  so  lately  invad- 
ed Georgia,  in  such  a  numerous  and  formidable 
body,  to  the  great  terror  of  his  majesty's  subjects  in 
these  southern  parts.  It  was  very  certain,  had  the 
Spaniards  succeeded  in  those  attempts  against  your 
excellency,  they  would  also  have  entirely  destroyed 
us,  laid  our  province  waste  and  desolate,  and  filled 
our  habitations  with  blood  and  slaughter  ;  so  that 
his  majesty  must  have  lost  the  fine  and  spacious  har- 
bour of  Port  Royal,  where  the  largest  ships  in  the 
British  nation  may  remain  in  security  on  any  occa- 
sion." 

So  inglorious  was  this  event  to  the  Spanish  arms, 
that  on  the  return  of  the  troops  to  the  Havannah,  the 
commander  was  imprisoned,  that  he  might  take  his 
trial  for  his  conduct,  during  the  expedition.  Though 
the  enemy  threatened  to  renew  the  invasion,  yet  they 
seem,  never  since,  to  have  made  any  attempts  to  get 
possession  of  the  country  by  force  of  arms. 

Provisions  and  succours  of  all  kinds  were  near 
at  hand  ;  and,  on  any  emergency,  might  be  obtained 
of  the  sister  colonies.  But  when  the  first  colonies 
were  planted,  these  were  not  to  be  had  short  of  a 
voyage  of  three  thousand  miles  across  the  Atlantic. 


292 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
VIII. 


%752. 


General 
observa- 
tions on 
the  south, 
ern  colo- 
nies. 


However,  after  all  this  national  expense,  the  colo- 
ny remained  in  a  languishing  and  distressed  condi- 
tion. Notwithstanding  the  liberal  and  noble  designs 
of  the  trustees,  they  imposed  on  it  so  many  impoli- 
tic, though  well  meant  restrictions  ;  subjected  the 
inhabitants  to  so  many  forfeitures  and  hardships,  as 
reduced  them  to  a  state  of  discouragement  and 
wretchedness  too  great  for  human  nature  long  to  en- 
dure. The  Carolinians,  in  pity,  invited  them  over 
the  river  Savannah  to  settle  under  their  government. 
While  some  abandoned  the  colony,  others  who  re- 
mained fell  into  a  state  of  tumult  and  confusion.  In 
view  of  their  unhappy  condition,  and  wearied  with 
their  reiterated  complaints,  the  trustees  made  a  sur- 
render of  their  charter  to  the  crown. 

In  1752,  the  government  became  regal,  similar  to 
that  of  the  other  royal  governments  in  America. 
John  Reynolds,  a  naval  officer,  was  appointed  their 
governour. 

At  this  period,  almost  twenty  years  from  its  first 
settlement,  the  vestiges  of  cultivation  were  hardly 
perceptible  in  the  forests  of  Georgia.  In  England 
all  commerce  with  the  colony  was  not  only  neglect- 
ed, but  even  despised.  The  whole  amount  of  its 
annual  exports  fell  short  of  ten  thousand  sterling. 
Nor  did  it,  under  the  royal  government,  for  many 
years,  emerge  from  its  poverty  and  various  embarrass- 
ments. \ 

The  poverty  of  the  southern  colonies,  and  their  slow 
progress  in  cultivation  and  improvement,  after  their 
first  settlement,  was  principally  owing  to  these  causes, 
Their  unskilfulness  in  husbandry,  their  ignorance 
of  the  productions,  which  were  natural  to  the  coun- 
try and  most  profitable  to  the  planter,  their  indolence 
and  want  of  a  spirit  of  enterprise. 

Virginia  is  one  the  finest  countries  both  for  wheat 
and  cattle,  yet  for  more  than  a  century  from  the 
commencement  of  its  settlement,  a  great  proportion 
of  the  people  lived  on  pone,  Indian  bread,  rather 
than  be  at  the  trouble  of  sowing  and  fencing  a  field 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  293 

of  wheat.  With  respect  to  their  cattle,  rather  than  chap. 
be  at  the  pains  to  make  proper  provision  for  them,  in 
winter,  they  would  suffer  them  to  be  so  pinched 
with  hunger,  as  nearly  to  die,  and  so  stint  their 
growth,  as  to  prevent  their  ever  being  so  large  and 
fat,  or  in  other  respects  so  profitable  as  otherwise 
they  might  have  been.  Hence  their  beef  and  mut- 
ton were  not  so  good  as  in  England  or  the  northern 
colonies.  Whereas  with  a  small  degree  of  care  and 
feeding  in  the  winter,  they  would  have  been  as  large 
as  the  English  cattle,  and  the  beef,  perhaps,  equal  to 
any  in  the  world.  The  Virginians  had  the  best  lands 
for  hemp  and  flax ;  their  sheep  increased  plentifully, 
and  yielded  good  fleeces ;  the  mulberry  tree  grew  as 
naturally  as  the  weed,  and  the  silk  worm  would  thrive 
exceedingly  without  danger ;  yet,  they  brought  their 
clothing  of  all  kinds,  linen,  woolen,  silk,  hats,  and 
leather  from  England.  They  had  a  plenty  of  hides, 
but  most  of  them  lay  and  rotted.  Their  sheep  were 
shorn  only  to  cool  them.  They  abounded  in  deer  skins 
of  the  best  quality,  but  he  was  a  rare  economist,  who 
manufactured  a  pair  of  leather  breeches.  Na)r, 
though  they  had, the  finest  groves  of  timber,  yet  at 
the  distance  of  a  hundred  and  fifteen  or  twenty  years 
from  their  first  settlement,  they  imported  all  their 
wooden  ware,  not  only  their  cabinets,  chests,  tables, 
chairs,  and  boxes,  but  even  their  cart-wheels,  bowls, 
and  brooms  from  England.* 

In  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  the  case  was  very 
similar,  for  many  years  after  their  first  plantation. 
It  was  not  till  after  their  respective  governments  be- 
came regal,  that  either  of  them  made  any  considera- 
ble progress  in  cultivation.  After  this  period,  some 
of  the  most  enterprising  among  the  inhabitants,  be- 
gan to  discover  their  richest  lands  and  what  were 
their  most  natural  and  profitable  productions.  These 
were  now  looked  out  with  that  keenness  of  sight, 
secured  and  cultivated,  with  that  avidity  and  ardour, 

*  Beverley's  Hist.  Virg.  p.  252,  C53,  255,  256. 


294  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   which   the    prospects    of  wealth  naturally   inspire. 

I    Tradesmen  and  artificers  began  to  be    introduced 

among  the  planters,  and  both  the  plantations   and 
buildings  began  to  assume  a  better  appearance.* 

*  As  late  as  the  year  1756,  Georgia  remained  little 
better  than  a  wilderness.  The  rich  swamps  on  the 
rivers  were  not  cultivated,  and  the  planters  had  not 
found  their  way  into  the  interior  parts  of  the  country, 
where  the  lands  are  not  only  more  fertile  than  those 
on  the  sea  coast,  but  the  climate  is  far  more  health- 
ful and  pleasant.  The  whole  amount  of  the  exports 
from  Georgia,  at  this  period  was  only  16,776  pounds 
sterling. 

Governour  Wright,  by  his  example  and  success, 
first  gave  spring,  to  a  spirit  of  industry  and  emula- 
tion, to  the  inhabitants  of  this  province.  He  was 
not  only  a  father  to  it,  but  discovering  the  excellen- 
cy of  its  low  lands  and  river  swamps,  and  the  mode 
of  cultivation,  in  a  few  years,  made  himself  master 
of  a  handsome  fortune.  The  planters,  thus  taught 
the  road  to  wealth,  eagerly  seized  and  cultivated  the 
rich  lands,  and  soon  after  the  peace  of  Paris,  1763, 
rose  to  a  state  of  ease,  respectability,  and  opulence. 
At  this  period  the  whole  amount  of  its  exports  were 
no  more  than  27,021  pounds  sterling.  From  this 
time  the  increase  was  so  rapid,  that  in  1773  the 
amount  of  the  exports  of  its  staple  commodities  was 
121,677  pounds  sterling.!  The  colony  enjoyed  an 
increasing  state  of  prosperity,  till  the  commence- 
ment of  hostilities  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
colonies. 

*  Hist.  S.  Car.  vol.  ii.  p.  15,  16.  |  Ibid,  vol,  ii.  p.  267. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  295 


CHAPTER  IX. 

War  with  the  eastern  Indians.  Brunswick  destroyed,  Ganso  sur- 
prised and  seventeen  vessels  taken  by  the  enemy.  Attempts  to 
engage  the  Five  Nations  in  war  against  the  eastern  Indians.  The 
English  take  and  burn  Norridgewock.  Peace  made  with  the  In- 
dians French  war.  Duviviere  takes  Canso.  Expedition  of  the 
New  Englanders  against  Louisburg.  Remarkable  deliverance  of 
New  England. 


1  HE  peace  concluded  with  the  Indians,  in  seven- 
teen hundred  thirteen  was  of  short  duration.     Some   CHAP 
dissatisfaction  seems  to  have  arisen,  as  early  as  the      ix. 

year   seventeen  hundred  seventeen.      Even    before    

this  time  some  injuries  had  been  done  to  the  English. 
Colonel  Shute,  governour  of  the  Massachusetts,  wish- 
ing to  prevent  hostilities,  met  the  Indians  in  a  general 
treaty  at  Arowsick.  They  complained  that  encroach- 
ments had  been  made  on  their  lands,  and  expressed 
their  dissatisfaction  that  so  many  forts  had  been  built, 
at  one  place  and  another.  They  also  complained  that 
trading  houses  had  not  been  erected  for  the  purposes 
of  taking  off  their  commodities,  and  supplying  them 
with  necessaries.  The  governour  promised  them, 
that  trading  houses  should  be  built,  that  armorers 
should  be  sent  down,  at  the  expense  of  the  province, 
and  that  for  their  commodities,  they  should  be  sup- 
plied with  provision,  clothing,  and  other  necessaries. 
There  was  a  renewal  of  former  treaties  and  an  ami- 
cable conclusion  of  the  conference. 

It  was  expected  that  the  general  court  would  have 
adopted  measures,  to  carry  the  several  matters,  stip- 
ulated by  the  governour,  into  immediate  execution. 
But  such  was  the  general  disaffection  to  the  govern- 
our, that  it  induced  the  court,  sometimes,  to  oppose 
his  measures,  even  when  they  were  wise  and  saluta- 
ry. The  treaty  was  therefore  disapproved,  and 
nothing  was  done  for  the  performance  of  a  single  ar- 
ticle which  had  been  stipulated.     The  private  trad- 


296  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  TEE 

chap,   ers,  by  their  frauds  and  other  injuries,  irritated  the 
Indians,  and  the  French  Jesuits  among  them  roused 
1721.     tnem  t0  war.*      Some  damages  were  done  to  the 
English. 

August,         The  general  court  therefore  resolved,  that  three 

1721.  hundred  men  should  be  sent  to  the  head  quarters  of 
the  Indians,  and  that  proclamation  should  be  made, 
commanding  them,  on  pain  of  being  prosecuted  with 
the  utmost  severity,  to  deliver  up  the  Jesuits,  and 
the  other  heads  and  fomenters  of  the  rebellion,  and 
to  make  satisfaction  for  the  damages  they  had  done. 
If  they  should  refuse  a  compliance,  it  was  ordered, 
that  as  many  of  their  principal  men,  as  the  command- 
ing officer  should  judge  expedient,  should  be  seized 
and  sent  to  Boston.  If  opposition  should  be  made, 
they  were  to  repel  force  by  force.  The  governour 
and  judge  Sewel,  one  of  the  council,  scrupled  the 
lawfulness  and  prudence  of  a  war  with  the  Indians, 
and  therefore  the  troops  were  not  sent,  as  the  court 
had  resolved. 

At  the   next  session  the  house  manifested  their 
dissatisfaction  that  the  troops  were  not  sent  out  ; 

Nov  3t  and  resolving  "  That  the  government  has  still  suf- 
ficient reason  for  prosecuting  the  eastern  Indians 
for  their  many  breaches  of  covenant,"  a  party  of 
men  was  ordered  up  to  Norridgewock,  their  chief 
town.  Here  was  an  Indian  church,  and  father  Ralle, 
a  Jesuit,  whom  the  Indians,  in  a  manner,  idolized, 
was  their  pastor.  The  party  effected  nothing  more 
than  the  bringing  off  some  of  the  Jesuit's  books  and 
papers.  His  faithful  disciples  took  care  for  the  se- 
curity of  his  person  and  fled  to  the  woods. 

This  attempt  was  such  an  insult  as  the  Indians 
could  not  brook.     From  this  time  they  meditated 

June,i722.  nothing  but  revenge.  The  next  June,  about  sixty 
of  them  captivated  nine  families  at  Merrymeeting 
bay.  A  small  party  took  the  collector  of  the  cus- 
toms, at  Annapolis  royal,  Mr.  Newton,  John  Adams, 

*  Hutch,  vol.  ii.  p.  218,  221,  270. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  297 

captain  Blin,  and  a  number  of  passengers,  who  put  chap. 
in  at  one  of  the  Passimaquidies,  in  their  way  from  IX* 
Nova  Scotia  to  Boston.  Another  party  burned  a 
sloop  at  St.  George's  river,  made  a  number  of  pris- 
oners, and  attempted  to  surprise  the  fort.  Soon 
after  the  enemy  burnt  Brunswick,  a  village  between 
Casco  bay  and  Kennebeck.  Captain  Harman,  who 
had  been  posted  with  a  party  on  the  frontiers,  pur- 
sued the  enemy,  killed  a  considerable  number,  and 
took  their  arms. 

Upon  this  war  was  proclaimed  against  the  enemy,  July  25, 
and  became  general.     The  Norridgewocks,  Penob-  ^Var  Wlth 
scot,   St.  Francois,   Cape  Sable,  and  St.  John's  In-emin-" 
dians,  all  united  in  hostilities  against  New  England.*  dians* 
They  ravaged  all  the  frontiers,  from  Nova  Scotia  to 
Connecticut  river.     For  three  years  large  numbers 
of   men    were    employed   in    ranging    the    enemy's 
country,  and  guarding  the  frontiers.     Connecticut, 
though  not  immediately  exposed,  as  the  Massachu- 
setts and  NewT  Hampshire  were,   assisted  her  sister 
colonies  in  this,  as  she  had  done  in  all  the  preceding 
Indian  wars.f     Her  troops  were  employed  princi- 
pally in   the  defence  of  the  frontier  towns  of  the 
Massachusetts  in  the  county  of  Hampshire. 

The  country  was  now  much  stronger  than  in  the 
former  Indian  wars ;  the  fortresses  on  the  frontiers 
were  more  numerous,  and  much  better  furnished 
with  men  and  provisions.  The  experience  which 
had  been  gained  in  former  wars,  taught  the  colonists 
more  skill  and  foresight  in  fighting  Indians,  than 
they  had  before  employed.  The  Indians  were  less 
numerous,  more  scattered,  and  generally  at  a  greater 
distance  than  in  former  wars.      They  nevertheless 

*  Hutch,  vol.  ii.  p.  294,  295. 
|  From  the  year  1688  to  1695  the  colony  expended  about  5,000/.  in 
expeditions,  aids,  and  succours  for  the  defence  of  the  province  of  New 
York  Within  the  same  period  the  colony  expended  nearly  2,000/.  for 
the  defence  of  ihe  Massachusetts.  From  the  year  1703  to  1706,  Con- 
necticut expended  nearly  11,000/.  more  ki  the  defence  of  the  same 
province.  The  currency  in  these  times  was  about  three  fourths  the 
value  of  sterling-  money.  Reasons  in  behalf  of  Connecticut  against  par* 
liameittary  taxation,  p.  29. 

Vol.  I.  38 


298  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   killed   many  of  the  inhabitants  and  did   the  New 

TV" 

England  colonies  very  essential  injuries. 
Feb.  nth;  *n  February,  colonel  Westbrook  was  despatched 
1723.  '  with  a  hundred  and  thirty  men,  to  Kennebeck ;  and 
with  whale  boats  and  small  vessels,  ranged  the  coast 
as  far  as  Mount  Desert.  On  his  return  he  sailed  up 
Penobscot  river;  and  about  thirty  two  miles  above  the 
anchoring  place,  for  the  transports,  discovered  the 
Indian  castle.  It  was  seventy  feet  in  length  and 
fifty  in  breadth.  Within  were  twenty  three  well 
finished  wigwams.  Without  was  a  handsome  church 
sixty  feet  long  and  thirty  broad.  There  was  also  a 
commodious  house  for  the  Roman  catholic  priest. 
But  these  were  all  deserted,  and  nothing  more  was 
accomplished  by  the  expedition,  than  the  barbarous 
business  of  burning  this  Indian  village.  . 

Captain  Harman,  about  the  same  time,  was  sent, 
with  a  hundred  and  twenty  men,  on  an  expedition 
to  Norridgewock  ;  but  the  rivers  were  so  open,  and 
the  ground  so  full  of  water,  that  they  could  not  pass 
either  by  land  or  water.  After  they  had,  with  great 
difficulty  reached  the  upper  falls  of  Amascoggin, 
they  divided  into  scouting  parties  and  returned  with- 
out seeing  an  enemy. 

Afterwards  captain  Moulton  went  up  with  a  party 
of  men  to  Norridgewock ;  but  the  village  was  en- 
tirely deserted.  He  was  a  brave  and  prudent  man, 
and,  probably,  imagining,  that  moderation  and  hu- 
manity might  excite  the  Indians  to  a  more  favour- 
able conduct  towards  the  English,  he  left  their  houses 
and  church  standing.  Some  books  and  papers  of 
Ralle,  the  Jesuit,  were  brought  off,  by  which  it  was 
discovered  that  the  French  were  instigators  of  the 
war. 
April.  As  soon  as  the  spring  began  to  open  the  enemy 

renewed  their  hostilities.  Eight  persons  were  killed 
or  taken,  at  Scarborough  and  Falmouth.  Among 
the  dead  was  a  sergeant  Chubb,  whom  the  Indians 
imagining  to  be  captain  Harman,  against  whom  they 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  299 

had  conceived  die  utmost  malignity,  fifteen  aiming    chap. 
at  him,  at  the  same  instant,  lodged  eleven  bullets  in     J^ 
his  body.       *  17*>-# 

Besides  other  mischief,  the  enemy,  the  summer 
following,  surprised  Casco,  with  other  harbours  in 
its  vicinity,  and  captured  sixteen  or  seventeen  sail  of 
fishing  vessels.     The  vessels  belonged  to  the  Mas- 
sachusetts ;    but  governour  Philips  of  Nova  Scotia, 
happening  to  be  at  Casco,  ordered  two  sloops  to  be 
immediately  manned  and  despatched  in  pursuit  of 
the  enemy.     The  sloops    were  commanded  by  John 
Eliot  of  Boston,  and  John  Robinson  of  Cape  Anne. 
As  Eliot  was  ranging  the  coast  he  discovered  seven 
vessels  in  Winepang  harbour.     He    concealed   his 
men,  except  four  or  ^ve,  and  made  directly  for  the 
harbour.     Coming  nearly  up  to  one  of  the  vessels, 
on  board  of  which  were  about  sixty  Indians,  in  high 
expectation  of  another  prize,  they  hoisted  their  pen- 
dants and  cried  out,  "  Strike  English  dogs  and  come 
aboard,  for  you  are  all  prisoners."     Eliot  answered 
that  he  would  make  all  the  haste  he  could.     As  he 
made  no  attempts  to  escape,  the  enemy  soon  sus- 
pected   mischief,  cut  their  cable  and  attempted  to 
gain  the  shore ;  but  immediately  boarding  them  he 
prevented  their  escape.     For  about  half  an  hour  they 
made  a  brave  resistance,  but  Eliot's  hand-grenadoes 
made  such  havock  among  them,  that  at  length,  those 
who  had  not  been  killed  took  to  the  water,  where 
they  were  a  fair  mark  for  the  English-  musketeers, 
Five  only  reached   the  shore.     Eliot  received  three 
bad  wounds,  had  one  man  killed  and  several  wound- 
ed.    He  recovered  seven  vessels,   several  hundred 
quintals  of  fish,  and  fifteen  captives.     Many  of  the 
captives  had  been  sent  away,  and  nine  had  been  mur- 
dered in   cold   blood.     The   Nova   Scotia    Indians 
were  characterized  as  more  cruel  than  the  other  In- 
dian nations. 

Robinson  re-took  two  vessels  and  killed  several  of 
the  enemy.  The  Indians  had  carried  the  other  ves- 
sels so  far  up  the  bay,  above  Malagash  harbour  that 


300 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


chap-   it  was  not  safe  to  pursue  them,  as  he  had  not  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  men  to  land  and  put  to  flight  the 
l723      more  numerous  enemy. 

The  loss  of  such  a  number  of  men  determined  the 
enemy  to  seek  revenge  on  the  poor  fishermen.  Twen- 
ty of  these  yet  remained  in  their  hands,  at  the  har- 
bour of  Malagash.  These  were  all  destined  to  be 
sacrificed  to  the  manes  of  the  slaughtered  Indians. 
At  the  very  time,  that  the  powawing  and  other  cere- 
monies, attending  such  horrible  purposes,  were  just 
commencing,  captain  Blin,  who  sometime  before 
had  been  a  prisoner  among  them,  arrived  off  the  har- 
bour ;  and  made  the  signal,  or  sent  in  the  token, 
which  it  had  been  agreed  between  them,  should  be 
the  sign  of  protection.  Three  Indians  came  on 
board,  and  an  agreement  was  made  fot  the  ransom 
both  of  the  ships  and  captives.  These  were  deliver- 
ed, and  the  ransom  paid.  Thus  providentially 
were  these  poor  men  rescued  from  an  untimely  and 
barbarous  death. 

This  Nova  Scotia  affair,  was,  by  no  means,  fortu- 
nate to  the  Indians.  Besides  the  loss  which  they 
had  already  sustained,  captain  Blin,  in  his  way  to 
Boston,  captivated  a  number  of  them,  near  Cape  Sa- 
bles ;  and  captain  Southack  a  number  more,  which 
they  brought  on  with  them  to  Boston. 

Sept.  16.        Before  the  close  of  the  year,  four  or  five  hundred 

Damage    Indians  made  a  descent  on  the  island  of  Arowsick. 

sickr°W"  ^e  so*diers,  guarding  the  labourers  in  the  fields, 
discovered  them,  and  gave  the  alarm  so  seasonably 
to  the  inhabitants,  that  they  had  time  to  shelter  them- 
selves in  ihe  fort,  and  also  to  secure  part  of  their 
goods,  before  the  enemy  came  upon  them.  They 
commenced  an  immediate  attack  on  the  fort;  but 
finding  after  they  had  fired  some  time,  that  they 
could  not  carry  their  point  with  respect  to  this,  they 
fell  to  plundering  and  burning  the  houses  and  de- 
stroying the  cattle.  About  fifty  head  were  killed,  and 
thirty  dwelling  houses  were  burnt.  With  pain  did 
the  inhabitants   behold  this  destruction,   lamenting 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  301 

their  want  of  numbers  to  make  a  sally  and  prevent    c^p' 

the  mischief.      But  the  garrison  consisted  of  forty    [_ 

men  only,  under  the  command  of  captains  Temple      1723. 
and    Penhallow.     These    were   no  match  for  such 
numbers.     The  enemy  drew  off,  in  the  night,  and 
retired  to  head  quarters  at  Norridgewock.* 

From  April  till  the  last  of  December,  the  enemy 
kept  the  country  in  continual  alarm.  More  than 
forty  people  were  killed  and  taken,  in  various  places, 
besides  those  which  have  been  mentioned.  The 
most  of  them  were  killed. 

Attempts  had  been  made,  by  the  Massachusetts, 
to  engage  the  Five  Nations  and  Scatacook  Indians  in 
the  war.  For  this  purpose  commissioners  had 
been  sent  to  Albany,  with  such  proposals,  as  were 
judged  proper  to  induce  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
against  the  eastern  Indians.  The  Indians  conduct-  Negotia- 
ed  the  affair  with  great  art.  All  the  encouragement tion  ™'lth 
obtained  was,  that  the  Five  Nations  would  send  a  Nations, 
number  of  delegates  to  Boston,  to  treat  on  the  sub-  Aus-  21. 
ject.  Accordingly,  not  less  than  sixty  of  them  went 
to  Boston,  at  the  session  of  the  general  court.  A 
very  formal  conference  was  holden  with  them,  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  court.  But  the  delegates 
would  not  involve  their  principals  in  war.  After 
they  had  amused  the  commissioners,  and  drawn  a 
large  sum  in  valuable  presents  from  the  government, 
they  answered,  that  if  any  of  their  young  men  were 
inclined  to  go  out  with  parties  of  the  English,  they 
might  do  as  they  pleased.  Thus  after  high  expec- 
tations, much  trouble  and  expense,  the  affair  issued 
without  contributing,  in  the  least,  either  to  the  honour 
or  defence  of  the  province. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  next  year  the  war  was  less 
favourable  to  the  English,  than  it  had  been  in  the 
preceding.  Their  losses,  on  the  whole,  exceeded 
those  of  the  enemy.  However,  before  the  close  of 
the  year,  they  received   several  such  blows,  as  made 

*  Hutch,  vol.  jr.  p.  294—297. 


302 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
IX. 


1724. 


April  30. 
Captain 
Winslow 
killed. 


Indian 
feats  by 
water. 


them  weary  of  the  war,  and  disposed  them  to  an  ac- 
commodation. 

In  March  they  began  to  alarm  and  kill  the  inhabi- 
tants ;  and  in  little  more  than  two  months,  they 
killed  people  at  Cape  Porpoise,  at  Black  Point,  on 
Kennebeck  river,  at  Berwick,  Lamprey,  and  Oyster 
rivers,  and  at  Kingston.  They  also  killed  and  cap- 
tivated several  on  Connecticut  river. 

Captain  Josiah  Winslow,  who  had  been  stationed 
at  the  fort  on  St.  George's  river,  with  part  of  his 
company,  had  been  surprised  and  cut  off.  He  went 
out  from  the  fort  with  two  whale  boats,  fourteen 
white  men,  and  three  Indians.  It  seems  the  enemy 
watched  their  motions,  and  on  their  return,  suddenly 
surrounded  them,  with  thirty  canoes,  whose  com- 
plement wras  not  less  than  a  hundred  Indians.  The 
English  attempted  to  land,  but  were  intercepted,  and 
nothing  remained,  but  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as 
possible.  They  made  a  brave  defence,  but  every 
Englishman  was  killed.  The  three  Indians  escaped 
to  report  their  hapless  fall. 

Flushed  with  this  success,  the  enemy  attempted 
still  greater  feats  on  the  water.  They  took  two  shal- 
lops at  the  Isles  of  Shoals.  They  then  made  seiz- 
ures of  other  vessels  in  different  harbours.  Among 
others  they  took  a  large  schooner  carrying  two  swiv- 
el guns.  This  they  manned  and  cruised  along  the 
coast. 

It  was  imagined  that  a  small  force  would  be  able 
to  conquer  these  raw  sailors.  A  shallop  of  sixteen, 
and  a  schooner  of  twenty  men,  under  captains  Jack- 
son and  Lakeman,  were  armed  and  sent  in  pursuit 
of  the  enemy.  They  soon  came  up  with  them,  but 
raw  as  they  were,  they  obliged  the  English  vessels 
to  sheer  off,  and  leave  them  to  pursue  their  own 
course.  The  vessels  returned  much  damaged  in 
their  rigging  by  the  swivel  guns.  Jackson  and  sev- 
eral of  his  men  were  wounded. 

Captain  Durel,  of  the  Seahorse  man  of  war,  was, 
at  that  time,  on  the  Boston  station.     His  lieutenant, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  303 

master,  and  master's  mate,  each  of  them  took  the 
command  of  a  small  vessel,  with  thirty  men,  and 
sailed  in  'quest  of  the  Indian  seamen  ;  but  they  soon  1734. 
grew  weary  of  the  business,  and  returned  without 
giving  any  intelligence  of  the  enemy.  The  Indians 
took  eleven  vessels  and  forty  five  men.  Twenty 
two  they  killed,  and  the  others  they  carried  into 
captivity. 

While  this  part  of  the  enemy  were  accomplishing 
these  feats  by  water,  other  parties  were  alarming  the 
inland  country,  killing  and  captivating  the  inhabit- 
ants. Mischief  was  done  at  Groton,  Rutland,  North- 
ampton, and  Dover.  In  all  these  places  more  or 
less  were  killed,*  some  were  wounded,  and  others 
carried  into  captivity. 

Weary  and  discouraged  with  fruitless  attempts  to 
intercept  the  Indians,  by  ranging  the  frontiers,  it  was 
determined  to  make  another  attempt  to  surprise  them 
in  their  capital  village  at  Norridgewock.  Four  com- 
panies, consisting  in  the  whole,  of  two  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  under  the  command  of  captains  Har- 
man,  Moulton,  Bourn,  and  lieutenant  Bean,  were 
despatched  up  the  river  Kennebeck.  On  the  twen-  Aug.  20. 
tieth  of  August  they  arrived  at  Taconick.  Here 
leaving  their  boats,  under  a  guard  of  forty  men,  they 
marched,  the  next  day,  for  Norridgewock.  In  the 
evening  they  discovered  two  women,  the  wife  and 
daughter  of  Bomazeen,  the  famous  warrior  and 
chieftain  of  Norridgewock.  They  fired  upon  them 
and  killed  his  daughter,  and  then  captivated  his  wife. 
By  her  they  obtained  a  good  account  of  the  state  of 
the  village.  On  the  twenty  third  they  came  near  it, 
and  as  they  imagined  that  part  of  the  Indians  would 
be  in  their  corn  fields,  at  some  distance,  it  was  thought 
expedient  to  make  a  division  of  the  army.  Harman, 
who  was  chief  in  command,  marched  with  eighty 
men  to  the  fields.  Moulton  with  the  remainder 
marched- directly  for  the  village.  About  three  o'clock 
it  opened  suddenly  upon  them.  The  Indians  were 
all    in   their  wigwams   entirely  secure.-     Moulton 


304 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
IX. 

1724. 
Surprisal 
of  Nor- 
ridge- 
wock, 
Aug.  23. 


marched  his  men  in  the  profoundest  silence,  and  or- 
dered, that  not  one  of  them  should  fire  at  random, 
through  the  wigwams,  nor  till  they  should  receive 
the  enemy's  fire  ;  as  he  expected  they  would  come 
out  in  a  panic  and  overshoot  them.  At  length  an 
Indian  stepping  out  discovered  the  English  close 
upon  them.  He  instantly  gave  the  war  whoop,  and 
sixty  warriors  rushed  out  to  meet  them.  The  In- 
dians fired  hastily,  without  injuring  a  man.  The 
English  returned  the  fire  with  great  effect,  and  the 
Indians  instantly  fled  to  the  river.  Some  jumped 
into  their  canoes,  others  into  the  river,  which  the 
tallest  of  them  were  able  to  ford.  Moulton  closely 
pursuing  them,  drove  them  from  their  canoes,  and 
killed  them  in  the  river,  so  that  it  was  judged,  that 
not  more  than  fifty  of  the  whole  village  reached  the 
opposite  shore.  Some  of  these  were  shot  before 
they  reached  the  woods. 

The  English  then  returning  to  the  village,  found 
father  Ralle,  the  Jesuit,  firing  from  one  of  the  wig- 
wams on  a  small  number  of  men,  who  had  not  been 
in  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  One  of  these  he  wound- 
ed ;  in  consequence  of  which,  one  lieutenant  Jaques 
burst  the  door  and  shot  him  through  the  head.  Cap- 
tain Moulton  had  given  orders  not  to  kill  him.  Ja- 
ques excused  himself,  affirming  that  Ralle  was  load- 
ing his  piece,  and  refused  to  give  or  receive  quarter. 
With  the  English  there  were  three  Mohawks.  Moq- 
a  famous  Indian  warrior  firing  from  a  wigwam  kill- 
ed one  of  them.  His  brother  in  a  rage  flew  to  the 
wigwam,  burst  the  door,  and  instantly  killed  Mog. 
The  English  followed  in  a  rage  and  killed  his 
squaw  and  two  helpless  children.  Having  cleared 
the  village  of  the  enemy  they  fell  to  plundering  and 
destroying  the  wigwams. 

After  the  action  was  over  Harman  and  his  party 
came  in  from  the  fields,  and  the  army  lodged  in  the 
village.  In  the  morning  they  found  twenty  six  dead 
bodies  besides  that  of  the  Jesuit.  Among  the  dead 
were  Bomazeen,  Mog,  Carabeset,Wissememet,  and 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  305 

Bomazeen's  son-in-law*,  all  famous  warriors.     Char-    chap. 
levoix  says  there  were   no    more  than  thirty  killed, 


and  fourteen  wounded.  The  English  not  only  plun-  1724# 
dered  the  village,  but  brought  off  the  plate  from  the  village 
Roman  catholic  church,  and,  in  their  zeal  against  J^u^f. 
idolatry,  broke  the  crucifixes  and  images  with  which 
it  was  adorned.  After  the  English  had  marched  off, 
one  of  the  Mohawks  was  either  sent  back,  or  of  his 
own  accord,  returned  and  burnt  the  wigwams  and 
the  church.     This  is  the  English  account.* 

Charlevoix  says,  the  English  finding  they  had 
no  body  to  resist  them,  fell  first  to  pillaging  and  tlren 
burning  the  wigwams.  They  spared  the  church, 
so  long  as  was  necessary  for  their  shamefully  profan- 
ing the  sacred  vessels  and  the  ardorable  body  of  Je- 
sus Christ,  and  then  set  fire  to  it.  He  says,  when 
the  Indians  returned  to  the  village,  they  made  it  their 
first  care  to  weep  over  the  body  of  their  holy  mis- 
sionary. They  found  him  shot  in  a  thousand  places, 
scalped,  his  skull  broke  to  pieces  with  the  blows  of 
hatchets,  his  mouth  and  eyes  full  of  mud,  the  bones 
of  his  legs  fractured,  and  all  his  members  mangled 
an  hundred  different  ways.  Thus  was  a  priest  treat- 
ed in  his  mission,  at  the  foot  of  a  cross,  by  those 
very  men  who  have  so  strongly  exaggerated  the  pre- 
tended inhumanity  of  our  Indians,  who  have  never 
made  such  carnage  upon  the  dead  bodies  of  their 
enemies.  There  is,  doubtless,  in  this  account,  some 
mistake  and  exaggeration  ;  but  according  to  our 
own,  are  there  not  sad  marks  of  inhumanity  ?  Do 
not  the  instances  of  firing  on  the  defenceless  women, 
killing  the  daughter  of  Bomazeen,  the  wife  and  chil- 
dren of  Mog,  and  father  Ralle,  appear  to  have  been 
unnecessary  and  cruel  ?  Have  not  a  promiscuous 
plundering  and  burning  of  towns  and  churches,  the 
slaughter  of  defenceless  women  and  children,  been 
ever  considered  by  Americans  as  barbarous,  espec- 
ially when  they  have  been  the  sufferers  ?    Can  these 

*  Hutch,  vol.  ii.  p.  211,  213. 

Vol.  I.  39 


;Q0  '       A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE. 

chap,  be  less  barbarous  when  they  are  the  perpetrators  ? 
When  shall  we  be  so  happy,  as  to  banish  revenge 
1724.  from  our  rancorous  hearts,  and  possess  such  benev- 
olence and  greatness  of  spirit,  as  to  treat  our  ene- 
mies with  that  justice,  compassion,  and  humanity, 
which  we  think  reasonable,  and  wish  to  have  exer- 
cised towards  ourselves  ? 

To  do  justice  to  this  story  it  should  be  observed,  that 
Ralle  had  used  his  influence  with  the  Norridgewocks, 
which  was  very  great,  and  with  the  Indians  in  gen- 
eral, to  engage  them  in  the  war.  When  the  English 
attacked  the  village,  he  had  with  him  an  English  boy, 
whom  the  Indians,  about  six  months  before,  had 
captivated.  This  boy  he  had  shot  through  the  thigh, 
and  afterwards,  stabbed  in  his  body.  Captain  Har- 
man,  under  oath,  witnessed  this  act  of  cruelty.*  The 
boy  was  brought  home  and  cured  of  his  wounds. 

Ralle  was  venerable  for  age,  having  been  nearly 
forty  years  a  missionary  among  the  Indians.  He 
was  master  of  the  learned  languages,  and  from 
his  letters,  appeared  to  have  been  a  man  of  superior 
natural  powers.  He  held  a  correspondence  with 
some  of  the  ministers  in  Boston.  His  letters  to  them, 
written  in  Latin,  were  pure,  classical,  and  elegant. 
Pride  was  the  grand  foible  of  his  heart.  He  con- 
temned the  English,  often  threatened  and  provoked 
them.  He  met  death  in  that  very  war,  of  which  he 
had  been  a  principal  incendiary.  He  had  a  great  tal- 
ent at  ingratiating  himself  with  the  Indians.  To 
them  he  was  dear  as  their  own  lives.  He  was  indeed 
their  idol.  Charlevoix  represents  their  esteem  of 
him  in  the  following  sentence  :  "  After  his  converts 
had  raised  up  and  oftentimes  kissed  the  precious 
remains,  so  tenderly  and  so  justly  beloved  by  them, 
they  buried  him  in  the  same  place  where,  the  even- 
ing before,  he  had  celebrated  the  sacred  mysteries, 
namely,  where  the  altar  stood  before  the  church  was 
burnt." 

*  Hutch,  vol.  ii.  p.  512. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  30' 

This  was  a  fatal  blow  to  the  Norridgewocks.     The   CI?  ap. 
tribe  dwindled  and  never  made  any  figure  afterwards 


Encouraged  by  the  success  of  this  expedition,  1724 
others  of  a  similar  nature  were  immediately  set  on  foot. 
Colonel  Westbrook,  with  three  hundred  men,  march- 
ed across  the  country,  from  Kennebeck  to  Penobscot. 
Other  parties  were  ordered  up  to  Amesaconti  and 
Amarescoggin  :  but  no  Indians  could  be  found  at 
the  principal  places  of  their  common  resort.  The 
frontiers  were  nevertheless  still  harassed,  and  small 
numbers  were  killed  and  taken. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  war,  the  govern- 
ment had  given  premiums  for  every  Indian  scalp  or 
captive.      This   was    now  increased  to   a   hundred 
pounds    for    each.     At    this  encouragement,   John 
Lovewell  raised   a   company  of  volunteers  to  hunt 
the  Indians.     On  his  first  attempt  he  brought  in  one  Jan.  5, 
scalp  and  a  captive.     He  made  a  second,  in  which  ir2°* 
he  discovered  ten  Indians  about  a  fire,  all  in  a  deep 
sleep.     He  ordered  a  part  of  his  men  to  fire,  who 
killed  three.     As  the  other  seven  arose  they  were  all 
shot  dead,  by  the  rest  of  the  company,  who  reserved 
their  fire  for  that  purpose.     In  a  little  more  than  two  March 
winter  months,  he  and  his  party  had  made  twelve 
hundred  pounds  in  hunting  Indians. 

Flushed  with  repeated  success,  he  made  a  third 
expedition  with  a  company  of  thirty  men.     The  In- 
dians, in  the  mean  time,  were  not  idle,  but  vigilantly 
sought  to   revenge  the  blood  of  their  slaughtered 
brethren.     In  May,  as  Lovewell  and  his  company  Lovc. 
were  ranging  the  country,  a  prompt  Indian  presented  weft's 
himself,  on  a  point  of  land  adjoining  to  a  large  pond,  jJfayV 
on  purpose  to  decoy  them.     Captain  Lovewell  soon 
suspected  his  design,  and  that  a  body  of  Indians  were 
near  at  hand.     He  ordered  his  men  to  lay  down  their 
packs  and  prepare  for  action.     The  Indian  kept  still 
in  view,  gradually  leading  them  round  the  pond,  till 
he  had  drawn  them  a  sufficient  distance  from  their 
packs,  and  then  suffering  them  to  approach  within 
gun  shot,  he  discharged  upon  Lovewell,  wounded 


308  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  him  and  one  of  his  men.  The  Indian  was  instantly 
shot  dead  and  scalped.  Meanwhile  a  body  of  In- 
1725  dians  who  lay  concealed  seized  the  packs,  and  at  a 
place  chosen  for  their  purpose,  waited  the  return  of 
the  English.  When  they  came  to  the  place,  about 
eighty  Indians  arose,  yelled,  fired,  and  in  great  fury, 
rushed  upon  them  with  their  hatchets.  Love  well 
and  his  company  made  a  gallant  defence,  and  soon 
taught  the  enemy  the  danger  of  approaching  too  near 
them.  To  secure  their  rear  and  prevent  the  enemy's 
surrounding  them,  they  retreated  to  the  pond  ;  where, 
notwithstanding  the  numbers  and  rage  of  the  enemy, 
they  fought  them  six  hours,  till  night  came  on  and 
finished  the  combat.  Captain  Lovewell,  his  lieuten- 
ant, and  ensign  were  soon  mortally  wounded ;  and, 
with  five  more,  were  left  dead  on  the  place  of  action. 
Sixteen  escaped  unhurt.  Eight  were  wounded  and 
left  in  the  woods  without  provisions.  Of  these  two 
only  came  in,  the  others  perished  with  hunger  and 
their  wounds*  Though  the  English  sustained  great 
loss,  yet  the  Indians  were  totally  disappointed,  and 
probably  sustained  a  loss  still  much  greater.  Such 
brave  men  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  fought  six 
hours  without  doing  important  execution. 

This  unfortunate  enterprise,  however,  finished  the 
business  of  scalping  parties.  ,  Both  the  English  and 
the  Indians  were  weary  of  the  war.  Raile  was  nowr 
dead,  and  the  Indians  were  left  to  pursue  their  own 
inclinations. 
Peace  In  June  hostilities  ceased.     Four  Indians  soon  af- 

with  the  ter  came  to  Boston ;  and,  in  behalf  of  the  Indian 
tribes,  whom  they  represented,  signed  a  treaty  of 
peace.  This  was  afterwards  ratified,  at  Falmouth 
in  Casco  bay,  by  Mr.  Dummer,  lieutenant  govern- 
our  of  the  Massachusetts,  John  Wentworth,  Esquire, 
lieutenant  governour  of  New  Hampshire,  and  Paul 
Mascarene,  Esquire,  of  the  council  of  Nova  Scotia, 
commissioners  from  their  respective  governments. 
This  treaty  was  succeeded  by  a  long  and  happy  peace 
Avith  the  Indians. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  3Q9 

This  has  been  applauded  as  the  most  judicious  chap. 
treaty  ever  concluded  with  them.  But  its  happy 
consequences  were  not  at  all  owing  to  any  thing  in  1725 
that,  more  than  had  been  in  other  treaties.  The  ar- 
ticles were  substantially  the  same.  The  pacific  con- 
duct of  the  Indians  was  owing  to  a  very  different 
cause ;  the  justice  and  punctuality  of  the  govern- 
ment in  the  fulfilment  of  its  several  articles.*  Pro- 
vision was  made  for  the  support  of  trading  houses, 
at  Kennebeck,  Saco,  and  St.  George's  rivers.  Acts 
were  made  for  the  restraining  of  private  trade  with 
the  Indians.  They  soon  found  that  they  were  sup- 
plied with  goods,  not  only  on  better  terms,  than  they 
could  purchase  them  of  the  French,  but  than  they 
could  purchase  them  even  of  the  private  English 
traders.  This  was,  at  once  sufficient,  and  much  more 
effectual  to  prevent  private  fraud  and  commerce  than 
all  the  laws  which  could  have  been  made  for  that 
purpose.  This  was  not  only  a  source  of  peace,  but  in 
another  view,  it  was  a  public  emolument.  It  turned 
the  channel  of  the  skin  and  fur  trade,  from  the  French 
to  the  English  merchants.  Would  it  not  be  happy 
were  a  similar  policy  immediately  adopted  with  res- 
pect to  the  Indians,  in  every  part  of  the  United 
States  ?  Were  they,  at  places  of  public  trade,  most 
convenient  for  them,  to  be  furnished  with  all  arti- 
cles, at  a  lower  price  than  they  could  be  obtained  else- 
where, would  it  not,  at  once,  prevent  private  fraud 
and  commerce,  increase  the  Indian  trade,  conciliate 
the  affection  and  esteem  of  the  Indian  nations,  and  be 
the  most  effectual,  and  by  far  the  cheapest  mode  of 
defence,  though  thousands  of  pounds  should  be  sac- 
rificed for  the  purpose  ? 

From  this  period  to  the  commencement  of  the 
Spanish  and  French  war  the  colonies  experienced 
the  blessings  of  general  tranquillity.  Their  advances  s 
in  the  extent  of  their  settlements,  in  cultivation, 
commerce,  wealth,  and  population  were  very  consid- 
erable. 

*  Hatch,  vol.  ii.  p.  sir. 


310  -A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.       The  war  with  Spain  in  seventeen  hundred  thirty- 
nine,  soon  began  to  interrupt  this  tranquil  and  pros- 
1725.    Per°us  state  of  the  colonies.     The  southern  colonies 
War  with  were  in  immediate  danger.     Its  effects  with  respect 

claimed1'0" to  tnem  ^lave  already  been  noticed. 

Oct.  23,'        In  the  expedition  against  Cuba  the  northern  colo- 

yj®.  njes  furnished  a  considerable  number  of  troops,  and 
sustained  a  great  loss  of  men,  as  they  were  mostly 
carried  off  by  the  uncommon  mortality  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  army,'* 

It  was  the  general  expectation,  every  year,  that 
France  would  unite  with  Spain  in  prosecuting  the  war 
against  Great  Britain.  It  was  therefore  judged  ex- 
pedient to  be  in  readiness  for  such  an  event.  The  forts 
on  the  frontiers  were  put  in  a  good  state  of  defence. 
Castle  William,  the  key  of  the  Massachusetts  colo- 
ny, was  not  only  effectually  repaired,  but  a  new  bat- 
tery of  twenty  forty  two  pounders  was  added  to  the 
works.  A  much  larger  magazine  and  greater  sup- 
plies of  powder  than  had  before  been  usual  were 
provided  at  the  expense  of  the  province.  The  can- 
non, mortars,  shot,  and  other  stores  were  the  boun- 
ty of  the  crown. 

1744.  Upon  a  representation  of  the  defenceless  state  of 

Annapolis  and  Nova  Scotia,  by  Mr.  Mascarene, 
two  hundred  men  were  despatched  by  the  Massa- 
chusetts, to  reinforce  the  garrison  on  that  station. 

March  31.  Though  war  had  been  declared  against  France 
early  in  the  spring,  yet  it  was  not  known  in  New- 
England,  till  the  beginning  of  June.  The  French 
at  Louisburg,  it  seems,  had  the  knowledge  of  it  at 
an  earlier  period.  Duvivier  made  an  expedition 
from  thence,  with  nine  hundred  men,  and  on  the 
thirteenth  of  May  surprised  Canso.     With  another 

tt|  *  The  sickness  seems  to  have  been  almost  as  mortal  as  the  plague. 

According-  to  the  general's  account,  no  less  than  three  thousand  four 
hundred  and  forty  five  died,  during  the  short  space  of  two  days.  This 
was  considerably  more  than  a  fourth  part  of  the  whole  army.  Of 
nearly  a  thousand  men  from  New  England,  not  more  than  ninety  or  a 
hundred  returned.  Of  five  hundred  from  Massachusetts  fifty  only 
returned. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  311 

party  he  soon  after  made  an  attempt   on  Annapolis ;    chap. 

but  as  it  had  been  reinforced  from  the  Massachu- 

setts,  his  expectations  were  disappointed.  While  l744. 
the  French  were  thus  attacking  us  by  land,  many 
of  our  vessels  were  taken  by  their  privateers  and 
men  of  war,  and  carried  into  Louisburg.  It  became  so 
dangerous  to  prosecute  the  fishery,  that  the  fishermen 
gave  up  the  design  of  going  on  their  voyages  the 
next  summer.  It  was  imagined,  that  no  maritime 
business  could  be  carried  on  but  under  convoy. 

In  the  fall  of  the  year  it  became  the  general  voice, 
that  Louisburg  must  be  taken.  It  was  not  however 
the  apprehension  of  any,  that  it  could  be  effected 
even  by  the  united  strength  of  the  colonies.  It  was 
the  general  opinion,  that  application  must  be  made  to 
his  majesty,  both  for  a  naval  and  land  force,  to  carry 
it  into  execution.  As  the  winter  came  on,  sugges- 
tions were  broached,  that  the  place  might,  probably, 
be  taken  by  surprise.  Some  who  had  been  prison- 
ers at  Louisburg,  and  professed  to  be  well  acquaint- 
ed with  the  fortifications  and  garrison,  favoured  this 
opinion.  Mr.  Vaughan,  who  had  been  a  trader  at 
Louisburg,  was  sanguine  in  the  opinion,  that  it  might 
be  taken  by  a  coup  du  main.  It  was  the  general 
opinion,  that  if  the  fortress  could  not  be  taken  by 
surprise,  yet,  that  the  provisions  for  the  garrison  were 
so  scant,  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  it  to  stand  a 
siege  till  the  usual  time  for  the  arrival  of  supplies 
from  France.  At  the  same  time  it  was  talked,  that 
a  naval  force  might  be  provided  to  cruise  off  the 
harbour,  sufficient  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  any 
chance  vessels  which  might  arrive. 

While  this  was  the  conversation  abroad,  it  seems 
that  Mr.  Vaughan,  who  was  zealous,  in  the  affair  and 
has  been  called  the  projector  of  the  expedition,  pro- 
posed it  to  governour  Shirley.  The  governour  made 
diligent  inquiry  of  those  who  had  been  traders  and 
prisoners  at  Louisburg,  concerning  the  condition  of 
the  fortress,  the  usual  time  of  the  arrival  of  supplies 
from  Europe,  the  practicability  of  cruising  before  the 


312  '  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   harbour,  and  whatever  else  might  be  necessary  t* 

obtain  the  fullest  information  relative  to  the  affair. 
1744#  Before  this  time,  he  had  written  to  the  ministry, 
representing  the  necessity  of  a  naval  force,  early  in 
the  spring,  for  the  preservation  of  Annapolis.  If 
this  should  arrive,  he  hoped,  that  the  commander, 
with  that,  would  be  willing  to  cover  the  provincial 
troops.  Commodore  Warren,  with  several  capital 
ships,  was  cruising  at  the  leeward  islands.  It  was 
thought  probable,  that  when  he  should  be  acquainted 
with  the  expedition,  he  would  either  come  with  his 
whole  force,  or,  at  least,  send  part  of  it  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  colonies.  These,  at  most,  were  no  more 
than  probable  conjectures,  yet  these  were  all  the 
chances,  which  the  colonies  had  of  a  naval  force,  in 
the  spring,  sufficient  to  cope  with  a  single  capital 
ship,  which  might  arrive  at  Louisburg.  The  minis- 
try would  indeed,  by  an  immediate  express,  be  ac- 
quainted with  the  expedition,  but  the  distance  be- 
tween Europe  and  America,  was  too  great  to  expect 
any  timely  assistance. 
Plan  of  the  The  plan  of  the  expedition  was,  that  a  land  force 
tkmedl"  °^  ^our  tnousand  troops,  in  small  transports,  should 
gainst  proceed  to  Canso ;  and,  the  first  favourable  oppor- 
Louis-  tunity,  be  landed  in  Chapeaurouge  bay.  They  were 
ms'  to  be  furnished  with  cannon,  mortars,  ammunition,  and 
all  necessaries  effectually  to  carry  on  the  siege.  To  pre- 
vent the  arrival  of  provisions  and  stores  for  the  enemy, 
a  number  of  vessels,  as  soon  as  the  season  would  per- 
mit, were  to  be  despatched  to  cruise  before  the  har- 
bour of  Louisburg.  An  estimate  was  made  of  all 
the  naval  force  which  the  colonies  could  furnish. 
The  largest  ship  which  they  could  employ  mounted 
no  more  than  twenty  guns ;  and  the  whole  number 
of  armed  vessels  did  not  amount  to  more  than  ten  or 
twelve.  With  this  land  and  sea  force,  it  was  said 
there  was  a  good  chance  of  success.  If,  agreeably 
to  their  expectations,  the  men  of  war  should  arrive, 
it  was  insisted,  that  there  was  every  imaginable  rea- 
son to  expect  the  reduction  of  the  place.     The  whole 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  313 

affair  was  so  providential  and  extraordinary,  and  the   chap. 
consequences  so  great,  that  it  deserves  a  particular      IX' 
relation.  1745 

In  the  beginning  of    January,  when  the  general 
court  was  sitting  at  Boston,  governour  Shirley  com- 
municated the  plan  of  the  expedition  to  both  houses. 
But  he  previously  represented,  that  the  message  he 
was  about  to  communicate  was  of  such  importance, 
that  it  required  the  utmost  secrecy,  and  he  wished 
the  members  to  put  themselves  under  an  oath,  not 
to  divulge  it,  for  such  a  time  as  the  house  should 
think   proper.      Without   any  scruple  they  bound 
themselves  to  secrecy,  though  it  was  the   first  in- 
stance, in  the  house  of  representatives.     Many  of  the 
members,  who  had  heard  little  or  no  conversation  on 
the  subject,  were  struck  with  amazement  at  the  bare 
proposal.     They  imagined  that  it  was  an  enterprise 
vastly  too  great,  though  there  were  a  fair  prospect  of 
success.     They    were    apprehensive,  that  it  would 
create   an  expense  which  would  ruin  the  country. 
But  how  wild  and  extravagant  soever  the  scheme 
appeared,  yet,  in  deference  to  the  governour's  recom- 
mendation, there  was  an  appointment  of  a  commit- 
tee of  both  houses  to  take  the  proposal  into  consid- 
eration.     For  several  days  it  was  deliberated  with 
great  attention.     By  those  who  were  for  the  expedi-  Debate  on 
tion,  it  was  insisted,  that  if  Louisburg  should  con-  the  Louis- 
tinue  in  the  hands  of  the  French  it  would  infallibly  p"^** 
prove  the  Dunkirk  of   New  England :     That   the 
French    trade    had    always    been     inconsiderable : 
That  their  fishery  was  on  the  decline,  and  that  for 
several  years,  they  had  bought  fish  cheaper  of  the 
English,  at  Casco,  than  they  could  catch  and  cure 
them ;  and  that  by  privateering  they  might  enrich 
themselves  with  the  spoils  of  New  England.     It  was 
also  urged  that  in  addition  to  these  dangers,  there 
vas  that,  also,  of  losing  Nova  Scotia,  which  would 
instantly  cause  an  increase  of  six  or  eight  thousand 
enemies.     It  was  also  pleaded,  that  the  garrison  at 
Louisburg   was   disaffected,    that    provisions    were 
Vol.  L  40 


314  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  scarce,  the  works  mouldering  and  decayed,  and  the 
governour  an  old  man,  unskilled  in  the  arts  of  war ; 
^45  and  that  now  was  the  only  time  for  success.  It  was 
said,  that  in  another  year  the  town  of  Louisburg 
would  be  so  fortified  as  to  become  impregnable : 
That  there  was  nothing  to  fear  from  any  force  al- 
ready there,  and  that  before  any  could  arrive  from 
France,  the  garrison  must  be  forced  to  surrender.  It 
was  also  urged,  that  there  was  no  probability  of  the 
arrival  of  any  capital  ship  from  France,  so  early  in 
the  year  :  That  if  any  one  should  arrive  separately, 
live  or  six  of  our  small  ones  might  be  a  match  for 
her ;  but  that  there  was  a  greater  probability  that 
English  men  of  war,  from  England  or  the  West  In- 
dies, would  arrive  before  any  from  France.  It  was 
observed  that  there  was  always  uncertainty  in  war, 
and  that,  if  we  were  disappointed,  we  were  able  to 
bear  the  whole  expense.  It  was  said  that  if  the  ex- 
pedition succeeded  it  would  be  glorious.  It  would 
save  the  coasts  of  New  England  from  molestation, 
and  might  give  peace  to  Europe.  To  obviate  the 
objection  relative  to  the  expense,  it  was  observed, 
that  Great  Britain  would  reimburse  the  whole. 

On  the  other  part  it  was  replied,  That  we  had  bet- 
ter suffer  in  our  trade,  than  by  such  an  expensive 
measure,  to  deprive  ourselves  of  all  means  of  trade 
for  the  future :  That  we  could  annoy  the  enemy  in 
their  fishery,  as  much  as  they  could  us,  in  ours : 
That  in  a  short  time  both  parties  would  be  willing 
to  leave  the  fishery  without  molestation  :  That  the 
accounts  given  of  the  works  and  garrison  at  Louis- 
burg could  not  be  depended  on  :  That  the  garrison 
at  Louisburg  were  regular  troops,  who,  though  une- 
qual in  numbers,  would,  in  the  field,  be  more  than 
a  match  for  all  the  raw,  unexperienced  militia,  which 
could  be  sent  from  New  England  :  That  it  was  so 
difficult,  at  that  season  of  the  year  for  vessels  to  keep 
their  station,  and  the  weather  was  frequently  so  thick, 
that  twenty  cruisers  would  not  prevent  supplies  from 
going  into  the  harbour  of  Louisburg,     It  was  further 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  315 

said,  that  there  was  no  sufficient  ground,  for  the  ex-    chap. 
pectation  of  any  men  of  war  to  cover  our  troops : 
and  that  if  one  sixty  gun  ship  should  arrive,  from      1745 
France  or  the  French  islands,  she  would  be  more 
than  a  match  for  all  the  armed  vessels,  which  the 
colonies  could  provide  :  That  our  transports  at  Cha- 
peau rouge  bay  would  be  all  destroyed,  and  the  army 
on  Cape  Breton  would  be  obliged  to  surrender  to 
the  mercy  of  the  French  :    That  the  colonies  would 
be  condemned  by  the  British  court,  for  engaging  Ml 
such  an  enterprise,  without  their   knowledge  or  ap- 
probation ;  and  that  they  would  be  unpitied  in  their 
misfortunes,  as  they  would  be  the  natural  effects  of 
their  own  rash  and  wild  measures.     To  these  argu- 
ments it  was  added,  that  there  was  no  certainty  that 
such  a  number  of  men,  as  had  been  proposed,  could 
be  raised,  or  that  provisions,  artillery,  military  stores, 
and  transports  sufficient  for  the  expedition,  could  be 
obtained :   That  the  season  of  the  year  was  a  great 
discouragement,  as,  in  the  winter,  it  frequently  hap- 
pened,  for   many  days  together,  that  no   business 
could  be  done  abroad  ;  and  that,  though  bills  of  pub- 
lic credit  should  be  emitted  to  carry  the  expedition 
into  effect,  yet  they  would  depreciate  in  a  great  de- 
gree, probably  in  proportion  to  the  whole  sum  emit- 
ted. Finally,  it  was  said,  that  if  the  enterprise  should 
be  successful,  it  would  be  a  national  benefit,  in  which 
the  colonies  would  have  no  share,  in  any  measure, 
proportionate  to  the  vast  expense  of  treasure,  and  it 
might  be,  of  the  lives,  which  the  acquisition  might 
cost  them ;  and  that  if  it  should  prove  unsuccessful, 
it  would  give  the  country  such  a  shock,  that  it  would 
not,  in  half  a  century,  recover  its  present  state. 

On  mature  deliberation  the  arguments  against  the 
expedition  preponderated,  and  the  committee  report- 
ed against  the  proposal.  The  houses  accepted  the  re- 
port  ;  and,  for  some  days  the  members  laid  aside  all 
thoughts  of  the  expedition. 

Though  the  heart  of  the  governour  was  wholly  in 
the  affair,  and  he  ardently  wished  that  his  proposal 


316  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   might  have  met  the  approbation  of  the  general  courts 
yet  he  judged  it  inexpedient  any  further  to  press  the 
1745     affair  either  by  message,  or  by  private  influence  with 
Mer-        the  members.     He  adopted  a  measure  more  prudent 
titionthe'  anc*  influential  J  tne  forwarding  of  a  petition,  from 
general     the  merchants  and  men  of  influence,  to  the  general 
court.       court  on  the  subject.     This  was  signed  by  many  of 
the  merchants  in  Boston  ;  but   more  generally  by 
those  of  Salem  and  Marblehcad  ;  and  prayed,  that 
for  reasons  therein    expressed,    especially,    for  the 
preservation  of  the  fishery  from  ruin,  that  the  houses 
would  reconsider  their  vote,  and  comply  with  the 
governour's  proposal.     This  produced  another  com- 
mittee, who  reported  in  favour  of  the  expedition.    A 
whole  day  was  spent  in  debating  the  subject.     A 
Vote  pass-  vote  finally  passed  in  favour  of  the  expedition,  but 
es  in  fa-    ft  was  DV  a  majority  of  one  voice  only.     Never  was 

vourot  tne  * 

expedi.     an  affair  deliberated  with  more  calmness  and  moder- 
tion-  ation.     There  appeared  no  other  division,  than  what 

resulted  from  a  real  difference  in  opinion,  upon  the 
true  interest  of  the  province  and  nation, 
union  and  No  sooner  was  the  great  point  determined,  than 
SreCara-in  mere  was  an  immediate  union,  of  both  parties,  in  the 
tion.  measures  necessary  to  carry  it  most  effectually  into 
execution.  An  embargo  was  laid  on  every  harbour 
in  the  province.  Despatches  were  immediately  for- 
warded to  all  the  colonies  as  far  as  Philadelphia. 
But  none,  except  the  New  England  colonies,  could 
be  persuaded  to  engage  in  the  enterprise.  The 
Massachusetts  raised  three  thousand  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  exclusive  of  commissioned  officers. 
Connecticut  raised  five  hundred  and  sixteen,  and 
Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire  three  hundred  men 
each. 

The  time  for  preparation  was  short  ;  but  from 
the  day  that  the  vote  passed  in  fit v our  of  the  enter- 
prise, every  circumstance  so  remarkably  contributed 
to  its  success,  that  a  Divine  Providence  seemed  eve- 
ry where  to  watch  over  it  for  good.  The  winter  was 
so  clement  and  favourable,  that  business  could  be 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  317 

done  abroad,  as  well,  and  nearly  with  the  same  des-  chap. 
patch,  as  at  other  seasons.  Colonel  Pepperel  was 
appointed  commander  in  chief.  He  was  a  gentleman  of  1745 
a  great  landed  interest,  and  largely  employed  in  com- 
merce. The  second  in  command  was  Roger  Wol- 
cott,  Esq.  deputy  governour  of  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut. They  were  popular  men,  and  the  sacrifice 
of  private  ease  and  interest,  which  they  made,  in  ac- 
cepting the  appointments,  with  the  esteem  in  which 
they  were  holden  among  the  people,  had  great  influ- 
ence on  inferior  officers  and  private  soldiers,  for  a 
season,  to  sacrifice  domestic  ease  and  their  private 
affairs  to  the  more  important  service  of  their  country. 
Many  of  the  private  soldiers  were  freeholders,  and 
others  the  sons  of  wealthy  farmers,  who  could  have 
no  other  views  in  their  enlistment  than  the  public 
welfare. 

It  soon  appeared  that  it  would  be  next  to  impos- 
sible to  clothe  and  victual  the  men,  and  to  procure 
warlike  stores  necessary  for  the  expedition.  Com- 
mittees of  war  were  authorized,  by  warrant,  to  en- 
ter houses,  cellars,  and  all  places,  wTherever  these  ar- 
ticles were  to  be  found,  and  to  take  them  for  the  use 
of  the  army.  During  the  preparation  many  vessels 
unexpectedly  arrived,  with  more  or  less  of  all  the  ar- 
ticles of  which  the  country  were  in  want.  Such  was 
the  general  zeal  and  union,  that  the  people  submit- 
ted to  any  measures,  which  appeared  necessary  for 
the  general  good.  The  chief  men  in  government 
appeared  willing  to  run  all  risks,  and  to  be  at  any 
expense,  to  accomplish  the  enterprise  in  view. 

All  the  shipping  employed  in  the  service  was  in- 
sured by  government.  None  could  be  engaged  but 
on  this  condition.  The  whole  naval  force  which 
New  England  could  furnish,  consisted  only  of  twelve 
ships  and  vessels.  These  were  the  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island  sloops  of  war,  a  privateer  ship  of  about* 
two  hundred  tons,  and  a  snow  of  less  burden  be- 
longing to  Newport  ;  a  new  snow,  captain  Rouse,  a 
^hip,  captain  Snelling,  a  snow,  captain  Smethhurst* 


318  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  a  brig,  captain  Fletcher,  three  sloops,  captains  Saun- 
ders, Donahew,  and  Bosch,  and  a  ship  of  twenty 
1745.  Suns»  captain  Tyng,  who  was  commodore,  and  com- 
manded the  whole.  Several  of  these  sailed  as  early 
as  the  middle  of  March,  to  cruise  off  the  harbour  of 
Louisburg.  As  a  sufficient  artillery  could  not  be 
obtained  in  New  England,  governour  Shirley,  with 
much  difficulty,  on  loan,  procured  ten  eighteen  pound- 
ers from  New  York.  In  two  months  the  army  was 
enlisted,  clothed,  victualled,  and  equipt  for  service. 
On  the  twenty  third  of  March,  an  express  boat, 
which  had  been  sent  to  commodore  Warren,  in  the 
West  Indies,  returned  to  Boston.  She  brought  ad- 
vice from  the  commodore,  that  as  the  expedition  was 
wholly  a  colonial  affair,  without  orders  from  Eng- 
land, and  as  his  squadron  had  been  weakened,  by  the 
loss  of  the  Weymouth,  he  must  excuse  himself 
from  any  concern  in  the  enterprise.  This  must  have 
struck  a  great  damp  upon  the  governour  and  general ; 
but  they  secreted  the  advice  :  and  as  the  army  was 
embarked,  and  the  general  on  board,  they  sailed,  the 

March  24.  next  morning,  from  Nantasket,  as  though  nothing 
discouraging  had  happened.  The  governour  doubt- 
less hoped  that  if  the  reduction  of  Louisburg  should 
not  be  effected,  Canso  would  be  regained,  Nova 
Scotia  preserved,  the  French  fishery  destroyed,  and 
the  New  England  and  Newfoundland  fisheries  res- 
tored. 

April  4.  On  the  fourth  of  April  the  fleet  and  army  arrived 
safe  at  Canso.  The  New  Hampshire  troops  arrived 
four  days  before  them.  The  troops  from  Connecti- 
cut, under  governour  Wolcott  arrived  on  the  twenty 
fifth.  The  land  army  now  consisted  of  more  than 
four  thousand  men  in  health  and  high  spirits. 

Though  the  advice  from  commodore  Warren  was 
truly  discouraging,  yet,  under  the  all  governing  hand 
of  the  Supreme  Ruler,  every  thing  was  proceed- 
ing in  the  happiest  train. 

Soon  after  the  sailing  of  the  express  boat  for  Bos- 
ton, commodore  Warren  received  orders  from  Eng- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  319 

land,  to  repair,  with  such  ships  as  could  be  spared,    chap. 
to  Boston,  and  to  concert  measures  with  governour      IX- 
Shirley  for  his  majesty's  general  service  in  North 
America.     The  commodore  sailed  immediately  for 
Boston,  and  despatched  an  express,  ordering  such 
ships  as  were  in  these  seas  to  join  him.     The  Eltham 
of  forty  guns  was  at  Portsmouth  in  New  Hampshire, 
as  convoy  to  the  mast  fleet.     When  the  express  ar- 
rived, she  had  sailed  with  the  fleet.     She  was  soon 
overtaken  by  an  express  boat,  when  the  captain,  re- 
manding the  fleet  into  port,  sailed  directly  for  Canso. 
On  the  twenty  third  of  April  he  arrived  to  the  great  Commo- 
joy  of  the  whole  army.     Commodore  Warren,  on(1oreWar* 
his  passage,  meeting  intelligence  that  the  fleet  had  at  canso? 
sailed  for  Canso,  proceeded  directly  to  the  same  port ;  APrii  23, 
and  arrived  the  same  day  in  the  Superb  of  sixty  guns, 
with  the  Lauceston  and  Mermaid  of  forty  guns  each. 
High  was  the  tide  of  joy,    which,  at  once,   arose 
through  the  whole  fleet  and  camp.     There  was  now 
a  sufficient  force  for  their  defence  :  a  force  equal  to 
any  which  was  expected  from  France.     After  a  short 
consultation  with  the  general,  the  commodore,  with 
the  men  of  war,  sailed  to  cruise  before  Louisburg. 

Before  this  time,  the  ships  and  vessels,  sent  to 
cruise  before  the  harbour,  had  done  important  ser- 
vices. They  had  taken  several  vessels  bound  into 
Louisburg  with  provisions  and  West  India  goods. 
They  had  also  engaged  the  Renommee,  a  French  April  is. 
ship  of  thirty  six  guns,  which  had  been  sent  with 
despatches  from  France.  For  some  time  she  kept 
up  a  running  fight  with  the  small  ships,  as  she  could 
easily  outrun  them  ;  but,  after  making  several  at- 
tempts to  enter  the  harbour,  she  put  back  to  France, 
to  report  what  she  had  discovered.  She  fell  in  with 
the  Connecticut  troops,  under  convoy  of  their  own 
and  the  Rhode  Island  colony  sloops.  She  had  force 
sufficient  to  have  taken  them  both  ;  but  after  ex- 
changing a  few  shot,  and  somewhat  damaging  the 
Rhode  Island  sloop,  she  made  off  to  France. 


320  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.       The  fleet  and  armv  soon  followed  the  men  of  war, 

TV 

and,  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  arrived  in  Cha- 
1745.  peaurouge  bay.  The  enemy  had  not  received  the 
least  intimation  of  any  design  against  them,  till, 
early  in  the  morning,  they  discovered  the  transports 
from  the  town.  The  cruisers  had  indeed,  almost 
every  day,  been  seen  before  the  harbour ;  but  they 
imagined  them  to  have  been  privateers,  in  quest  of 
their  fishing  and  trading  vessels. 

The  sight  of  the  transports  gave  the  alarm  to  the 
French,  and  Bouladrie  was  detached  with  a  hundred 
and  fifty  men  to  oppose  the  landing  of  the  troops. 
But  while  the  general  amused  the  enemy  by  a  feint 
at  one  place,  he  was  landing  them  at  another.  Bou- 
ladrie with  his  detachment  soon  attacked  them,  but 
as  a  number  of  his  men  were  killed  on  the  spot, 
himself  and  others  taken  prisoners,  the  rest  were 
obliged  to  make  a  precipitate  flight,  that  they  might 
not  be  instantly  swallowed  up  by  the  provincials, 
who  were  landing  in  great  numbers. 

The  next  morning,  four  hundred  men  marched 
round  behind  the  hills  to  the  northeast  harbour,  set- 
ting fire  to  all  the  houses  and  stores,  till  they  came 
within  a  mile  of  the  grand  battery.  Some  of  the 
stores  had  in  them  so  much  tar,  and  so  many  other 
combustibles,  that  such  a  cloud  of  smoke  arose,  as 
made  it  difficult  to  discover  an  enemy,  only  at  the 
distance  of  a  few  rods.  The  French  therefore,  ex- 
pecting the  whole  army  upon  them,  threw  their  pow- 
der into  a  well,  and  deserted  the  grand  battery.  Our 
troops  took  possession  without  any  loss.  The  can- 
non, which  were  forty  two  pounders,  were  turned 
upon  the  town  ;  and,  for  some  time,  a  constant  fire, 
upon  it,  was  kept  up  from  the  grand  battery.  This 
greatly  damaged  the  town;  but  the  expense  of  pow- 
der was  so  great,  that  it  was  judged  advisable  to  stop 
the  fire,  and  reserve  the  ammunition  for  the  fascine 
batteries. 

The  army  had  nearly  two  miles  to  drag  their  can- 
non, mortars,   shot,  and  the  like,  through  a  morass, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  321 

in  which  oxen  and  horses  would  bury  themselves  in 
mud,  and  could  be  of  no  service.  This  was  to  be 
performed  by  mere  dint  of  labour.  Men  of  the  17A5^ 
firmest  limbs,  and  who  had  been  used  to  draw  pine 
trees  for  masts,  were  appointed  to  this  service*  By 
the  twentieth  of  May  the  troops  had  erected  live  fas- 
cine batteries.  One  of  them  mounted  five  forty  two 
pounders.  This  did  great  execution.  The  New 
Englanders  knew  nothing  of  regular  approaches,  but 
took  the  advantage  of  the  night  and  went  on  in  their 
own  natural  way. 

While  the  troops  were  thus  busy  on  shore,  the 
fleet  was  equally  vigilant  and  active,  in  cruising  off 
the  harbour. 

The  Vigilant,  a  French  sixty  four  gun  ship,  was 
met  by  the  Mermaid,  whom  she  immediately  engag- 
ed ;  but  as  she  was  of  inferior  force,  captain  Doug- 
lass, the  commander,  suffered  himself  to  be  chased 
till  he  drew  the  Frenchman  under  the  command  of 
the  commodore  and  the  other  ships.  On  which  she  May  18 
struck  to  the  British  flag.  She  was  commanded  by 
the  Marquis  de  la  Maison  Forte,  and  had  on  board 
five  hundred  and  sixty  men,  with  stores  of  ail  kinds 
for  the  garrison.  This  capture  was  of  great  conse- 
quence, not  only  as  it  increased  the  naval  force  before 
the  town,  and  afforded  considerable  supplies  of  mili- 
tary stores,  but  more  especially,  as  it  was  a  capital  loss 
and  disappointment  to  the  enemy.  It  deprived  them 
of  all  expectations  of  further  supplies  or  succour,  and 
tended  to  accelerate  the  capitulation  » 

But  a  few  days  before  this  capture,  a  proposal  had 
been  made,  that  the  men  of  war  should  anchor  in 
Chapeaurouge  bay,  and  that  the  marines,  and  as  ma- 
ny of  the  sailors,  as  could  be  spared,  should  land 
and  assist  the  army.  Had  this  been  done,  the  Vigi- 
lant would  have  got  into  the  harbour,  and  defeated 
the  expedition.  Such  were  the  prodigious  labours 
and  hardships  of  the  siege,  that  a  greater  number  of 
troops  were  wanted  ;  and  yet,  by  the  service,  the 
numbers  employed  were  daily  diminishing.     This 

Vot.  I.  41 


322  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   however  was  in  a  measure  compensated,  by  the  con- 
tinual increase   of  the  naval  force  before  the  town. 
1?45     Four  days  after  the  capture  of  the  Vigilant  the  Prince 
May  22.     Mary  of  sixty  and  the  Hector  of  forty  guns  arrived. 
and6 12*     Soon  after  arrived  the  Canterbury  and  Sunderland  of 
sixty  and  the  Chester  of  fifty  guns.     There  were  now 
eleven  men  of  war.     One  sixty  four,  four  sixty,  one 
fifty,  and  five  forty  gun  ships.     Such  was  the  naval 
force*  that  it  was  determined,  that,  on  the  eighteenth 
of  Jime,  the  ships  should  go  into  the   harbour,  and 
with  the  army,  make  a  joint  attack  upon  the  town. 
Before  this,  the  island  battery  had  been  nearly  si- 
lenced, and  was  considered  as  not  long  tenable.  The 
west  gate  of  the  town  was  much  damaged  and  near- 
ly beat  down,  and  a  breach  is  said  to  have  been  made 
in  the  adjoining  wall.     The  circular  battery  of  six- 
teen guns,  and  the  principal  one  against  ships,   was 
nearly  ruined.       The   northeast  battery  was    much 
damaged,    and  the    enemy    driven    from    the    guns. 
The  west  flank  of  the  king's  bastion  was  almost  de- 
molished.    From  the  preparations  on  board  the  men 
of  war,  the  enemy  expected  a  general  and  furious  as- 
sault. *  This,  it  seems,  they   were  unwilling  to  risk. 
Surrender      On  the  fifteenth  of  June  they  desired  a  cessation 
of  Louis-   of  hostilities,  that  they  might  enter  on  the  consider- 
jun?'ir.     ation  of  articles  of  capitulation.     On  the  seventeenth, 
after  a  siege  of  forty  nine  days,  the  city  of  Louis- 
burg  and  island  of  Cape  Breton,  were  delivered  up 
to  his  Britannic  majesty.     Neither  the  inhabitants  nor 
garrison    were    to    bear  arms,  for  twelve    months, 
against  Great  Britain,  nor  her  allies.     They   were 
embarked  on  board  fourteen  cartel  ships,  and  trans- 
ported to  Rochfort. 

Nothing  could  have  been  more  timely  than  this 
capitulation.  Notwithstanding  the  capture  of  the 
Vigilant,  laden  with  stores,  the  besiegers  were  in 
want  of  powder ;  and  such  were  the  hardships  and 
length  of  the  siege,  that  greater  numbers  ot  men 
were  found  to  be  necessary.  The  general  had  sent 
off  despatches  for  a  recruit  both  of  men  and  ammuni- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  32, 

tion.  The  Massachusetts  sent  off  four  and  Connec-  chap. 
ticut  two  hundred  recruits,  with  all  the  powder, 
which  they  could  purchase ;  but  these,  with  the  1745 
troops  from  Rhode  Island,  clid  not  arrive  till  after  the 
capture  of  the  island.  The  very  day  after  the  sur- 
render, the  rains  began,  and  continued  incessantly 
for  ten  days.  These  must  have  greatly  impeded,  if 
not  broken  up  the  siege.  They  must  also  have  been 
fatal  to  many  of  the  men,  as  they  had  no  better 
lodgings  than  the  wret  ground,  and,  as  their  tents, 
generally  made  of  common  oznaburgs  only,  did  not 
secure  them  against  a  single  showTer.  But,  by  this 
opportune  surrender,  Providence  housed  them  in  the 
city,  in  dry  and  convenient  barracks. 

During  this  long  and  severe  siege,  the  men,  on 
all  occasions,  at  landing,  in  skirmishes  with  the 
French  and  Indians,  and  in  their  approaches  to  the 
city  behaved  well.  In  embarking  in  the  enterprise 
they  exhibited  a  noble  spirit ;  and  in  the  prosecution 
of  it,  a  steadiness,  perseverance,  and  magnanimity, 
which  before  had  no  parallel  in  the  affairs  of  Ameri- 
ca. So  remarkable  was  the  hand  which  watched 
over  them,  that  the  whole  loss,  during  this  uncom- 
monly long  and  dangerous  siege,  by  sickness  and 
the  enemy,  was  no  more  than  a  hundred  and  one. 
Sixty  of  these  were  lost  in  an  unfortunate  attack  on 
the  island  battery. 

The  news  of  this  important  success  arrived  in 
Boston  on  the  third  of  July,  and  flew  instantly  through 
the  colonies.  The  joy  which  it  diffused  was  great 
and  universal.  Those  colonies,  which  had  no  share 
in  the  honours  and  dangers  of  the  enterprise,  were  not 
insensible  of  the  importance  of  the  acquisition,  nor 
that  they  were  deeply  interested  in  the  event.  Penn- 
sylvania, therefore,  contributed  four,  New  Jersey 
twro,  and  New  York  three  thousand  pounds  in  money 
and  provisions  for  the  support  of  the  troops. 

To  France  Louisburg  was  a  place  of  capital  im- 
portance. It  had  been  fortified  with  prodigious  art 
and  expense.     With  propriety  it  might  be  termed 


324  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  tiie  American  Gibraltar.  The  fosse,  or  ditch,  round 
the  town,  was  eighty  feet  wide,  and  the  ramparts 
J745.  thirty  high.  On  these,  round  the  town,  were  mount- 
ed sixty  live  cannon  of  different  sizes.  The  en- 
trance into  the  harbour  was  defended  by  the  grand 
and  island  batteries.  On  the  former  were  mounted 
thirty  cannon  carrying  a  forty  two  pound  ball:  and 
on  the  latter  an  equal  number  carrying  a  ball  of 
tvventy  eight  pounds.  The  garrison,  at  the  time  of 
the  surrender,  consisted  of  six  hundred  regular 
troops,  and  thirteen  hundred  militia.  There  were 
ten  thirteen,  and  six  nine  inch  mortars.  There  were 
provisions  and  ammunition  for  five  or  six  months* 
Neither  by  the  combined  armies  of  Great  Britain 
and  her  allies,  nor  by  her  formidable  fleets,  had  France 
from  the  commencement  of  the  war,  received  so 
deep  and  sensible  a  wound.  No  event  had  taken 
place,  by  which  her  schemes  had  been  so  entirely 
disconcerted  and  deranged.  The  acquisition  was 
grand,  and  its  consequences  were  vast  and  import- 
ant, 
Conse-  The  value  of  the  prizes  taken,  in  consequence  of 

quencesof  the  expedition,  was  little,  if  any  thing,  short  of  a  mil- 
ture°of      lion  sterling.     The  place  was  taken,  at  a  time,  when 
Louis-      ships  and  vessels  from  all  parts,   were  expected  in 
kurg.        ^  iiar|lour#       To  decoy  them,  the  French  flag  was 
kept   fl)ing.      Beside  the  Vigilant,  and   the   other 
prizes  taken  before,  and  during  the  siege,  two  East 
India  ships,  and  another  from   the  South  Sea  were 
taken,  which  together  were  estimated  at  six  hundred 
thousand  pounds  sterling.*     Besides,  Nova  Scotia 
and  the  English  fisheries,  in  America,  were  preserv- 
ed, and  those  of  France  were  totally  ruined.     At  the. 
same  time  the  colonies  themselves  and  their  trade 
were  rendered  much  more  secure. 

*  July  24th  an  East  India  ship  from  Bengal  was  taken,  estimated  at 
75,000/.  Another  East  Indiaman  was  soon  after  taken,  valued  at 
J25,000/,  The  South  Sea  ship  was  decoyed  by  the  Boston  packet, 
captain  Fletcher,  under  the  guns  of  the  men  of  war,  and  taken,  August 
22d.     She  was  estimated  at  400,000/. 


UNITED  STATES  ©F  AMERICA.  S25 

Indeed  the  colonies  were  delivered  from  immedi-    chap. 

ate  dangers;  of  which,  at  that  time,  they  had   no    " 

knowledge.  Duvivier,  the  winter  after  the  surprise  ir45 
of  Canso,  wrent  home  to  France,  on  the  business  of 
soliciting  an  armament  for  the  reduction  of  Nova 
Scotia.  On  this  application  he  was  despatched  with 
seven  ships  of  war  for  that  purpose.  On  his  passage 
he  took  a  prize,  on  board  of  which  was  lieutenant 
governour  Clarke  of  New  York.  By  him  he  receiv- 
ed intelligence  of  the  reduction  of  Louisburg,  and  re- 
turned to  France.  In  expectation  of  this  fleet,  Mon- 
sieur Marin,  with  nine  hundred  French  and  Indians, 
from  Canada,  appeared  before  the  fort  at  Annapolis  ; 
but,  finding  no  shipping  for  his  assistance,  he  soon 
retired.*  Thus  by  this  enterprise  were  the  plans  of 
France  dashed,  and  the  colonies  secured.  This  en- 
abled Great  Britain,  afterwards,  more  honourably  to 
treat  of  peace,  and  seems  to  have  restored  to  her  a 
great  part  of  what  she  had  lost  in  Germany. 

In  this  enterprise,  first  and  last,  New  England  em- 
ployed more  than  five  thousand  men.  From  the 
time  of  the  surrender,  till  the  twenty  fourth  of  May  . 
following,  about  eleven  months,  the  place  was  kept 
wholly  by  the  New  England  troops.  During  part 
of  this  period,  great  sickness  and  mortality  prevailed; 
and  New  England  sustained  a  very  considerable  loss 
of  men.  After  that  time,  the  garrison  consisted 
partly  of  regular  troops,  drawn  from  the  garrison  at 
Gibraltar  and  partly  of  New  Englandmen  ;  both 
paid  by  the  crown.  Notwithstanding  these  import- 
ant services,  the  colonists  had  no  share  in  the  prizes 
nor  in  any  thing  taken  on  the  island  of  Cape  Breton, 
excepting  a  small  sum  allowed  captain  Fletcher,  who. 
led  in  the  South  Sea  ship/f- 
in consequence  of  the  signal  success  attending  this 
expedition,  a  shade  was  thrown  over  the  imprudence 
and  rashness,  with  which  it  seems  to  have  been  un- 

*  Douglass,  vol.  i.  p.  562. 
f  Hutch,  vol.  ii.  p.  416—423.      Douglass,  vol.  i.  p.  342,  347—356. 
Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xsxviii.  p.  124,  126. 


326  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  dertaken.  On  both  sides  of  the  water  pious  people 
could  not,  but  with  grateful  admiration  notice  the 
1745  remarkable  coincidence  of  circumstances,  which 
contributed  to  this  great  event.  Governour  Shirley, 
in  his  speech  to  the  general  court,  observes,  that 
"  scarce  such  an  instance  is  to  be  found  in  history." 
The  annual  convention  of  the  NewT  England  min- 
isters in  their  address  to  his  majesty  term  it  "the 
wonderful  success,  God  has  given  your  American 
forces."  A  clergyman,  writing  from  London,  hath 
this  observation,  "  this  prosperous  event  can  hardly 
be  ascribed  to  any  thing  short  of  an  interposition 
from  above,  truly  uncommon  and  extraordinary." 
Effects  on  Both  to  Great  Britain  and  France,  the  reduction 
the  courts  0f  Louisbure;,  bv  New  England,  was  an  affair  of  no 
andFrance  small  surprise.  In  each  of  these  courts  it  was  pro- 
ductive of  grand  plans  of  operation.  Great  Britain 
flushed  with  victory,  thought  of  nothing  less,  for  the 
business  of  the  next  campaign,  than  the  reduction 
of  Canada,  and  the  extirpation  of  the  French  from 
the  northern  continent.  The  French  fired  with  re- 
sentment, by  the  losses  which  they  had  sustained, 
meditated  the  recovery  of  Louisburg,  the  conquest 
of  Nova  Scotia,  the  destruction  of  Boston,  and  the 
ravaging  of  the  American  coast  from  Nova  Scotia  to 
Georgia. 
1746.  It  was  the  plan  of  the  British  court,  that  eight  bat- 

talions of  regular  troops,  in  conjunction  with  the 
provincials  to  be  raised  in  New  England,  should 
rendezvous  at  Louisburg ;  and  with  a  squadron,  un- 
der admiral  Warren,  proceed  up  St.  Lawrence  to 
Quebec.  From  New  York,  and  the  southern  colo- 
nies, as  far  as  Virginia,  another  army  was  to  be  com- 
posed, which  was  to  rendezvous  at  Albany.  This, 
under  the  command  of  general  St.  Clair,  was  to 
cross  the  country  to  Montreal.  No  proportion  was 
fixed  for  the  several  colonies,  but  they  were  left  to 
show  their  zeal  for  the  common  cause,  by  raising 
such  numbers  as  they  pleased.  It  was  expected,  at 
least,  that  they  would  send  five  thousand  men  into 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  32f 

the  field.  The  four  New  England  colonies  granted  five  ch  ap, 
thousand  three  hundred  men.  The  other  colonies 
agreed  to  raise  two  thousand  and  nine  hundred.  1746 
Eight  thousand  and  two  hundred  in  the  whole. * 
Norice  of  the  plan  was  given  to  the  colonies,  the  be- 
ginning of  June,  and  in  six  weeks  most  of  the  New 
England  troops  were  ready  to  embark. 

A  powerful  armament  under  the  command  of 
Richard  Lestock,  admiral  of  the  blue,  was  prepared, 
at  Portsmouth,  with  transports  having  six  regiments 
on  board,  to  co-operate  with  the  provincials  in  car- 
rying the  great  plan  into  execution.  The  fleet  had 
orders  to  sail  the  first  opportunity ;  but  its  depar- 
ture was  unaccountably  delayed,  till  it  was  judged 
that  the  season  was  too  far  advanced  to  risk  the  great 
ships  on  the  boisterous  coast  of  North  America. f  It 
is  not  improbable,  that  the  landing  of  the  young 
pretender,  the  rebellion  in  Scotland,  and  the  appre- 
hensions of  an  invasion  from  France,  were  occasions 
of  this  delay. 

.  That  this  armament,  which  consisted  of  nearly 
thirty  ships  of  war,  might  not  be  wholly  useless  to 
the  nation,  it  was  despatched  against  the  coast  of 
Brittany,  with  a  view  to  surprise  port  L'Orient,  the  Sept.  14. 
grand  repository  of  all  the  stores  and  ships  belonging 
to  the  French  East  India  company.  But  nothing 
was  effected  worthy  of  notice. 

Meanwhile,  France,  notwithstanding  all  her-  other 
preparations,  fitted  out  her  fleet  and  troops  for  Amer- 
ica. The  duke  D'Anville,  a  nobleman,  in  whose 
courage  and  conduct,  the  French  had  reposed  the 
greatest  confidence,  was  appointed  to  command  the 
expedition.  The  armament  consisted  of  eleven  ships  Arma. 
of  the  line,  and  of  thirtv  smaller  ships  and  vessels,  ment  un- 

r  i  •  ,       n  *  .     '  tier  the 

from  thirtv  to  ten  guns ;  and  of  transports  carrying  duke  d'- 
three  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty  land  forces.  AnvMe. 

*  The  proportions  were  very  unequal.  New  Hampshire  raised  500, 
Massachusetts  3,500,  Rhode  Island  300,  Connecticut  1,000,  New 
York  1,600,  New  Jersey  500,  Pennsylvania  400,  but  not  by  act  of  gov- 
ernment.    Maryland  raised  300  and"  Virginia  100. 

f  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xxxix.  p.  50.  53^    Douglass,  vol.  i.  p.  302. 


328  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.   These,  at  Nova  Scotia,  were  to  form  a  junction  with 
sixteen   hundred    Canadian   French,   and    Indians. 
1746.     Monsieur  Pomeret  commanded  the  land  forces.    As 
early  as  the  beginning  of  May,  this  formidable  arma- 
ment was  ready  to  sail ;    but  it  was  so  detained  by 
contrary  winds,  that  the  admiral  could  not  leave  the 
coasts  of  France,  till  the  twenty  second  of  June. 
Admiral  Martin  waited,  with  a  fleet  of  observation, 
to  prevent  his  sailing,  but  he  got  out  of  the  harbour 
unnoticed,  and  proceeded  without  molestation.    The 
duke  D'Anville  had  detached    Monsieur  Conflans, 
with  three  ships  of  the  line  and  a  frigate,  to  convoy 
the  trade  to  Cape  Francois  in  Hispaniola.     Conflans 
wTas  to  join  him  at  Chebucto,  and  in  his  passage, 
near  Jamaica,  fell  in  with  the  British  fleet,  command- 
ed   by  commodore  Mitchel  ;    but  the  commodore 
conducted  in  such  a  dastardly  manner,  that  he  let 
the  French  pass  without  any   considerable   injury. 
He  seemed  to  refuse  taking  them,  when  it  was  in  his 
power. *     It  was  now,  therefore,  left  to  Him  only, 
who   disappointeth   the   devices  of  the   crafty,  and 
taketh  the  prey  from  the  mighty,  without  human  aid, 
to  save  the  colonies  from  ruin.     Let  us  with  grateful 
admiration  behold  how  seasonably  and  howT  power- 
fully he  wrought  for  their  salvation. 
Disasters       He  not  only  laid  an  embargo  on  the  enemy,  and, 
attending   for  more  tiian  sjx  weeks,  prevented  their  sailing,  but 
caused   their  passage   to    be    stormy   and   tedious. 
Like  the  chariot  wheels  of  Pharaoh,    they   moved 
heavily.     It  was  not  till  the  third  of  August,  that 
they   passed   the  western  islands.     On   the    twenty 
fourth,  when  they  were  three  hundred  leagues  from 
Nova  Scotia,  one  of  the  great  ships   complained  so 
much  that  they  wrere  obliged  to  burn  her.     In  a  vi- 
olent storm,    which  overtook  them  on  the  first    of 
September,  the  Mars  a  sixty  four  gun  ship,  was  so 
much  damaged,  in  her  masts,  and  became  so  leaky, 
that  she  bore  away  for  the  West  Indies.     The  Al- 

*  Rider's  Hist-  vol.  XX&ix,  p.  53.     Douglass,  vol.  i.  p.  325!. 


it 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  329 

eide,  another  sixty  four,  was  so  damaged,  that  she   chap. 

was  sent  off  to  keep  her  company.     Soon  after  the    

crew  of  the  Ardent,   a  third  sixty  four,  became  so     1746 
sickly,  that  she  put  back  to  Brest. 

It  was  not  till  the  twelfth  of  September,  that  the  Arrives  at 
duke  D'Anville  arrived  at  Chebucto,  in  the  North-  ^xa?' 
umberland,  accompanied  with  one  ship  of  the  line, 
the  Renommee,  and  three  or  four  transports  only. 
One  ship  only  had  arrived  before  him.  This  long 
and  disastrous  passage  had  totally  deranged  his 
whole  plan.  Conflans,  who  came  on  the  coast  in 
August,  hearing  nothiug  of  the  duke,  had  before  this 
time  sailed  for  France. 

While  the  colonies  were,  with  impatience,  waiting  ^746. 
the  arrival  of  the  British  fleet  under  admiral  Lestock, 
the  squadron  under  Conflans  was  discovered,  and  the 
news  of  it  brought  to  Boston,  by  several  fishermen, 
who  had  made  their  escape  from  the  ships  at  Chebuc- 
to ;  but  their  report  was  not  credited.  But,  the  be- 
ginning of  September  the  colonies  had  authentic 
news  of  the  sailing  of  this  formidable  armament  for 
America.  Reports  were  soon  after  brought  them, 
that  a  great  fleet  was  discovered  to  the  westward  of 
Newfoundland  ;  but  the  colonies  still  flattered  them- 
selves, that  it  was  the  English  fleet,  under  admiral 
Lestock.  On  the  twenty  eighth,  however,  there  ar- 
rived an  express  at  Boston,  with  certain  intelligence, 
that  these  ships  were  the  French  fleet.  The  report 
was,  that  it  consisted  of  fourteen  sail  of  the  line,  and 
twenty  smaller  men  of  war  ;  and,  that  the  rest  were 
fire  ships,  bomb  tenders,  and  transports.  It  was  said, 
that  there  were  eight  thousand  regular  troops  on 
board.* 

England  was  not  more  alarmed  with  the  Spanish  Alarms 
armada,  in  fifteen  hundred  eighty  eight,  than  Boston,  New  En£- 
and  New  England  were  on  the   report  of  the  arrival 
of  D'Anville's  fleet  at  Chebucto.      The  first  advi- 
ces  of  imminent  danger   often    shake   the    firmest 

*  Hutch,  vol.  ii.  p.  425. 

Vol.  I.  42 


330 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


chap,  minds.  Every  practicable  measure  for  the  defence 
of  the  country  was  immediately  adopted.  In  a  few 
ir46  days  six  thousand  and  four  hundred  of  the  inland 
miiitia  were  brought  in,  to  reinforce  Boston.  Six 
thousand  more,  from  Connecticut,  if  occasion  should 
require  it,  were  on  the  first  notice  to  have  been  des- 
patched to  the  assistance  of  their  brethren  at  Bos- 
ton.* At  that  period,  this  was  nearly  half  the  miii- 
tia of  the  colony.  The  miiitia  on  the  sea  coasts  were 
kept  at  home  for  their  own  defence.  But  as  New 
England  had  no  intelligence  of  what  Providence  had 
been  effecting  for  the  country,  in  the  storms  and  dis- 
asters which  had  attended  the  French  armament,  the 
chief  dependence,  under  the  divine  conduct,  was  on 
a  fleet  from  England,  sufficient,  in  conjunction  with 
the  squadron  at  Louisburg,  to  defeat  the  French  ar- 
mament. But  with  respect  to  this,  and  all  other  hu- 
man aid,  they  were  totally  disappointed. 

That  irresistible  hand,  which  already  had  wrought' 
so  conspicuously  for  the  relief  of  the  country,  com- 
Sept.  16.    pleted   its  salvation.      The  duke  D'Anville  waited 
till  the  16th  of  the  month  for  the  arrival  of  the  re- 
mainder of  his  fleet,  and  not  one  ship  of  war,  nor 
any  of  the  fleet,  except  three  transports,  arriving,  he 
The  duke  was  so  affected   with    disappointment  and  chagrin, 
cUet'sept.  *#  **  brought  on  an  apoplectic  fit,  or  he  drank  poi- 
16.  '         son,  and  died  suddenly  the  same  morning. 

In  the  afternoon  after  his  death  the  vice  admiral, 
D'Estournelle,  with  four  ships  of  the  line,  came  into 
port.  As  the  French  troops  had  been  long  on  board, 
before  they  sailed,  and  had  a  tedious  passage,  they 
arrived  in  an  extremely  sickly  and  miserable  condi- 
tion. The  admiral  was  dead,  and  Conflans  returned 
to  France.  Of  four  capital  ships,  the  Ardent,  Ca- 
ribou, Mars,  and  Alcide,  they  had  been  deprived. 
The  Argonaute  fire  ship  was  also  missing.  In  these 
circumstances  D'Estoumelle,  on  the  eighteenth,  call- 
ed a  council  of  his  officers,  and,  as  they  had  not  half 

*  Douglass,  vol.  i.  p.  322,  323. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  331 

the  force  designed  for  the  expedition,  proposed  to    chap. 
return  to  France.     Monsieur  de  la  Jonquiere,  govern- 
our  of  Canada,  was  on  board  the  Northumberland,      1746 
and  next    in    command  to  the  vice  admiral  ;    he,  Division 
with    others    of  the    council,  for   seven     or    eight  ^^^* 
hours,  strenuously  opposed  the  vice  admiral's  pro-  cil. 
posal.     They  insisted,  that  the  sick  men,  with  fresh 
air  and  provisions,  would  soon  recover,  and  that  they 
were  able,  at  least,    to  reduce  Annapolis  and  Nova 
Scotia:  That  after  that  they  might  winter  safely  in 
Casco  bay*  or  return  to  France,  as  might  best  suit 
their  inclinations.     The  debate  issued  in  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  admiral's  proposition.     This  so  extreme- 
h  agitated  his    spirits,  that    it  brought  on   a   fever 
and    threw  him  into  a  delirium.      A  divine  terror 
seemed    to  fail  upon  him.      He   imagined    he    was  D'Estour- 
among    the   English,   ran  himself  through  and  was  neiie  kills 
no  more.*     Jonquiere,  a   man  of  skill  and  experi-  limself* 
ence  in  war,  succeeded  him,  and  the  expectations 
of  the  fleet  and  army  were  much  raised.     From  this 
time  the  reduction  of  Annapolis  and  Nova  Scotia, 
became  the  object  of  the  expedition. 

The  troops  were  landed  with  a  view  to  the  recov-  Mortality 
ery  of  their  health,  and  the  Acadians  and  Indians  am-  p™0"^1*16 
ply  furnished  them  with  fresh  provisions.     Neverthe-  and  in- 
less  dysenteries  and  a  scorbutic,  putrid  fever  occa  dians- 
sioned  a  very  great    mortality  among  them.     The 
Nova  Scotia  Indians  took  the  contagion,  and  by  it 
lost  not  less  than  one  third  of  their  whole  number,  f 
Governour  Shirley,  supposing  that  he  had  receiv- 
ed authentic   intelligence  of  the  sailing  of  admiral 
Lestock  for  America,   sent  off  an  express  to  carry 
the  intelligence  to  Louisburg.     The  packet  was  tak- 
en by  the  French,  and  carried  into  Chebucto,  on  the 
eleventh    of  October.      This   probably   accelerated 
their  sailing,  and  determined  them  to  return  directly 
to  France,  without  making  any  attempt  upon  Annap- 
olis.     On  the  13th  of  October,  they  sailed  from 

*  Hatch,  vol.  ii.  p.  427,  423.  f  Douglass,  vol.  i.  p.  322. 


3312  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THfi 

G?x  P'  ^hebucto.     Two  days  after  sailing  they  were  over- 

taken  with  a  severe    cold  storm,  which,   without  in- 

1745.  permission,  continued   to  increase  for  two  clays,  so 

Oct.  13,  that  the  fleet  was  exceedingly  scattered.     Two  only, 

»aiiFfbrnch  a  fi%  and  a  tnirlv  six  gun  sniP»  got  mt0  tne  bay  of 
France.      Fundi.     The  latter  came  into  the  bason,  and  put  on 
shore  an  express    certifying  De   Ramsay,  that  the 
French  fleet  were  returning  to  France.     These  ships 
were  discovered  from  the  fort  at  Annapolis,  and  the 
Chester  man  of  war,  the  Shirley  frigate,  and  a  small 
armed  vessel,  well  manned  with  troops  from  the  garri- 
son, went  out  in  chase  of  them  ;  but  they  made  their 
Succes-     escape  to  France.    Thus  having  buried  two  admirals 
sion  of  dis-  and  nearly  half  their  army  at  Chebucto,  they  returned, 
asters.       without  effecting  the  least  enterprise  against  the  col- 
onies.    The  French  burnt  the  Caribou,  the  Mars  was 
taken,on  her  return,  by  the  Nottingham,  just  as  she  ar- 
rived on  the  coast  of  France.    The  Aleide  was  driven 
on  shore  by  the  Exeter  and  burnt.     This  was  the 
fate  of  the  grand  French  armada,  sent  against  New 
England. 

Such  a  succession  of  disasters  as  pursued  the 
French,  from  the  day  they  sailed  from  France,  till 
they  returned,  is  rarely  to  be  found  in  the  history  of 
human  events.  The  restraints  put  upon  this  mighty 
armament,  and  the  protection  of  New  England,  was 
little  less  remarkable,  than  the  defeat  of  the  Assyrian 
monarch,  and  the  defence  of  Jerusalem,  when,  after 
his  vast  preparations  and  naughty  menaces,  he  was 
not  suffered  to  go  against  her,  nor  to  shoot  an  arrow 
there.  Like  him,  the  enemy  returned  with  uncom- 
mon loss  and  shame,  to  their  own  land. 
Tjheres-        rnie  niinistry  well  knew  of  the  sailing  of  this  for- 

cue  of  the       .  ,   .  ,  J  ,  «->     .  .. 

colonies  to  midable  armament,  yet  seem  to  have  cared  very  ht- 
be  ascrib-  tie  what  might  be  the  consequence  to  the  colonies. 
vine°inter-  The  onty  measure  which  they  seem  to  have  taken  in 
position,  consequence  of  its  sailing,  was  an  order  to  admiral 
TowTnshend  to  sail  with  his  squadron,  from  the 
West  Indies,  to  reinforce  commodore  Knowles  at 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  333 

Louisburg. *     These  combined  squadrons  were  more   chap. 
than  a  match  for  the  French  fleet,  in  their  distressed      1X 
circumstances  ;  but  they  made  not  the  least  attempt      1?46 
for  its  destruction  or  annoyance.      No  admiral  on 
the  American  station,  this  year,  appears  to  have  act- 
ed with  any  tolerable  spirit.     Indeed  there  was  no 
exertion  of  military  skill  or  prowess,  no  employment 
of  policy,  nor  the  adoption  of  a  single  measure,  in 
Europe  or  America,  which  appeared  to  have  had  the 
least  influence  in  the  preservation  of  the  country. 
The  whole  glory  of  that  remarkable  salvation,  which 
it  experienced,  appeared  to  be  due  to  Him  only,  whose 
kingdom  ruleth  over  all.     Pious  men  saw  this  in  a 
strong  point  of  light,  and  in  their  most  lively  and 
public  devotions  ascribed  the  glory  to  Him. 

When  it  appeared  that  the  expedition  against  Can- 
ada was  likely  to  fail,  governour  Shirley's  enterpris- 
ing genius  influenced  him  to  project  an  attempt,  in 
conjunction  with  the  other  colonies,  upon  the  French 
fortress  at  Crown  Point.  For  this  purpose  four 
months  provisions,  fifteen  hundred  men,  tents,  ord- 
nance, and  ammunition  were  forwarded  to  New 
York  ;  but  the  great  sickness  which  prevailed  in  Al- 
bany, and  the  alarm  which  D'Anville's  armament 
spread  through  the  colonies  frustrated  the  design. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  troops,  raised  for  the 
expedition  against  Canada,  were  kept  in  pay  till 
September,  seventeen  hundred  forty  seven.  Some 
were  sent  to  reinforce  the  garrison  at  Annapolis, 
others  were  employed  for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers, 
but  a  considerable  part  were  wholly  inactive. 

Be  Ramsay,  who  had  got  together  an  army  ofDeRara, 
sixteen  or  seventeen  hundred  French  and  Indians  at  sa>  de- 
Annapolis,  receiving  intelligence  that  the  French  fleet  camPs- 
were  returned  to  France,  decamped,  and  returned 
to  Minas.     His  design  was  to  canton  his  men  here, 
and  at  Checonicto,  that  he  might  have  them  in  read- 
iness to  join  the  armament,  which  he  expected  from 

*  Douglass,  vol.  i.  p.  343,  344. 


334  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.    France  the  next  spring,  for  the  reduction  of  An- 
IX'      napolis. 

1746  x  Governour  Mascarene  of  Annapolis  having  rep- 
resented that  a  thousand  men,  to  reinforce  that  and 
the  neighbouring  posts,  might  be  sufficient  not  only 
for  their  defence,  but  to  drive  the  enemy  from  that 
quarter,  the  three  colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  and  New  Hampshire,  voted  the  complete 
number.  The  Massachusetts  sent  on  five  hundred 
men.  The  three  hundred  from  Rhode  Island  were 
shipwrecked  on  their  passage,  near  Martha's  Vrne- 
yard ;  and  the  troops  from  New  Hampshire,  after 
they  were  on  their  passage,  put  back,  and  never 
proceeded.  These  failures  were  the  occasion  of  what 
afterwards  befel  the  Massachusetts  soldiers. 

They  were  cantoned  in  a  loose  manner  at  Minas. 
De  Ramsay  having  advice  of  their  situation,  detached 
about  six  hundred  men  under  M.  Culon  and  M.  La 
Troops  at  Corn, with  a  view  to  dispossess  them  of  that  post.  The 
surprised,  last  of  January,  they  surprised,  killed,  and  captivated 
174  31*     about  a  hundred  and  sixty  of  the  men,  who  were 
scattered  in  small  parties.    Colonel  Noble  who  com- 
manded the  corps  was  among  the  slain.     By  this 
time  the  main  body  were  collected,  but  as  they  had 
lost  their  commander,  wtre  inferior  in  numbers,  and 
had  little  ammunition,  they  capitulated,  engaging  not 
to  bear-  arms  against  the  French,  in  Nova   Scoiia, 
during  one  year.     They  were  to  march  off  with  six 
days   provision,    arms   shouldered,  drums   beating, 
and  colours  flying. 
Prepara-        Notwithstanding  the  uncommon  misfortunes  at- 
the"8  °f     tendmg  tlie  duice  D'Anville's  fleet,  the  last  year,  the 
French.     French  determined  to  renew  their  attempts  against 
the  British  settlements,  both  in  North  America  and 
the   East  Indies.     With  this   view   two  squadrons 
were  equipped.     That  for  North  America  was  com- 
manded by  De  la  Jonquiere,  governour  of  Quebec  : 
that  destined  for  the  East  Indies,  by  M.  de  St.  George. 
The  fleets  made  a  junction,  and  early  in  the  spring  sail- 
ed from  Rochelle.     The  whole  consisted  of  six  ships 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  335 

of  the  line,  six  frigates,  and  four  East  India  ships  fit-   chap. 
ted  like  men  of  war  ;    with  twenty  nine  merchant 


ships  and  transports.     The  ministry  despatched  the      1747, 
admirals,  Anson  and  Warren,  with  thirteen  ships  of 
the  line  and  several  frigates  in  quest  of  die  enemy.  De  la  Jon- 
On  the  third  of  May,  they  came  up  with  the  French  qujere's 
squadrons ;  when  the  English  commenced  a  furious  MayV. 
engagement.      De  la  Jonquiere  maintained  it  with 
equal  courage  and  conduct,  till  finally,  overpowered 
with  numbers,  he  was  obliged  to  strike  to  the  Brit- 
ish flag.     Ten  ships  were  taken,  the  six  ships  of  the 
line,  and  the  four  East  Indiamen.     De  la  Jonquiere, 
four  or  five  thousand  men,  some  bullion,  and  large 
sums  of  money,  were  taken  with  the  ships.*     Thus 
did  Providence  again  interpose  for  the  preservation 
of  the  English  colonies  in  America. 

De  Ramsay,  on  advice  of  the  defeat  of  De  la  Jon- 
quiere, returned  to  Canada,  and  the  French  gave  no 
further  trouble  in  Nova  Scotia. 

During  this  war  the  Canada,  Cape  Sable,  St. 
John's,  Penobscot,  and  Norridgewock  Indians  were 
hostile,  so  that  the  frontiers  did  not  escape  alarms 
and  molestation.  They  burnt  the  fort  and  a  num- 
ber of  dwelling  houses  at  St.  George's,  and  destroy- 
ed a  great  number  of  cattle.  They  in  a  man- 
ner destroyed  Saratoga  the  last  year,  and  had 
been  so  troublesome  this,  that  the  garrison  abandon- 
ed the  place,  brought  off  the  stores  and  ordnance, 
and  burnt  the  fort.  Damages  were  also  done  on 
Connecticut  river,  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Massachu- 
setts and  New  Hampshire.  But  the  frontiers  suffer- 
ed very  little  in  comparison  with  what  they  had  done 
in  former  wars.  The  Indians  were  greatly  dimin- 
ished in  their  numbers,  and  many  were  withdrawn 
to  the  frontiers  of  Canada.  Sometimes  they  were 
kept  at  home  for  the  defence  of  that  country,  and, 
at  others,  they  were  engaged  to  be  in  readiness  to 
assist  the  French,  in  their  great  enterprises  against 

*  Rider's  Hist,  vol.xxxix.  p.  92,  93. 


336  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   the  English  colonies.     These  prevented  their  doing 
mischief  in  small  parties. 
1748         Towards  the  close  of  this  year  a  general  inactivity 
and  languish ment  appeared  among  the  belligerent 
powers,  indicating  that  they  were  nearly  exhausted, 
and  verging  towards  a  general  pacification. 
April  so,        Accordingly,  the  next  April,  preliminaries  were 
1748.        signed  at  Aix  la  Chapelle,  and  in  a  few  days  a  cessa- 
Definitive  tion  of  hostilities  was  proclaimed.     The  definitive 
treaty,       treaty  was   completed  on  the  seventh  of  October. 
Prisoners  on  all  sides  were  to  be  released  without  a 
ransom,  and  all  conquests  to  be  restored. 

Thus  after  nearly  ten  years  war,  in  which  there 
had  been  a  vast  expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  the 
parties  had  gained  nothing.  On  cool  reflection,  it 
could  hardly  be  told  for  what  reasons  a  war  had  been 
undertaken,  which  had  so  embroiled,  exhausted,  and 
depopulated  so  considerable  a  part  of  Europe.  In 
this  manner  do  princes  play  off  the  peace,  treasures, 
and  lives  of  their  subjects. 
Expense  The  expenses  of  the  northern  colonies,  including 
of  the  war.  New  England  and  New  York,  during  this  war,  can- 
not be  estimated  at  less  than  about  a  million  sterling. 
The  bills  issued  by  the  Massachusetts  for  between 
two  and  three  vears  of  the  war,  amounted  to  between 
two  and  three  millions  currency.  At  the  time  of 
emission,  five  or  six  hundred  pounds  were  equal  to 
one  hundred  sterling.  Governour  Hutchinson  sup- 
poses, that  the  real  consideration,  which  the  govern- 
ment received  from  the  people,  was  nearly  four  hun- 
dred thousand  pounds  sterling.*  He  gives  it  as  his 
opinion,  that,  for  the  term  of  between  two  and  three 
years  of  the  war,  the  province  of  the  Massachusetts 
paid  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling,  besides 
the  annual  taxes,  which  were  as  high  as  the  people 
could  bear.  By  the  account  which  Douglass  gives, 
the  expense  of  that  province,  in  the  expedition  against 
Cape  Breton,  was  not  less  than  four  hundred  thou- 

*  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  435. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  337 

sand  pounds  sterling.  That  province  therefore,  chap. 
during  the  war,  must  have  been  at  the  expense  of 
more  than  half  a  million  sterling.  The  other  three  1748 
New  England  colonies,  with  New  York,  probably 
expended  nearly  an  equal  sum.  The  expenses  of 
South  Carolina  were  very  great,  as  has  been  noticed 
in  a  preceding  chapter.  All  the  colonies  suffered 
in  their  trade  and  husbandry. 

In  the  close  of  the  war  especially,  they  sustained  Lossofthft 
very  great  losses  in  their  shipping  and  commerce,  colonies. 
The  ships  which  had  been  stationed  on  the  coast 
for  the  protection  of  the  trade,  were  called  off  to 
form  a  squadron  under  admiral  Knowles,  for  the  re- 
duction of  St.  Jago,  the  capital  of  Cuba.  While  the 
coasts  were  left  bare,  the  French  privateers  seized 
their  opportunity,  and  carried  off  from  the  colonies 
many  of  their  vessels  without  the  least  molestation. 
They  became  so  bold  as  to  sail  up  Delaware  river 
almost  to  Philadelphia.  They  ventured  up  many 
leagues  into  Chesapeak  bay,  and  sailed  up  Cape  Fear 
river  in  North  Carolina.* 

In  the  expeditions  against  Cuba  and  Louisburg, 
in  garrisoning  the  latter,  and  in  the  defence  of  Nova 
Scotia,  New  England  lost  three  or  four  thousand  of 
her  young  men.  Such  were  the  losses  of  the  two 
colonies  of  the  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire, 
in  this  and  the  last  Indian  war,  that  from  seventeen 
hundred  twenty  two,  to  seventeen  hundred  forty 
nine,  a  term  of  twenty  seven  years,  there  had  been 
no  increase  of  their  numbers.  This  was  a  term  in 
which,  otherwise,  they  would  have  more  than  doubled 
the  number  of  their  inhabitants.  At  the  time,  when 
governour  Hutchinson  wrote  his  history,f  he  ob- 
served, "  It  is  probable  that  there  would  have  been 
two  hundred  thousand  souls  more  than  there  are  at 
this  time,  in  New  England,  if  the  French  had  been 
expelled  from  Canada  an  hundred  years  ago."  The 
wars  with  the  French  and  Indians  of  Canada,  first 

*  Douglass,  vol.  i.p.  343,  344,  and  564.  |  1766. 

Vol.  I.  43 


338  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  and  last,  swept  off  great  numbers  of  the  inhabitants 
of  New  York,  as  well  as  of  New*  England.  The 
1748.  employment  of  so  many  men  in  the  late  war,  and  for 
so  many  years,  with  the  loss  sustained,  was  a  great 
check  to  population,  exceedingly  retarded  the  exten- 
sion of  settlement  and  the  cultivation  of  the  country. 
In  this  war  the  colonies  had  exhibited  the  most 
striking  evidences  of  their  loyalty  and  zeal,  in  his 
majesty's  service.  But  neither  from  these,  nor  from 
all  their  losses  and  expenditures,  did  they  derive  any 
considerable  advantage  to  themselves.  Though  it 
be  true,  that  the  crown,  in  some  good 'part,  repaid 
the  bare  expense  of  the  expedition  to  Louisburg, 
yet  this  did  by  no  means  compensate  the  coun- 
try. She  had  nothing  to  compensate  her  loss 
of  men,  or  the  damages  sustained  by  the  depre- 
ciation of  the  currency,  nor  her  numerous  other 
losses  and  services.  Great  Britain  engrossed  all  the 
advantages  of  the  reduction  of  Louisburg.  It  was 
finally  given  up,  to  recover  what  had  been  lost  in 
Germany,  and  to  purchase  peace  for  the  nation. 
The  prodigious  quantities  of  clothing,  arms,  and 
ammunition  purchased  by  the  colonies,  for  their  sol- 
diery, while  it  greatly  impoverished  them,  increased 
the  trade  of  Great  Britain,  and  was  no  inconsiderable 
emolument  to  the  parent  state. 

The  colonies  were  obliged,  during  the  war,  to 
emit  such  sums  in  bills  of  credit,  that  they  were 
scarcely  able  to  redeem  them  before  the  commence- 
ment of  the  next  French  war.  Before  the  complete 
redemption  of  the  bills,  in  those  colonies  where 
their  credit  was  the  best  supported,  the  depreciation 
was  nearly  twenty  for  one.  This  was  a  great  injury 
to  commerce,  public  credit,  and  the  morals  of  the 
people,  for  years  after  the  termination  of  the  war. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  $3'9 


CHAPTER  X. 

French  war,  1755.  Reasons  of  the  war.  Colonel  Washington's  ex- 
pedition. Convention  at  Albany.  Expedition  against  Nova  Scotia, 
Fort  du  Qtiesne*  Crown  Point,  and  Niagara.  Success  in  Nova  Sco- 
tia. General  Braddock  defeated  by  the  French  and  Indians.  Baron 
Dieskau  defeated  and +aken  by  general  Johnson.  Unhajjpy  divis- 
ion of  the  southern  colonies.  Colonel  Bradstreet  defeats  a  party  of 
the  enemy.  Oswego  taken.  Inactivity  of  Lord  Loudon.  Conduct 
of  the  southern  colonies.  Comparison  between  the  campaigns  of 
1755  and  1756. 

DURING  the  term  of  about  seven  years  after  the  chap. 
treaty  of  Aix  la  Chapelle  the  colonies  enjoyed  general  x" 
tranquillity.  They  vigorously  addressed  themselves 
to  the  arts  of  peace.  By  industry,  economy,  popula- 
tion, the  extension  of  their  settlements,  and  the  in- 
crease of  commerce,  they  were  making  strenuous 
exertions  to  recover  themselves  from  the  losses 
and  impoverishment,  which  they  had  sustained  by 
the  preceding  war.  As  the  great  number  of  bills  of 
credit,  which  had  been  thrown  into  circulation,  had 
injured  trade,  wounded  the  public  credit,  and  had  an 
ill  effect  on  the  morals  of  the  country,  particular  at- 
tention was  paid  to  the  restoration  of  public  credit 
and  the  remedying  of  these  evils.  These  were  mat- 
ters of  capital  importance  to  the  general  prosperity. 
While  the  colonies  were  prosecuting  these  great 
objects,  the  French  were  making  encroachments 
on  their  eastern,  northern,  and  western  frontiers : 
They  were  also  attempting,  in  such  a  manner,  to  Frellc^ 
compass  the  colonists  with  a  line  of  posts  and  fortifi-  encroach* 
cations,  as,  that,  in  case  of  war,  their  frontiers  would  ments- 
be  exposed  to  the  continual  alarms  and  devastation 
of  the  French  and  their  Indians.  Though  the  whole 
country  of  Acadia  or  Nova  Scotia,  had  been  expressly 
ceded  to  Great  Britain,  by  the  twelfth  article  of 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  that  cession  had  been 
confirmed  by  all  subsequent  treaties  ;  yet  the  French 


340  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  claimed  a  considerable  part  of  that  country  ;  and  in 
several  places,  were  ereciing  fortifications.  At  the 
1749.  northward,  they  had  encroached  on  the  English,  by 
the  settlement  and  fortifications  at  Crown  Point.  At 
the  westward,  they  were  not  only  attempting  to  com- 
plete a  line  of  forts,  from  the  head  of  St.  Lawrence 
to  Missisippi,  but  were  encroaching  far  on  Vir- 
ginia. 
Reasons  of  While  under  the  auspices  of  peace,  agriculture 
the  war.  an(j  maritime  commerce  flourished  on  her  coasts, 
the  Indian  trade  drew  many  of  her  wandering  traders 
far  into  the  inland  country,  beyond  the  great  moun- 
tains. Here  they  found  themselves  in  a  delightful 
climate,  exuberantly  fruitful,  and  watered  with  many 
fair  and  navigable  rivers.  It  was  apprehended,  that 
these  advantages,  in  conjunction  with  the  Indian 
trade,  would  amply  compensate  its  distance  from  the 
sea.  A  number  of  noblemen,  merchants,  and  plant- 
ers of  Westminster,  London,  and  Virginia,  called 
the  Ohio  company,  obtained  a  charter  grant,  of 
six  hundred  thousand  acres,  on  and  near  the  Ohio 
river.  In  pursuance  of  the  terms  of  their  patent,  the 
X7S\.  lands  were  surveyed,  about  two  years  after  the  grant, 
and  settlements  were  soon  made. 

The  governour  of  Canada,  had  early  intelligence 
of  the  transactions  of  the  company,  and  was  alarmed 
With  apprehensions,  that  they  were  prosecuting  a  plan, 
which  would  effectually  deprive  the  French  of  the 
advantages,  which  they  derived  from  their  trade  with 
the  Twightwees ;  and  what  was  still  worse,  would 
cut  off  the  communication  between  the  colonies  of 
Canada  and  Louisiana.  The  French  claimed  all  the 
country  from  the  Missisippi,  as  far  in  upon  Virginia, 
as  the  Alleghany  mountains.  This  claim  was  found- 
ed on  the  pretence,  that  they  were  the  first  discover- 
ers of  that  river.  To  secure  their  claims  and  pre- 
serve the  communication  between  their  two  colonies 
of  Canada  and  Louisiana,  they  had  not  only  erected 
a  fort  on  the  south  side  of  lake  Erie,  but  one 
about  fifteen  miles  south  of  that,  on  a  branch  of  the 


UNITED  STATES  GF  AMERICA,  341 

Ohio,  and  another  at  the  conflux  of  the  Ohio  and  the   chap. 
Wabache.     Nothing  could  be   more  directly  calcu- 
lated to  dash  a  favourite  plan  of  France,  than  the  set- 
tlement of  the  Ohio. 

The  governour  of  Canada  therefore  wrote  to  the 
governours  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  represent- 
ing that  the  English  traders  had  encroached  on  the 
French,  by  trading  with  their  Indians,  and  threatening 
that  if  they  would  not  desist,  that  he  would  seize 
them  wherever  they  should  be  found. 

The  Indian  trade  had  been  managed  principally  by 
the  Pennsylvanians;  but  the  Ohio  company  were  now 
about  to  divert  it  to  a  different  channel.  By  opening 
a  road  through  the  country,  and  erecting  a  trading 
house  at  Will's  creek,  they  were,  by  the  Patomac, 
conducting  it  directly  to  Virginia.  The  Pennsyl- 
vanians, influenced  by  a  spirit  of  selfishness  and  re- 
venge, gave  early  intelligence,  both  to  the  French 
and  Indians,  of  the  designs  and  transactions  of  the 
company.  The  French  governour,  therefore,  put 
his  menaces  into  execution.  A  party  of  French 
and  Indians  seized  the  British  traders,  among  the 
Twightwees,  and  carried  them  to  their  fort  on  the  1753. 
south  hide  of  lake  Erie.  The  Twightwees,  resenting 
the  injury  done  to  the  British  traders,  their  allies, 
made  reprisals  on  the  French,  and  sent  several  of 
their  traders  to  Pennsylvania.  The  French  however 
persisted  in  their  claims  and  continued  to  strengthen 
their  fortifications. 

The  Indians  at  the  same  time,  jealous  that  settle- 
ments were  about  to  be  made  on  their  lands,  without 
purchase  or  consent  from  them,  threatened  the  set- 
tlers. These  claims  and  encroachments  of  the 
French,  and  threats  of  the  Indians,  struck  at  the  very 
existence  of  the  Ohio  company.  Complaints  were 
therefore  made  to  lieutenant  governour  Dinwiddie, 
of  Virginia,  uiid  the  province  began  to  interest 
themselves  warmly  in  the  affair.  The  Indians  were, 
in  some  measure,  pacified,  by  a  pretended  message 
delivered  them  from  the  king.     Major  Washington 


342  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  was  despatched  to  Mr.  St.  Pierre,  the  French  com- 
mandant on  the  Ohio,  to  demand  the  reasons  of  his 
1754.  hostile  conduct,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  insist  on 
the  withdrawment  of  his  troops.  A  party  of  Virgin- 
ians were  also  sent  forward  to  erect  a  fort  at  the  con- 
flux of  the  Ohio  and  Monongahela. 

The  French  commander  denied  the  charge  of  hos- 
tility, and  was  so  far  from  withdrawing  his  forces, 
that  he  made  an  absolute  claim  of  the  country,  as  the 
property  of  the  French  king,  and  declared  that, 
agreeably  to  his  instructions,  he  would  seize  and 
send  prisoner  to  Canada,  every  Englishman,  who 
should  attempt  to  trade  on  the  Ohio  or  any  of  its 
branches. 

Before  the  Virginians  had  finished  their  designed 
fortifications  on  the  Ohio,  the  French  came  upon 
them,  and,  driving  them  out  of  the  country,  erected 
a  regular  fort  on  the  very  ground  where  they  had 
begun  their  fortifications.  This  fortress,  which  was 
called  du  Quesne,  very  much  commanded  the  en- 
trance of  the  whole  country  on  the  Ohio  and  Missi- 
sippi,*  This  gave  a  general  alarm  not  only  to  the 
colonies,  but  to  Great  Britain. 

It  was  easily  foreseen,  that  if  the  French  should 
unite  Canada  with  their  settlements  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Missisippi,  by  a  possession  of  that  vast  country, 
which  lies  between  them,  that  the  colonies  would  not 
only  sustain  the  loss  of  a  great  part  of  their  country, 
and  all  share  in  the  Indian  trade ;  but,  that  in  time 
of  war,  their  frontiers  would  be  exposed  to  continual 
alarm  and  danger.  They  must  also  be  subjected 
to  the  ruinously  expensive  and  impracticable  de- 
fence of  a  frontier  more  than  a  thousand  miles  in 
length.  On  the  contrary  if  the  designs  of  France  on 
Nova  Scotia  and   the  Ohio,  could   be  defeated,  it 

*  In  these  ravages  the  French  destroyed  all  the  English  traders  but 
two,  and  plundered  them  of  skins  and  other  commodities  to  the 
amount  of  twenty  thousand  pounds.  They  finally  came  on  from  Ve- 
nango, with  a  thousand  men,  and  eighteen  pieces  of  cannon,  in  three 
hundred  canoes,  drove  off  the  Virginians  and  built  fort  du  Quesne,, 
Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xl.  p.  71. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  '  34$ 

would  entirely  disunite  their  colonies  :  and,  as  the  chap. 
entrance  into  the  one,  is  in  the  winter  season  shut  up 
by  frost,  and  as  that  into  the  other  is  always  difficult,  by  1754 
reason  of  the  banks,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Missisippi, 
they  would  consequently  become  of  little  value  to 
France.  It  was  also  foreseen  that  the  fortune  of 
these  colonies  would  immediately  affect  their  settle- 
ments in  the  West  Indies.  As  these  points  were 
fully  comprehended  by  both  nations,  they  were 
equally  determined  to  maintain  their  respective 
claims. 

No  sooner  therefore  were  the  British  ministry  ac- 
quainted with  the  claims  and  conduct  of  the  French, 
than  they  instructed  the  Virginians,  by  force  of  arms 
to  resist  their  encroachments.  Orders  were  given 
that  several  independent  companies  in  America  should 
assist  the  Virginians.  Major  Washington  was  ad- 
vanced to  the  rank  of  a  colonel,  and  appointed  to  Co]onel 
command  the  troops  destined  to  remove  the  French  washing- 
encroachments  on  the  Ohio.       On  the  first  notice  *°jV;sf.^" 

T  ii  *     i  i-i'ii««i  i         pedition. 

captain  James  Mackay  marched  with  his  independent 
company  from  South  Carolina,  to  the  assistance  of 
the  Virginians.  Two  other  companies  were  ordered 
from  New  York  on  the  same  service.  Colonel  Wash- 
ington, without  waiting  for  the  companies  from  New 
York,  determined  to  advance  with  the  Virginians  and 
Mackay 's  company,  consisting  of  about  four  hundred 
men.  In  May  the  colonel  fell  in  with  a  party  from  May  28. 
fort  du  Quesne,  under  the  command  of  one  Jamon-  defeats  ja- 
ville,  whom  he  totally  defeated.  De  Villier,  who 
commanded  at  fort  du  Quesne,  incensed  at  this  de- 
feat, marched  down  upon  him,  with  nine  hundred 
men  besides  Indians.  The  colonel  had  thrown  up 
some  imperfect  works,  which  were  with  propriety 
termed  fort  Necessity ;  hoping  to  defend  himself  in 
his  post,  till  he  should  be  reinforced,  by  the  compa- 
nies expected  from  New  York.  Within  these  works, 
he  made  so  brave  and  obstinate  a  defence,  that  De 
Villier  finding  he  had  desperate  men  to  combat,  of- 


344  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  fered  him  an  honourable  capitulation.  This  he  ac- 
cepted, and  retreated  with  his  party  to  Virginia. 
1754>  Instructions  had  been  sent  early  the  same  year, 
July  3.  from  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations,  recommend- 
ing a  meeting  of  commissioners,  from  the  several 
colonies,  to  concert  a  plan  of  union  and  defence 
against  the  common  enemy ;  and,  in  his  majesty's 
name,  to  effect  a  league  of  friendship  between  the 
colonies  and  the  Indian  nations  bordering  on  them. 
The  colonies  generally  manifested  a  cheerful  com- 
pliance with  the  recommendation.  But,  as  in  former 
wars,  some  colonies  had  done  much,  and  others  scarce- 
ly any  thing,  to  the  great  injury  of  the  common  cause, 
it  was  now  earnestly  wished  that  each  colony  might 
be  obliged  to  do  its  equal  proportion.  It  was  also 
desired,  that,  as  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  had 
been  under  the  direction  of  particular  governours 
and  states,  and  had  been  too  often  influenced  to 
measures  subservient  to  the  interests  of  individual 
persons,  or  of  particular  colonies,  rather  than  to  such 
as  were  beneficial  to  the  general  interest,  the  man- 
agement of  their  affairs  might  be  under  some  general 
direction  ;  which  should  contribute  to  the  safety 
April  10.  and  welfare  of  the  colonies  collectively.  The  gen- 
eral court  of  the  Massachusetts  presented  their  de- 
sires to  governour  Shirley,  that  he  would  u  Pray  his 
majesty,  that  affairs  which  related  to  the  Six  Nations 
and  their  allies,  may  be  put  under  some  general  di- 
rection, as  his  majesty  shall  think  proper  :  That  the 
several  governments  may  be  obliged  to  bear  their 
proportions  of  defending  his  majesty's  territories 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  French,  and  the 
ravages  and  incursions  of  the  Indians." 
Jul  In  the  summer  there  was  a  general  convention  of 

General     governours  and  principal  men  of  the  several  colonies 
conven-     at  Albanv.      It  wTas  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the 

lion  at  Al-  . "  .  .  r      ii      i  i       • 

bany.  convention,  that  an  union  ot  all  the  colonies  was 
absolutely  necessary,  for  the  common  defence.  The 
plan  which  the  convention  proposed  was,  "  That  a 
grand  council  should  be  formed  of  members  chosen 


United  states  of  America.  345 

by  the  assemblies,  and  sent  from  all  the  colonies,    chap. 
which  council,  with  a  governour  general,  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  crown,  should  be  empowered  to  make     1754 
general  laws,  to  raise  money  in  all  the  colonies  for  Plan  of  the 
the  defence  of  the  whole."*     Could  such  an  estab-  ™™en' 
lishment   be  once   effected,   the  colonies   imagined 
themselves  competent  to  their  own  defence  against 
the  combined  force  of  the  French  and  their  Indians. 
Several  of  the  colonies,  in  former  wars,  had  defended 
themselves  against  then,  unassisted  either  by  Great 
Britain  or  their  sister  colonics.     Their  united  force 
thereforej  they  judged,  would  certainly  be  sufficient. 
But  this  plan  did  not  meet  the  approbation  of  the  Rejected 
ministry.      They  were  too  cautious   to  trust  such  b>! th<: 

J     .  ,      .     JA  .  ministry. 

powers  with  the  Americans. 

They  had  formed  a  very  different  plan.     It  was  Ministeri- 
that  the  governours  of  the  colonies,  with  one  or  more  ai  plan, 
of  their  council,  should  form  a  convention,  to  concert 
measures  for  the  general  defence,  erect  such  fortifi- 
cations, and  raise  such  numbers  of  men,  as  they 
should  think  proper,  with  power  to  draw  on  the  Brit- 
ish treasury  for  such  sums  as  they  judged  necessary, 
and  that  the  colonies  should  reimburse  the  treasury, 
by  taxes  imposed  on  them  by  acts  of  parliament.     A 
subtle  and  base  contrivance,  to  provide  for  favour- 
ites, sap  the  liberties,  and  engross  the  wealth  of  the 
colonies,  and  at  once  to  fix  them  down  in  perpetual 
poverty  and  slavery.     The  colonies  too  well  knew 
the  imprudence  and  rapacity  of  king's  governours, 
their   embezzlement  of  public  monies,  their  igno- 
rance of  the  true  interests  of  the  colonies,  their  want 
of  affection  for  the  people  ;  and  how  many  of  them 
came  into  America  to  make  their  fortunes,  tamely  to 
commit  their  liberty,  property,  and  safety,  to  their 
management.     They  were  at  an  equal  remove  from  nisap- 
resigning  their  property  to  the  disposal  of  a  British  proved  by 
parliament.  ,m  In  the  colonies  it  received  not  the  least  nJeSc°a* 
countenance,  but  met  the  universal  disapprobation. 

*  The  gentlemen  from  Connecticut  dissented  from  this  plan  as  dan- 
gerous to  the  liberties  of  he  colonies. 

Vol.  I.  44 


346  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap-        On  the  reception  of  the  news  of  colonel  Washing- 
ton's defeat,  the  British  court  remonstrated  against 
1754.     tne  conduct  of  the  French :  but  receiving  nothing 
but  evasive  answers  and  professions  of  peace  from 
the   court    of  France,  gave  orders  for  a  vigorous 
preparation  for  war.     The  colonies  were  directed  to 
arm,  and  act  with  united  exertions  against  the  ene- 
my.    Four  expeditions  were  planned.     One  against 
the  French  on  the  Ohio,  under  the  command  of  gen- 
Reidialk  era*  Braddock,  a  second  against  Nova  Scotia,  a  third 
embarks    against  Crown  Point,  and  a  fourth  against  Niagara, 
for  Amer-  About  the  middle  of  January,  general  Braddock  em- 
1755.        barked   at  Cork,  with  fifteen  hundred  regulars  for 
Virginia.     After  a  passage  of  about  six  weeks  he 
arrived  at  the  place  of  destination. 

The  French,  while  they  spoke  nothing  but  peace5 
made  vigorous  preparations  for  the  support  of  their 
French  ar-  claims  in  America.     Early  in  the  spring  they  had  a 
5  ame   '    powerful  armament  ready  to  sail  for  Canada.      It 
consisted  of  twenty  ships  of  the  line,  exclusive  of 
frigates  and  transports.     On  board  were  great  quan- 
tities of  military  stores,  and  four  thousand  regular 
troops,  under  the  command  of  baron  Dieskau. 
Admiral        Admirals  Boscawen  and  Holbom,  with  seventeen 
sails  foren  S^^PS  °f  tne  nne  an(*  seven  frigates,  with  six  thou- 
New-       sand  land  forces,  were  despatched  to  watch  the   mo- 
foundiand.  tions  of  the  enemy.*     Admiral  Boscawen  sailed  di- 
rectly for  Newfoundland.     Soon  after  his  arrival  the 
French  fleet,  under  the  command  of  M.  Bors  de  la 
Mothe,  came  also  to  the  same  station.     But  the  thick 
fogs  which  prevail   on  the  coasts,  especially  at  that 
season  of  the  year,  prevented  the  fleets  from  dis- 
covering each  other.     One  part  of  the  French  fleet 
escaped  up  the  river   St.  Lawrence,  while    anoth- 
er part  went  round  and   got  into  the  river  by  the 
French      straits  of  Belleisle.     But  while  the  English  squad- 
cideSand*  ron  lay  °^  Cape  Race,  the  southernmost  point  of 
Lys  taken.  Newfoundland,  two  French  ships,  the  Alcide  of  sixty 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xl. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  347 

four  guns  and  four  hundred  and  eighty  men,  and  the   chap. 


x. 


Lyb,  pierced  for  sixty  four,  but  mounting  twenty  two 
guns  only,  having  on  board  eight  companies  of  land  1755 
forces,  fell  in  with  the  Dunkirk,  captain  Howe,  and 
the  Defiance,  captain  Andrews ;  and,  after  a  sharp  en- 
gagement, which  lasted  several  hours,  were  taken. 
On  board  were  found  a  considerable  number  of  offi- 
cers, engineers,  and  about  eight  thousand  pounds  in 
money.  The  other  French  ships  and  troops  arrived 
safe  in  Canada,  and  were  the  principal  means  of  the 
misfortunes  which,  for  sometime  after,  attended  the 
English  colonies. 

In  the  spring  the  colonies,  especially  the  northern, 
were  all  activity  and  exertion,  in  making  preparations 
for  the  several  expeditions  which  were  to  be  carried 
into  execution.  Acts  were  passed  prohibiting  all 
commerce  with  the  French  colonies.  The  Massa- 
chusetts very  early  detached  a  considerable  body 
of  troops  to  Nova  Scotia.  The  expedition  in  this 
quarter  was  under  the  command  of  colonel  Monck- 
ton. 

About  the  latter  end  of  May,  he  proceeded  up  the  Monck- 
bay  of  Fundy,  with  a  large  body  of  troops,  covered  ton's  expe, 
by  three  frigates  and  a  sloop,  under  the  command  of  JJ^t  No. 
captain  Rouse,  to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  that  quar-  va  Scotia 
ter.     On  his  arrival  at  Malagash,  he  found  the  pas- 
sage up  the  river,  defended  by  a  large  number  of 
French  troops,  Acadians,  and  Indians,     Four  hun- 
dred were  placed  in  a  log  house  with  cannon  mount- 
ed.    The  rest  of  the  troops  were  defended  by  a  strong 
breast- work  of  timbers  thrown  up  as  an  out- work  to 
the  block    house.     The  English  attacked  them  with 
such  impetuosity  that  in  about  an  hour  they  aban- 
doned their  works,  and  the  passage  up  the  river  was 
opened.     The  army  advanced,  and  on  the  twelfth  of 
June,  invested  the  French  fort  of  Beau- Sej our.     The  Beau.Se- 
fort  was  taken  after  a  bombardment  of  four  days,  .jour taken, 
The  French  had  twenty  six  pieces  of  cannon  mount- 
ed and  ample  supplies  of  ammunition.     The  garris- 


348 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 

X 

1755. 


Acadians 
disarmed. 


Johnson 
and  Ly- 
man com- 
mand the 
expedi- 
tion a- 
gainst 
Crown 
Point. 


on  were  sent  to  Louisburg  on  condition  of  not  bear- 
ing arms  in  America  for  the  term  of  six  months. 

No  sooner  was  the  fort  provided  with  a  proper 
garrison,  than  colonel  Monckton  marched  still  further 
into  the  country,  and  reduced  the  other  French  fort 
on  the  river  Gaspereau,  which  runs  into  bay  Verte. 
This  was  the  principal  magazine  for  supplying  the 
French  Indians  and  Acadians  with  arms,  ammuni- 
tion, and  all  other  necessaries  for  war.  Here  there- 
fore large  quantities  of  provisions  and  stores  of  all 
kinds  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors.  The  colo- 
nel then  proceeded  to  disarm  the  Acadians  to  the 
number  of  fifteen  thousand  men.*  Great  numbers 
of  them  were  afterwards  brought  off  into  the  New 
England  colonies. 

Meanwhile  captain  Rouse,  and  the  ships  under  his 
command,  sailed  to  St.  John's  river  to  dislodge  the 
enemy  from  that  post.  At  the  mouth  of  the  river 
they  were  erecting  a  new  fort.  On  his  approach  they 
burst  their  cannon,  blew  up  their  magazine,  and,  as  far 
as  time  would  permit,  destroyed  their  works,  and  then 
abandoned  the  post  to  the  English.  Thus,  by  this 
successful  expedition,  the  English  possessed  them- 
selves of  the  whole  country  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  its 
tranquillity  was  restored  and  put  on  a  firm  establish- 
ment. 

The  two  expeditions  against  Crown  Point  and  Ni- 
agara were  forwarded  with  great  exertion  and  des- 
patch by  the  colonies  of  New  England  and  New 
York.  The  troops,  for  each  of  these  enterprises, 
were  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Albany.  Most  of 
them  arrived  before  the  end  of  June.  The  command 
of  the  expedition  to  Crown  Point  was  given  to  gen- 
erals Johnson  and  Lyman.  The  troops  under  their 
command,  raised  by  New  England  and  New  York, 
amounted  to  between  five  and  six  thousand  men. 
Besides,  they  were  joined  by  Hendric,  sachem  of  the 
Mohawks,  with  a  considerable  body  of  Indians.  Ma 


Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xl.'p.  100,  102. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  349 

jor  general  Lyman  soon  marched  with  the  main  body    chap. 

of  the  army  along  Hudson's  river  as  far  as  the  carry- 

ing  place,  about  fourteen  miles  from  the  south  end  1755 
of  lake  George.  General  Johnson  tarried  at  Albany 
to  forward  the  artillery,  battoes,  and  other  necessa- 
ries for  the  enterprise.  At  the  carrying  place,  where 
the  artillery,  provisions,  stores,  and  battoes  were  to 
be  landed,  it  was  judged  necessary  to  build  a  fort 
and  cast  up  entrenchments  for  their  security.  The 
accomplishing  of  these  works,  carrying  on  the  can- 
non, provisions,  stores,  and  battoes  employed  the  ar- 
my live  or  six  weeks  before  they  could  be  in  readi- 
ness to  advance  to  the  lake. 

While  the  New  Englanders  were  humbling  the 
French  in  Nova  Scotia,  and  advancing  towards 
Crown  Point,  the  Virginians  and  general  Braddock  Expedi- 
had  been  slowly  making  preparations  for  the  expedi-  tl0£  ^j 
tion  against  the  French  on  the  Ohio.  Though  this  Braddock. 
with  the  ministry,  was  the  favourite  expedition,  and 
though  the  general  arrived  soon  enough  to  have  be- 
gun his  operations  early  in  the  spring,  yet  it  was  the 
tenth  of  June  before  he  began  his  march  from  fort 
Cumberland,  which  the  Virginians  had  built  at  Will's 
Creek.  This  is  said  to  have  been  owing  to  the  di- 
latoriness  of  the  Virginians,  whom  he  had  em- 
ployed as  contractors  for  his  army.  They  were  al- 
most three  months  in  procuring  provisions,  horses, 
and  a  number  of  waggons  sufficient  for  the  con- 
veyance of  his  baggage.  Some  waggons  were  ob- 
tained from  Pennsylvania,  yet,  after  all,  but  about 
half  the  number  for  which  he  had  contracted,  were 
procured  for  his  service.  He  began  his  march 
with  about  two  thousand  and  two  hundred  men. 
When  he  arrived  at  the  great  meadows,  he  receiv- 
ed intelligence  that  the  French,  at  fort  du  Quesne,  * 
were  in  expectation  of  a  reinforcement  of  five 
hundred  men.  This  induced  him  to  quicken  his 
march.  That  he  might  proceed  with  greater  expe- 
dition, he  left  colonel  Dunbar,  with  eight  hundred 
men,  to  bring  up  the  provision  and  heavy  baggage, 


350 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


1755. 

Precau- 
tions giv- 
en him. 


Braddock 
defeated, 
July  9. 


while  he  pressed  forward  with  the  rest  of  the  army, 
and  with  such  provisions  and  necessaries  as  might 
barely  serve  him,  till  colonel  Dunbar  should  bring 
up  the  rear. 

Before  his  departure  from  England,  much  pains 
had  been  taken  to  make  him  cautious  and  prepare 
him  for  his  command.  Colonel  Napier  furnished 
him  with  an  excellent  set  of  military  instructions, 
which  he  had  received  from  the  duke  of  Cumber- 
land. Indeed  his  royal  highness,  in  person,  fre- 
quently premonished  him  to  be  particularly  watchful 
against  an  ambush  or  surprise.  When  he  was  on  his 
march  colonel  Washington  intreated  him,  with  earn- 
estness, to  suffer  him  to  precede  the  army,  and  scour 
the  woods  with  his  rangers.  But  the  general  treated 
this  generous  and  necessary  proposal  with  contempt, 
and  rashly  pressed  on,  through  thickets  and  danger- 
ous defiles,  without  reconnoitring  the  woods,  or  ob- 
taining any  proper  knowledge  of  the  country  through 
Which  he  was  to  pass.  By  the  eighth  of  July,  he  had 
advanced  nearly  sixty  miles  forward  of  colonel  Dun- 
bar, and  within  twelve  or  fourteen  miles  of  fort  du 
Quesne.  In  this  situation  his  officers,  especially  Sir 
Peter  Halket,  earnestly  besought  him  to  proceed  with 
circumspection,  and  to  employ  the  friendly  Indians, 
in  his  army,  as  an  advanced  guard,  against  ambus- 
cades and  surprise.  But  he  was  too  haughty  and 
self-sufficient  to  derive  any  benefit,  even  from  the  ex- 
perience or  wisdom  of  the  greatest  characters.  The 
next  day,  without  any  knowledge  of  the  situation  of 
the  enemy,  or  without  any  of  the  precautions,  to 
which  he  had  been  so  repeatedly  advised,  he  pressed 
on,  till  about  twelve  o'clock  ;  when  he  was,  all  on  a 
sudden,  saluted  with  a  heavy  and  deadly  fire  in  front 
and  on  the  whole  of  his  left  flank.  The  enemy  art- 
fully concealed  themselves,  and  kept  their  fire,  till 
the  whole  army  had  time  to  enter  the  defile.  Though 
the  yell  and  fire  were  tremendous,  yet  there  was 
scarcely  an  enemy  to  be  seen.  The  suddenness  of 
the  attack,  the  horrible  scream  of  the  Indians,  and 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  351 

the  slaughter  made  by  the  enemy's  first  fire,  threw  chap. 
the  advanced  guard  into  the  utmost  panic,  so  that 
rushing  back  on  the  main  body  they  threw  the  whole  i755, 
of  the  regular  troops  into  irretrievable  confusion. 
The  general  at  once  exhibited  the  greatest  intrepidi- 
ty and  imprudence.  Instead  of  retreating  from  the 
defile  and  scouring  the  thickets  with  his  cannon,  or 
ordering  the  Virginians  to  drive  the  enemy  from  his 
flanks,  he  remained  on  the  spot,  giving  orders  for  the 
few  gallant  officers  and  men,  who  remained  with  him, 
to  form  regularly,  and  advance  to  the  attack  of  their 
invisible  enemy.  But  as  the  enemy  kept  up  an  in- 
cessant and  deadly  fire  his  officers  and  men  fell  thick 
about  him,  and  five  horses  were  killed  under  him. 
The  obstinacy  of  the  general  seemed  to  increase 
with  the  danger,  till  at  last  he  received  a  musket 
ball  through  his  right  arm  and  lungs.  As  he  fell  the 
few  who  remained  fled  in  the  utmost  confusion. 
The  general  was  carried  from  the  field,  by  the  brav- 
ery of  lieutenant  colonel  Gage  and  another  of  his 
faithful  officers. 

The  artillery,  ammunition,  baggage,  and  the  gener- 
al's cabinet,  with  all  his  letters  and  instructions  fell 
a  prey  to  the  enemy.  Of  the  latter,  the  French  court 
availed  themselves,  in  their  public  memorials  and 
declarations.  The  general  died  of  his  wounds 
four  days  after  the  defeat.  Thus  the  loss  of  his  own 
life  and  the  ruin  of  a  fine  army,  were  but  the  natural 
consequences  of  his  unparalleled  self-sufficiency,  im- 
prudence, and  obstinacy.  The  enemy  consisted  only 
of  about  four  or  five  hundred  men,  chiefly  Indians, 
and  were  not  a  match  even  for  the  Virginians,  could 
they  have  been  allowed  to  fight  in  their  own  way. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  circumstances  of  this  Remarka- 
unfortunate  expedition,  remains  yet  to  be  told.    The  ductofthe 
Virginia  militia,  who  had  been  so  despised  by  the  virgini- 
general,  and  disdainfully  kept  in  the  rear,  though  ans* 
equally  exposed  with  the  regular  troops,  amidst  all 
this    confusion,   stood  firm    and    unbroken.     They 
al©ne  advanced  against  the  enemy ;  and.  under  col- 


352  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,    onel  Washington,  covering  the  retreat,  seem  to  have 

preserved  the  regulars  from  a  total  destruction. 

1755  ^"ne  l°ss  °f  officers  and  men  was  very  great.     Sir 

Loss  of     Peter  Halket  was  killed,  at  the  head  of  his  regiment, 

men.         by  tne  nrst  nre  .    anc|  tjle  genera]_»s  secretary,  son  of 

governour  Shirley,  soon  after  fell.     The  loss  of  offi- 
cers much  exceeded  the  common  proportion.     The 
loss  of  men  was  not  less  than  seven  or  eight  hundred.* 
The  flight  of  the  army  was  so  precipitate  that  it 
never  stopped  till  it  met  the  rear  division.     This,  on 
their  junction,  was  instantly  seized  with  the  same 
general  panic,  which  affected  those  who  had  been  in 
the  action  ;    and  though  no  enemy  had  been  seen 
Extraordi-  during  the  engagement,  nor  afterwards,  yet  the  army 
andre-am°  contmued  retreating,  without  making  any  stand  or 
treat.        considerable  halt,  till   it   reached  fort  Cumberland. 
This  was    little    less   than   a   hundred   and  twenty 
miles  from  the  place  of  action.      Had  the  troops, 
even  here,  so  recovered  their  spirits  as  to  have  made 
a  stand,  they  might,  in  some  measure,  have  guarded 
the  frontiers,  and  prevented  those  devastations,  inhu- 
man murders  and  barbarities,  which  die  French  and 
Indians,  during  the  rest  of  the  summer,  perpetrated 
on  the  western  borders  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania. 
But  instead  of  adopting  this  prudent  and   salutary 
measure,  colonel  Dunbar,  who  succeeded  in  com- 
mand, leaving  the  sick  and  wounded  at  this  post, 
under  the  care  of  the  Virginians,  marched  off  with 
fourteen  hundred  men  to  Philadelphia.! 
August.         Towards  the  last  of  i\ugust  the  army  under  general 
em  army    Johnson  having  got  on  their  artillery,  battoes,  and  pro- 
advances    visions  to  the  carrying  place,  at  fort  Edward,  advanc- 
0116  a  e'  ed  fourteen  miles  to  the  south  end  of  lake  George. 
Here  preparations  were  making  with  all  possible  des- 
patch for  crossing  the  lake,  as  soon  as  the  battoes 
and  cannon  could  be  brought  on.     In  the  mean  time 
the  army  was  encamped  on  a  rising  ground,  covered 
on  the  flanks  by  a  thick  wood  and  swamp,  by  the  lake 

*  Rider  says  he  lost  half  his  army,  vol.  xl.  p.  110.    f  Rider,  vol.  xl.  p. 111. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  35J3 

in  the  rear,  and  having  a  breast- work  of  trees  in  the  chap. 
front.  While  the  army  lay  in  this  situation,  the  In- 
dian scouts,  which,  every  day,  the  general  sent  out  1755 
to  make  discoveries,  brought  him  intelligence  of  a 
large  body  of  the  enemy  advancing,  from  Ticon- 
deroga,  by  the  south  bay,  towards  fort  Edward. 
Here  was  a  garrison  of  about  five  hundred  of  the 
New  York  and  New  Hampshire  troops,  under  the 
command  of  colonel  Biaiichard.  Immediately  on  the 
reception  of  this  intelligence,  the  general,  compre- 
hending the  design  of  the  enemy,  to  destroy  the  pro- 
visions and  stores  at  fort  Edward  and  cut  off  the  re- 
treat of  the  army,  sent  expresses,  one  after  another, 
to  the  colonel,  ordering  him  to  call  in  all  his  detach- 
ed parties  and  to  keep  his  whole  force  within  the 
fort  and  entrenchments.  About  midnight  one  of 
the  expresses  returned  with  an  account  that  the  Clie- 
nt were  advanced  within  four  miles  of  fort  Edward. 
A  council  of  officers  was  summoned,  and,  agreeably 
to  their  opinion,  early  in  the  morning  a  party  of  a 
thousand  men,  with  Hendric,  the  Mohawk  sachem, 
and  his  Indians  were  detached  to  intercept  the  ene- 
my. The  party  was  commanded  by  colonel  Will-  Detach- 
iams  of  the  Massachusetts  and  colonel  Whiting  of  JeTcS.- 
Connecticut.  Baron  Dieskau,  who  marched  from  Williams, 
Ticonderoga,  with  a  view  to  cut  off  the  garrison  at 
fort  Edward,  when  he  had  advanced  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  fort,  receiving  information  that  it  was 
fortified  with  cannon ;  and,  that  the  army  at  the  lake 
had  neither  lines  nor  cannon,  agreeably  to  the  unan- 
imous desire  of  his  troops,  came  to  the  resolution  of 
attacking  the  main  camp.  As  he  was  advancing 
within  about  three  miles  of  it,  his  advanced  parties 
discovered  the  corps  under  colonel  Williams,  and 
he  immediately  laid  an  ambush  to  surprise  him. 
Notwithstanding  the  vigilance  and  keen  sight  of  the 
Indians  the  whole  party  were  drawn  into  the  snare. 
The  enemy  instantly  rose,  and  from  almost  every 
quarter  poured  in  upon  them  a  tremendous  fire. 
Colonel  Williams,  the  Indian  sachem,  and  manv 
Vol.  I.  45 


354 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 

X. 


1755. 
Col.  kill- 
ed, de- 
tachment 
repulsed, 
Sept.  6. 


Battle  at 
lake 
George, 
Sept.  6. 


other  officers  and  men  instantly  fell.  Under  these 
disadvantages,  and  pressed  with  superior  numbers, 
it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty,  that  colonel  Whi- 
ting, who  succeeded  in  command,  extricated  his  men 
Iron  this  dangerous  defile  and  secured  his  retreat  in- 
to the  camp.  The  enemy  pressed  so  hard  that  ma- 
ny fled  singly,  and  some  whole  companies  soon  fol- 
lowed their  example.  To  prevent  an  entire  over- 
throw the  whole  were  obliged  to  retreat  with  as 
much  haste  as  possible. 

A  close  firing  was  heard  in  the  camp,  which  was 
judged  to  be  at  three  or  four  miles  distance,  and  ap- 
peared to  approach  nearer  and  nearer.  From  this 
circumstance,  it  was  rightly  conjectured,  that  the  de- 
tachment was  repulsed  and  retreating  into  camp. 
The  utmost  exertions  were  made  to  give  the  enemy 
a  proper  reception.  A  few  cannon  had  been 
brought  on,  but  they  were  at  the  south  landing 
of  the  lake,  half  a  mile,  or  more,  from  the  breast- 
work. The  camp  was  alarmed  and  parties  were 
sent  to  bring  forward  such  pieces  of  cannon  as  could 
be  moved  with  the  greatest  facility  and  despatch. 
Fugitives  from  the  retreating  detachment,  soon 
came  running  into  the  camp.  These  were  followed 
by  company  after  company,  in  the  utmost  hurry  and 
disorder.  The  whole  party,  were  soon  in,  and  the 
enemy,  following  close  upon  them,  appeared  in  reg- 
ular order,  advancing  towards  the  centre  of  the  camp. 
At  about  thirty  rods  distance,  they  made  a  little  halt., 
and  began  the  attack,  with  a  brisk  and  heavy  firing 
of  platoons.  The  Canadians  and  Indians  covered  the 
flanks  of  the  regular  troops,  and  commenced  a  brisk 
though  irregular  fire.  The  confusion  in  which  the 
detachment  had  retreated,  the  reports  of  the  loss  they 
had  sustained,  and  of  the  great  numbers  of  the  ene- 
my, with  the  bold  countenance  and  regularity  with 
which  they  began  the  attack,  for  a  few  minutes  caus- 
ed such  a  general  panic,  that  it  required  the  utmost 
exertions  of  the  generals  to  keep  the  men  at  the 
lines  ;  but  they  had  received  but  a  few  fires  before 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  ,  355 

their  spirits  began  to  rise,  and  they  fought  with  great   chap, 
resolution.     The  lines  became  one  continual  blaze 


and  roar.  Some  pieces  of  artillery  began  to  play,  lr55 
and  so  intimidated  the  Canadians  and  Indians  that 
they  were  scattered  and  retired  behind  trees  and 
bushes,  firing  at  too  great  a  distance  to  do  execution. 
Baron  Dieskau  finding  that  he  could  make  no  im- 
pression on  the  centre  of  the  camp,  moved  first  to 
the  left,  and  then  to  the  right,  attempting,  by  every 
exertion  of  military  art  and  prowess  to  force  a  pas- 
sage. But  as  he  was  not  supported  by  his  irregu- 
lars, and  as  from  every  part  of  the  lines,  which  he  at- 
tempted to  penetrate,  he  received  a  heavy  and  des- 
tructive fire,  he  was  obliged  to  give  over  his  at- 
tempts. The  provincials  perceiving  that  the  fire  of 
the  enemy  abated,  and  that  they  were  in  confusion, 
without  waiting  for  orders,  leaped  their  breast- works, 
and  attacked  them  on  all  sides,  with  such  resolution 
and  firmness,  as  put  them  to  an  entire  rout. 

When  the  action  commenced  the  number  of  the  b.  Dies, 
enemy  amounted  to  about  two  thousand.     Of  these  £ aif  ?e"  , 

i         it  i  -ii     i         ii-  i  •  feated  ana 

seven  hundred  were  killed  and  thirty  made  prisoners,  taken. 
Among  the  latter  was  baron  Dieskau  himself,  who 
was  found  at  a  little  distance  from  the  field,  danger- 
ously wounded,  supporting  himself  by  the  stump  of 
a  tree. 

The  loss  of  the  provincials  was  about  two  hun- 
dred. These  were  principally  of  the  detachment 
under  colonel  Williams.  Of  this  there  were  killed  . 
besides  privates,  colonel  Williams,  major  Ashley, 
six  captains,  and  several  subalterns.  Among  the 
slain  were  the  brave  king  Hendric  and  about  forty 
of  his  Indians.  The  only  officer  of  distinction  kill- 
ed in  the  attack  on  the  camp  was  the  brave  colonel 
Tidcomb,  who,  about  ten  years  before,  had  signal- 
ized himself  at  the  siege  of  Louisburg.  The  gen- 
eral and  major  Nichols  were  wounded. 

The  next  day  captain  M'Guines  marching  from  M'Guines 
fort  Edward,  with  a  detachment  of  a  hundred  and  JlS^* 
twenty  New  Hampshire  men,  as  a  reinforcement  to  the  French 


356 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


victory. 


chap,   the  camp,  discovered  between  three  and  four  hun- 
dred of  the  remains  of  the  enemy,  sitting  by  a  pond 
i755     not  far  from  the  place  where  colonel  Williams  had 
been  defeated.     Though  his  numbers  were  so  infe- 
rior to  the  enemy's,  he  made  such  dispositions  and 
attacked  them  with  such  impetuosity  and  good  con- 
duct, that  after  a  sharp  action,  he  put  them  to  an 
entire  flight.     They  fled  with  such  precipitation  as 
to  leave  many  of  their  packs  and  other  articles  to 
the  conquerors.     The  brave  captain,  however,  un- 
fortunately received  a  wound,  of  which  he   died  a 
few  days  after  his  arrival  in  the  camp.* 
£maii  cir-      Several  small  circumstances,  which  seem  to  have 
ces  occa-  been  merely  providential,  probably  saved  fort  Ed- 
sion  the     ward  and  the  army  ;  and  occasioned  the  defeat  of  the 
enemy.    The  report  of  a  prisoner,  whom  the  French 
had  taken,  that  the  camp  was  entirely  defenceless, 
without  lines  or  cannon,  determined  them  to  make 
the  attack  on  the  main  army,  and  probably  saved 
fort  Edward  :    That  they  made  not  the  attack  two 
days  sooner,  when  the  camp  was,  in  fact,  in  the  sit- 
uation, which  the  prisoner  had  reported  :    and  that 
the  enemy  halted  and  began  the  attack  at  so  great  a 
distance,  as  rendered  their  fire  in  a  great  measure 
ineffectual,  till  the  provincials  had  recovered  their 
spirits,  and  were  prepared  to  make  a  manly  resist- 
ance, were  very  favourable  circumstances.    Had  the 
enemy  reserved  their  fire  and  advanced  directly  to 
the  lines,  without  hesitation,  it   is  not  improbable, 
that  they  would  have  gained  a  complete  victory,  with 
less  loss  than  they  fin. illy  sustained.     Had  not  the 
provincials  strengthened  their  camp  with  lines,  and 
brought  on  their  cannon  at  that  very  juncture,  or 
had  any  of  these  circumstances  been  otherwise  than 
they  were,  the  army  might  have  been  ruined.     It  is 
the  glory  of  Providence,  by  small  means  and  cir- 
cumstances, to  produce  great  events.    The  neighing 
of  a  horse  gave  an  empire  to  Darius. 


Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xl.  p.  120. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  357 

The  action  at  the  lake  gave  an  immediate  alarm  to   chap. 


the  country.     Lar^e  reinforcements  were  draughted 


x. 


bJ 


from  the  militia  of  the  colonies,  and  forwarded  to  1755- 
the  army,  with  the  greatest  expedition.  But  the  ab- 
solute necessity  of  strong  forts  and  garrisons,  at  the 
carrying  place,  and  at  the  lake,  in  which  provisions 
and  stores  might  be  safely  lodged,  and  by  which  a 
communication  might  be  maintained  between  the  ar- 
my and  Albany,  now  appeared  in  a  much  stronger 
point  of  light  than  it  had  ever  before  done.  It  was  Necessity 
from  Albany  only  that  it  could  be  supplied  with  pro-  fo^.rse.ctms 
visions,  or  be  reinforced  on  any  emergency.  It  was 
only  by  keeping  this  communication  open,  that  the 
retreat  of  the  army  could  be  secured.  Therefore, 
though  it  wTas  reinforced,  it  was  judged  unsafe  to  pass 
the  lake  till  a  good  fort  wras  erected  at  the  south  land- 
ing of  lake  George,  and  the  works  at  fort  Edward 
were  strengthened  and  rendered  more  complete. 

It  was  easily  foreseen,  that,  by  the  time  the  ne- 
cessary preparations  could  be  made,  it  would  be  too 
late  to  proceed  to  Crown  Point  this  campaign,  and 
all  thoughts  of  it  were  laid  aside.  But  that  every 
thing  might  be  in  the  best  state  of  readiness,  as  soon 
as  the  spring  should  open,  the  army  addressed  them- 
selves, with  the  utmost  diligence,  to  complete  the 
works  proposed.  A  fort  was  erected  at  lake  George, 
and  the  works  at  fort  Edward  were  completed.  The 
army  were  employed  in  these  services  till  the  latter 
end  of  November.  The  troops  then  decamped,  and, 
excepting  those  who  kept  garrison,  returned  to  their 
respective  colonies. 

Though  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point  had 
failed  as  to  its  main  object,  yet  the  management  of  it, 
had  been  with  such  spirit  and  prudence,  as  was  high- 
ly applauded  by  his  majesty  and  the  whole  nation.  General 
From  his  majesty  the  general  received  the    honour  Johnson 
of  a  baronet,  and  from  the  British  parliament  a  pres-  prom° 
ent  of  five  thousand  pounds.* 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xl.  p.  121. 


^58  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  The  army  commanded  by  governour  Shirley  con- 
sisted of  two  thousand  and  five  hundred  men.  But 
1755  his  preparations  were  deficient  and  his  measures  so 
Expedi-  slow  and  dilatory  that  he  effected  nothing  of  any  great 
ffainstNi-  importance.  It  was  towards  the  middle  of  July  be- 
agara fails,  fore  the  first  division  of  his  army  marched  from  Al- 
bany. It  was  the  eighteenth  of  August  before  the 
general  arrived  at  Oswego,  and  it  was  the  last  of  the 
month  before  the  artillery  and  the  rear  division  of 
the  army  arrived.  The  great  distance  between  Al- 
bany and  Oswego,  made  the  transportation  of  pro- 
visions, ammunition,  and  stores  an  exceedingly  diffi- 
cult business.  On  the  news  of  general  Braddock's 
defeat  many  of  his  battoe  men  dispersed  and  ran 
home,  by  reason  of  which  a  sufficient  quantity  of 
provisions  could  not  be  carried  on  for  the  troops. 
Therefore,  though  a  number  of  good  vessels 
and  a  vast  number  of  boats  were  built,  to  con- 
vey the  army  across  the  lake  to  Niagara,  and 
though  the  general  had  brought  on  a  fine  train 
of  artillery,  yet  he  could  not  proceed  for  want  of 
provisions.  Even  as  late  as  the  twenty  sixth  of 
September,  he  had  hardly  provisions  sufficient  to 
proceed  with  six  hundred  men  only.  Beside  the 
rainy  season  was  now  come  on,  and  it  was  judged 
impracticable  to  proceed.  The  rest  of  the  season 
was  therefore  spent  in  erecting  barracks  and  two 
new  forts.  The  ground  on  which  the  old  fort  was 
built,  in  seventeen  hundred  twenty  seven,  was 
chosen  rather  for  the  agreeableness  of  its  situation, 
than  for  defence  against  a  regular  siege.  One  fort 
therefore,  was  built  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  On- 
ondago,  called  fort  Ontario.  This  was  about  four 
hundred  and  fifty  yards  distant  from  the  old  fort,  and 
was  designed  to  command  that  and  the  entrance  of 
the  harbour.  The  other  was  four  hundred  and  fif- 
ty yards  west  of  the  old  fort  called  Oswego.  Colo- 
nel Mercer  and  seven  hundred  men  were  left  at  Os- 
wego to  garrison  the  forts  ;  and  the  rest  of  the  army 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  359 

decamped  on  the  twenty  fourth  of  October  and  return-    chap. 
ed  to  Albany. 

Thus  ended  the  campaign  of  seventeen  hundred     1755 
fifty  five.     Notwithstanding  the  prodigious  exertions 
of  the  colonies,  the  French  were  not  dispossessed  of  a 
single  fortress,  on  their  northern  or  western  frontiers. 
They  and  their  Indian  allies,   not  only  ravaged  the  Ravages 
western  frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  dur-  '"X11^1"'* 

o  -ill-  and  Penn- 

ing the    summer,    but   they  continued  plundering,  syivania. 

burning,  and  laying  them  waste,  murdering  and  cap- 
tivating the  inhabitants,  during  the  whole  winter.* 

Doubtless  it  will  appear  extraordinary,  if  not,  in  a 
measure,  unaccountable,  that  while  New  England 
and  New  York,  were  raising  such  powerful  armies, 
the  wealthy  and  numerous  colonies  of  Pennsylvania,  1756. 
Maryland,  and  Virginia,  should  suffer  a  small  num- 
ber of  French  and  Indians,  with  impunity,  to  be  thus 
continually  alarming  and  wasting  the  country,  capti- 
vating, murdering,  and  committing  all  manner  of 
barbarities  on  their  inhabitants.  -This  is  to  be  ac- 
counted for,  principally,  on  the  account  of  their  di- 
visions. These  originated  partly  from  clashing  Divisions 
interests  between  the  colonies,  but  chiefly  from  differ-  gou^  rn 
ences  between  the  people,  and  royal  and  proprietary  colonies. 
governours.  Pennsylvania  were  entirely  opposed  to  the 
Ohio  company  for  reasons  which  have  been  men- 
tioned. Her  inhabitants  seem  rather  to  have  en- 
couraged the  French  and  Indians  at  first.  After- 
wards, when  they  themselves  felt  the  effects  of  their 
inhumanity,  the  misunderstanding  between  them  and 
governour  Morris  frustrated  their  best  concerted 
plans.  When  the  assembly  of  the  province  became 
convinced  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  erecting  forts 
and  maintaining  a  standing  military  force,  for  the 
defence  of  their  western  frontier,  and  passed  a  bill  of 
fifty  thousand  pounds,  for  that  purpose,  he  absolute- 
ly refused  giving  his  assent  to  it,  because  the  estates 

of  the  proprietors  were  taxed  equally  with  the  estates 

« 

*  Rtder"i  Hist,  vol  si.  p.  127. 


360  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  of  the  inhabitants.  He  insisted,  that  he  had  express 
orders  from  the  proprietors,  to  oppose  all  taxes  upon 
1756.  their  lands.  The  assembly  judged  it  so  reasonable, 
that  the  proprietaries  should  pay  an  equal  tax  with  the 
inhabitants,  as  their  estates  were  equally  in  danger, 
and  as  they  would  be  equally  benefitted  by  the  com- 
mon defence,  that  they  could  not  be  willing  to  alter 
the  mode  of  the  bill. 

Between  governour  Dinwiddie  and  the  Virginians, 
there  was  a  violent  animosity,  on  the  account  of  his 
rapacity  and  extravagant  fees  for  grants  of  land.  They 
carried  the  matter  so  far  as  to  prefer  a  complaint 
against  him  to  his  majesty. 

Maryland  was  less  exposed  than  the  other  two  col- 
onies, and  not  very  zealous  in  carrying  on  the  war. 
While  they  therefore  would  not  unite  in  their  own 
defence  it  could  not  be  expected  that  she  should  un- 
dertake it  separately.     Hence  for  want  of  union  noth- 
ing could  be  done  to  any  good  purpose. 
Jan.  28.         His  majesty  was  .so  well  pleased  with  the  zeal  of 
New  England,  and  some  of  the  other  colonies,  that 
he  recommended  it  by  a  message  to  the  house  of 
Encour-     commons,   To  take  into    consideration  the  faithful 
?or  New     seryices  of  the  people  of  New  England,  and  of  some 
England,    other  parts  of  North  America,  and  grant  them  a  suit- 
able  reward  and   encouragement.     In  consequence 
of  his  majesty's  recommendation,  the  parliament  vot- 
ed one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds   for  those 
purposes.* 

As  governour  Shirley  had  not  answered  the  ex- 
pectations of  his  majesty  the  last  campaign  ;  and  as 
he  determined  to  make  his  principal  efforts  in  Amer- 
ica, where  the  first  hostilities  commenced,  and  where 
it  was  imagined  the  strongest  impressions  could  be 
made,  general  Abercrombie  was  appointed  to  suc- 
ceed him.  But  as  it  was  imagined  that  a  general 
command  over  all  the  operations  in  North  America, 
would  be  subservient  to  the  general  interest,  the  earl 

*    Rider's  Hist,  vol.  si.  p.  151,  152. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  5£1. 

of  Loudon  was  appointed  commander  in  chief  of  that  chap. 
department  of  the  war.  Besides  his  general  com- 
mand, he  was  appointed  governour  of  Virginia,  and  1756 
colonel  of  a  royal  American  regiment,  which  was  to 
be  raised  in  the  country.  He  was  viewed  as  a  no- 
bleman of  an  amiable  character,  and  had  formerly 
distinguished  himself  in  the  service  of  the  nation. 
He  was  vested  with  powers  little  short  of  a  viceroy. 

General  Abercrombie  took  his  departure  for  this 
country  in  March,  but  the  earl  of  Loudon,  who  was 
to  direct  the  grand  plan  of  operation,  never  left  Eng- 
land till  the  last  of  May.  By  this  time  he  ought  to 
have  been  in  America. 

All  the  hostilities  of  the  preceding  years  had  been  procktna- 
carried  on  without  any  proclamation  of  war,  by  Eng-  tions  of 
land  or  France.     The  latter  had,  during  the  whole 
time,  made  the  most  pacific  professions.    But  on  the 
eighteenth  of  May,  Great  Britain   proclaimed  war 
against  France.     Early  in  June,  the  king  of  France  June  ®- 
in  his  turn,  proclaimed  war  against  Great  Britain. 

The  plan  of  operations  in  America,  had  been  con- 
certed the  last  year,  in  a  general  council  of  war,  at 
New  York.  It  was  to  attack  Niagara  and  Crown 
Point.  And  to  facilitate  these  operations,  a  body  of 
troops  was  to  be  detached  up  Kennebec  river  to  alarm 
the  capital  of  Canada.  These  enterprises  were  to 
have  been  effected  by  the  northern  colonies,  in  con- 
junction with  a  body  of  regular  troops.  At  the  same 
time  the  southern  colonies,  assisted  by  some  regular 
regiments,  were  to  besiege  fort  du  Quesne  on  the 
Ohio.  The  plan  was  extensive,  but  the  colonies 
united,  with  men  of  skill  and  enterprise  to  lead 
them,  were  well  able  to  have  carried  it  into  execu- 
tion. 

Niagara,  without  exception,  was  one  of  the  most 
important  posts  in  North  America.  Its  situation 
was  on  the  south  side  of  lake  Ontario,  at  the  very 
entrance  of  the  strait,  which  joins  this  to  lake  Erie, 
and  forms  the  only  wTater  communication  between 
them.     It  was  the  grand  link  which  connected  the 

Vol.- I.  46 


362  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  CJF  THE 

two  colonies  of  Canada  and  Louisiana.  It  was  the 
only  way,  by  which  the  Indians,  for  several  hundred 
1756>  miles  from  the  northwest,  could  pass  with  safety  to 
the  southern  parts  of  America  ;  or  by  which  the 
Indians  south  of  the  lake  could  communicate  with 
the  northern.  Whoever  commanded  this  post 
must,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  not  only  influence 
and  command  the  Five  Nations,  and  the  Indians  north 
of  the  lake,  but  all  those  scattered  on  the  banks  of 
Ouabache  and  the  Missisippi.  By  cutting  off  this 
post  all  communication  between  Canada,  the  Ohio, 
and  Louisiana  would  be  cut  off,  and  the  English 
would  in  a  great  measure,  command  all  the  Indians 
on  their  western  frontiers.  At  the  same  time  it 
would  greatly  facilitate  the  reduction  of  the  enemy's 
fortresses  on  the  Ohio,  and  all  their  other  posts  south 
of  the  lakes. 

Crown  Point,  which  was  erected  about  the  year 
1731,  secured  the  absolute  command  of  lake  Cham- 
plain,  and  guarded  the  only  passage  into  Canada. 
Through  this  lake,  by  the  route  of  Crown  Point,the  par- 
ties of  French  and  Indians  made  their  ancient  bloody 
incursions  upon  the  frontiers  of  New  England  and 
New  York.  This  post  brought  the  enemy  much  nearer 
to  the  colonies,  and  served  them  as  a  retreat  on  emer- 
gencies. It  furnished  them  with  a  magazine  of  pro- 
visions and  ammunition  at  hand,  and  greatly  facilitated 
their  works  of  destruction.  By  the  reduction  of  this, 
the  frontiers  of  those  colonies,  would  be,  in  a  great 
measure,  rendered  secure.  The  enemv  would  be 
driven  back  into  their  own  territories,  north  of  the 
lakes,  and  the  way  would  be  opened,  the  very  next 
campaign,  to  penetrate  into  the  heart  of  Canada. 

Governour  Shirley,  though  he  .was  not  able  to 
proceed  to  the  attack  of  Niagara,  the  last  campaign, 
yet  had  made  ample  preparations  to  proceed  to  it 
immediately  in  the  spring.  The  New  Englanders 
under  general  Johnson  had  not  only  carried  on  a  fine 
artillery  and  ample  stores  to  lake  George,  but  had 
built  boats  for  crossing  the  lake,  and  forts  to  pre- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  363 

serve  the  communication  between  the  army  and  the  chap. 
country,  so  that  every  thing  was  in  the  happiest  train 
to  proceed  to  an  immediate  attack  on  the  enemy's  l756 
posts.  The  last  campaign,  every  thing  was  to  be 
done,  roads  were  to  be  made,  the  rivers  were  to  be 
cleared  of  their  obstructions,  the  battoes,  boats,  and 
vessels  were  all  to  be  built,  and  forts  were  to  be 
erected  ;  but  now  all  was  prepared  to  the  hand  of 
the  officers,  who  succeeded  in  command.  The  co- 
lonial forces  were  early  in  readiness  for  the  field. 
Four  regular  regiments  with  a  number  of  indepen- 
dent companies  had  been  in  the  country  all  winter. 
The  great  distance  between  Albany  and  Oswego 
required  that  the  operations  of  the  campaign  should 
commence  as  soon  as  possible.  Besides,  as  the 
French  had  two  forts  on  the  lake,  and  Monsieur 
Montcalm,  a  brave  and  skilful  officer  to  conduct 
their  operations,  there  was  every  reason  to  expect, 
that  unless  the  English  generals  took  the  field  at  an 
early  period,  he  would  make  a  descent  upon  the  forts 
at  Oswego,  and  not  only  frustrate  the  expedition, 
but  possess  himself  of  that  important  post.  The 
attention  of  Great  Britain  was,  with  eagerness,  turned 
towards  America,  which  was  designed  to  be  the 
chief  scene  of  military  operation.  America  was  big 
with  expectation. 

In  this  happy  state  of  preparation  and  of  high  and 
universal  expectation,  the  new  generals  dashed  all 
the  schemes  of  Great  Britain  and  the  American 
colonies.  Like  the  touch  of  the  torpedo  on  the 
human  body,  for  nearly  two  years,  they  occasioned 
a  general  torpor  in  all  the  English  troops  and  milita- 
ry operations  in  America. 

General  Abercrombie  delayed  his  operations,  or 
even  so  much  as  joining  his  army,  till  the  latter  part 
of  June.  He  pretended  to  be  waiting  for  two  regi- 
ments from  England.  At  length  they  arrived,  and, 
on  the  twenty  fifth  of  the  month,  the  general  pro-  June2& 
ceeded  to  Albany.  Here  he  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  six  regular  regiments,  a  number  of  indepen- 


364  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

dent  companies,  the  New  England,  New  York,  and 
New  Jersey  troops,  with  four  companies  from  North 
1756  Carolina.  But  still,  with  this  fine  army,  such  an 
one,  probably,  as  had  never  before  been  assembled  in 
America,*  nothing  of  consequence  was  undertaken. 
Neither  of  the  proposed  expeditions  were  attempted, 
nor  were  the  out  posts  seasonably  reinforced. 

Meanwhile  the  enemy  acted  with  vigour  and  des- 
patch. They  had  not  only  time  to  make  prepara- 
tions against  future  attacks,  but  to  begin  offensive 
operations.  Even  before  this  period  they  had  re- 
duced a  small  fort  in  the  country  of  the  Five  Nations. 
The  garrison  consisting  of  twenty  five  Englishmen 
were  massacred  to  a  man,  in  the  midst  of  those  In- 
dians, who  had  been  long  considered  as  the  allies  of 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies.  At  the  same  time 
they  carefully  watched  all  the  motions  of  the  English. 
Having  received  intelligence  that  a  considerable  con- 
voy of  provisions  was  on  the  way  from  Schenectada 
to  Oswego,  they  laid  an  ambush  in  the  woods  and 
thickets,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Onondago  river,  to 
intercept  and  cut  off  the  party.  Just  as  the  enemy 
came  to  the  place,  they  heard  that  the  convoy  was 
past ;  but  they  determined,  if  that  were  the  case,  to 
wait  the  return  of  the  detachment.  This  was  com- 
manded by  colonel  Bradstreet,  an  officer  of  courage 
and  enterprise.  He  had  been  apprehensive  of  such 
Col.  Brad-  an  event,  and  was  not  unprepared.  As  he  was  sailing 
street  at-  along  the  river,  with  his  battoes  formed  in  three 
but  de-  divisions,  he  was  saluted  with  the  Indian  war  whoop 
feats  the  and  a  general  discharge  of  musketry  from  the  north 
juiy^.'  sh°re-  He  immediately  ordered  his  men  to  land  on 
the  opposite  shore,  and  with  part  of  them  he  took 
possession  of  a  small  island.  The  enemy  instantly 
forded  the  river  and  attacked  him  ;  but  he  gave  them 
so  warm  a  reception  that  they  were  soon  repulsed. 
Finding  that  another  body  of  the  enemy  had  crossed 
a  mile  higher  up,  he  advanced  against  them  with  two 

*  It  consisted  of  about  10,000  men,  and  in  the  garrisons  at  Oswego 
and  the  forts  south  of  lake  George  were  about  two  thousand  more. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  365 

hundred  men,  and  attacked  them  sword  in  hand,  with   chap. 
such  fury,  that  those  who  were  not  slain  upon  the 


spot,  were  driven  with  precipitation  and  confusion  ir56 
into  the  river,  and  considerable  numbers  were  drown- 
ed. Hearing  that  a  third  party  had  crossed  still 
higher  up  the  river,  he  marched  against  them  with 
almost  incredible  despatch,  and  put  them  to  a  total 
rout.  In  these  actions,  which  lasted  nearly  three 
hours,  about  seventy  of  his  men  were  killed  and 
wounded.  About  twice  that  number  of  the  enemy 
were  killed  and  seventy  taken  prisoners. 

From  the  prisoners  the  colonel  learned  that  a  large 
body  of  the  enemy  had  taken  post  on  the  east  side  of 
lake  Ontario,  furnished  with  artillery  and  all  imple- 
ments for  the  siege  of  Oswego.  Colonel  Bradstreet 
returned  immediately  to  Albany,  and  gave  general 
Abercrombie  an  account  of  this  intelligence.  Gen- 
eral Webb  with  one  regiment  was  ordered  to  hold 
himself  in  readiness  to  march  to  the  relief  of  that 
garrison.  But  on  the  twenty  ninth  of  July,  when  the 
earl  of  Loudon  arrived  at  Albany,  he  had  not  begun 
his  march.  By  this  time  about  seven  thousand  of 
the  New  England  and  New  York  troops  under  gen- 
eral Winslow  had  advanced  to  the  south  landing  at 
lake  George.  They  were  in  high  spirits,  perfectly 
harmonious,  and  waited  with  impatience  to  be  led  on 
to  the  attack  of  Crown  Point.  Great  numbers  of 
battoe  men  lay  at  Albany,  Schenectada,  and  other 
places  convenient  for  the  service.  The  generals  had 
with  them  about  three  thousand  regulars  at  Albany. 
With  such  a.  force,  officers  of  skill  and  enterprise  inactivity 
might  have  penetrated  into  the  heart  of  Canada.  But  °f  1he, 

.    °T^   ...      *  .  .  .  _    ,  .  British 

the  British  generals,  with  most  of  the  regular  troops,  generals. 
continued  at  Albany  till  the  middle  of  August,  if  not  Aus-  **• 
till  sometime  after  ;  and  general  Webb  never  began 
his  march  for  Oswego  till  the  twelfth  of  the  month. 

Meanwhile  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  invested  the  Montcalm 
forts  at  Oswego,  with  about  three  thousand  men,  qISSo 
regulars,  Canadians,  and  Indians.     He  blocked  up 
the  harbour  with  two  large  armed  vessels,  and  post- 


366  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   ed  a  strong  party  on  the  roads  between  Albany  and 
the  forts,  to  cut  off  all  communication  of  succour  or 


1756  intelligence.  Having  made  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions, on  the  twelfth  of  August,  he  opened  his  trench- 
es before  fort  Ontario,  which  had  been  built  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  fort  Oswego,  on  an  eminence, 
by  which  it  was  commanded.  The  English,  firing 
away  their  shells  and  ammunition,  and  spiking  up 
their  cannon,  unaccountably  retired,  the  very  next 
day,  across  the  river  into  fort  Oswego,  where  they 
were  much  more  exposed  than  they  were  in  the  fort 
which  they  had  abandoned.  The  enemy  possessed 
of  this  commanding  ground,  soon  began  an  incessant 
fire  on  fort  Oswego.  On  the  thirteenth  colonel  Mer- 
cer, who  commanded,  was  killed  with  a  cannon  shot ; 
the  officers  were  divided  in  opinion,  and  the  garri- 
it  surren-  son  panic  struck,  so  that  the  enemy  made  an  easy 
i4.rs' Au^'  concluesi  of  one  of  the  most  important  posts  which 
the  English  had  in  America.  On  the  fourteenth  of 
Loss  at  August  the  garrison  capitulated.  A  hundred  and 
43  '  twenty  one  pieces  of  cannon,  fourteen  mortars,  great 
quantities  of  ammunition  and  warlike  stores,  two 
frigates  or  sloops  of  war,  which  had  been  built  to 
cruise  on  the  lake,  and  to  cover  the  troops  in  the  ex- 
pedition against  Niagara,  two  hundred  boats  and 
battoes,  with  a  garrison  of  sixteen  hundred  men  were 
delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.*  The  vic- 
tors immediately  dismantled  the  forts,  and  carried  off 
this  grand  booty  to  strengthen  their  own  lines  and 
fortresses  on  the  lake. 
Consc-  By  the  fall  of  this  post  the  enemy  obtained  the  sole 

quences  command  of  the  lakes  Ontario  and  Erie,  and  the 
clptme  wn°le  country  of  the  Five  Nations,  which  it  was  de- 
signed to  cover.  The  settlements  at  the  German 
flats,  and  all  that  fine  tract  of  country  on  the  Wood 
Creek  and  Mohawk  rivers  were  laid  open  to  their  in- 
cursions. 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xli.  p.  16—27-    Wright's  History  of  the  French 
War,  vol.  i.  p.  17,  18. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  367 

When  general  Webb  had  advanced  as  far  as  the    chap. 

carrying  place,  between  Mohawk  river  and  Wood    __ 

Creek,  he  received  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Os-  1756> 
wego.  Apprehensive  of  an  attack  by  the  enemy,  he 
began  to  fell  trees  and  throw  them  into  the  river, 
and  to  render  it  impassable  even  for  canoes.  The 
French  ignorant  of  his  numbers,  and  dreading  an  at- 
tack by  him,  used  the  like  precautions  to  prevent 
his  advarfcing.  He  was  left  therefore  to  retreat  in 
the  same  leisure  manner  in  which  he  had  advanced, 

Lord  Loudon  now  pretended,  that  it  was  too  late 
to  attempt  any  thing  against  the  enemy,  though  it 
was  nearly  three  months  to  the  time  of  the  usual  de- 
campment of  the  army.  The  troops  were  advanced 
to  the  south  end  of  lake  George,  and  might,  at  any 
time,  within  a  few  days  have  made  an  attack  on  Ti- 
conderoga  or  Crown  Point. 

He  spent  the  remainder  of  the  season,  in  pretend- 
ed preparations  for  an  early  campaign  the  next  spring. 
The  forts,  Edward  and  fort  William  Henry,  were 
made  more  defensible,  and  furnished  with  numerous 
garrisons.  The  provincials  returned  to  their  respec- 
tive colonies,  and  the  regular  troops  who  were  not 
employed  in  the  garrisons  went  into  winter  quarters  at 
Albany.  Thus  ended  the  northern  campaign  of 
1756. 

The  last  year  the  provincials  under  their  own  gener-  compavi- 
als  had  advanced  far  upon  the  enemy,  erected  forts,  son  be- 
built  ships,  and  many  hundreds  of  boats  and  battoes,  campaigns 
defeated  one  army  of  their  enemies  and  taken  their  of" l^5^ 
general  captive.     They  had  also  made  grand  prepar-  an'    '5  ' 
ations  for  opening  the  campaign,  at  the  earliest  pe- 
riod, this  year.     The  British  generals,  with  the  finest 
army  ever  collected  in  America,  with  die  advantage  of 
roads  and  rivers,  cleared  for  their  passage,  to  the  very 
forts  of  the  enemy,  and  with  all  the  other  prepara- 
tions of  the  last  year,  had  lost  one  of  their  most  im- 
portant posts,  had  not  advanced  one  foot  upon  the 
enemy,  nor  effected  anything  honourable  or  important, 


368 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
X 

1756. 
Conduct 
of  the 
southern 
colonies. 


General 
disap- 
point- 
ment. 


The  management  of  affairs  in  the  southern  colo- 
nies was  not  more  fortunate  than  it  had  been  in  the 
northern.  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  did 
not  resolve  on  any  regular  plan  of  defence.  Fort 
Granville,  on  the  confines  of  Pennsylvania,  was  sur- 
prised and  taken.  The  French  and  Indians,  in  small 
parties,  making  frequent  incursions  into  the  frontier 
settlements,  in  these  colonies,  committed  many 
shocking  murders  on  the  defenceless  inhabitants, 
without  regard  to  distinction  of  character,  sex,  or  age. 

In  South  Carolina  the  slaves  were  so  much  more 
numerous  than  the  white  people,  that  it  was  thought 
unsafe  for  them  to  spare  any  of  their  troops  abroad 
upon  a  general  enterprise. 

Great  expectations  had  been  formed  of  the  earl  of 
Loudon  and  general  Abercrombie.  In  the  principal 
towns  through  which  his  lordship  passed,  the  first 
characters  flocked  round  him,  and,  with  great  cere- 
mony, congratulated  him  on  his  safe  arrival.  At 
New  Haven,  Mr,  president  Clap  and  the  principal 
gentlemen  of  the  town,  waited  on  him  in  the  most 
respectful  manner.  The  president  presented  his 
lordship  with  their  joint  congratulations  on  the  safe 
arrival  of  a  peer  of  the  realm,  in  North  America. 
How  prodigious  then  was  their  disappointment,  how 
cutting  their  chagrin,  when  they  found  that  these 
very  men,  from  whom  they  expected  so  much, 
had  disconcerted  and  dashed  all  their  plans,  and  em- 
ployed ten  or  twelve  thousand  men  about  nothing  ? 
Had,  through  their  inactivity,  lost  more  men,  by 
diseases,  than  probably  would  have  been  lost  in  a 
vigorous,  active  campaign,  in  which  they  might  have 
engaged  in  severe  and  hard  fought  battles,  and  done 
the  most  essential  services  to  their  country  ?  It  was 
not  difficult  to  discern,  that  from  such  men,  the 
enemy  had  nothing  to  fear,  and  the  colonies  nothing 
to  expect,  but  loss  and  disappointment. 


united  States  of  America.  3^9 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Preparations  for  the  campaign  in  1757.  Plan  of  operation  in  America 
changed,  and  Louisburg  becomes  its  only  object.  This  is  rein- 
forced, and  the  expedition  postponed.  Fort  William  Henry  taken 
by  the  French.  The  country  is  alarmed,  and  great  reinforcements 
of  militia  sent  forward  to  Albany  and  Fort  Edward.  The  campaign 
closes  with  loss  and  shame.  The  provincials  lose  all  confidence 
in  the  British  commanders.  Change  of  men,  1758.  Armament 
against  Louisburg.  Its  siege  and  capture  by  general  Amherst. 
Defeat  at  Ticonderoga.     Du  Cuiesne  taken  by  general  Forbes. 

Notwithstanding  the  disappointments  of  chap. 

the  last,  the  British  parliament  made  great  prepara-      XL 
tions  this  year,  for   a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the     1757* 
war  in  America.      In  May  admiral  Holbourn  and  Prepara- 
commodore  Holmes  sailed  from  Cork,  for  America*  *jons  for 

.  the  carn= 

with  eleven  ships  of  the  line,  a  fire  ship,  bomb  ketch,  paign. 
and  fifty  transports,  having  on  board  more  than  six 
thousand  regular  troops.  The  land  force  came  out 
under  general  Hopson.  The  armament  arrived  safe 
at  Halifax  the  ninth  of  July.  The  colonies  expect- 
ing, that  after  such  long  and  great  preparations,  for 
that  purpose,  that  they  should  be  led  on  to  the  con- 
quest of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  had  been 
zealous  in  raising  their  full  complement  of  men. 
Great  therefore  was  their  mortification  when  they 
found  that  the  design  against  Crown  Point  was  laid 
aside,  and  that  the  reduction  of  Louisburg  was  be- 
come the  sole  object  of  the  expedition.  They  were 
unwilling  that  their  troops  should  be  removed  out  of 
the  colonies  and  be  employed  against  Louisburg. 
It  appeared  to  them  extremely  impolitic,  after  the 
expense  of  so  much  time  and  money,  in  preparations 
for  an  expedition  to  the  northward,  now  to  lay  it 
aside.  Such  inconstancy  and  fluctuation  appeared 
to  them  childish,  and  calculated  to  prevent  the  ac- 
complishment of  any  thing  decisive  or  important. 
Vol.  I.  47 


370 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
XI. 


IT  57. 


•July  9. 


Besides,  it  did  not  appear  safe  for  the  colonies,  m 
this  manner  to  draw  off  their  troops.  They  had  not 
been  able  the  last  year,  with  an  army  of  nearly  twelve 
thousand  men,  to  maintain  their  ground.  The  ene- 
my were  now  stronger  than  they  were  at  that  time, 
and,  by  the  loss  of  Oswego,  all  the  western  country 
was  laid  open  to  their  ravages.  There  was  reason 
to  fear,  that  the  frontier  posts  and  settlements  would, 
one  after  another,  be  swept  away  ;  and,  that  the  pre- 
parations, which  had  been  made  for  an  early  attack 
on  the  enemy,  would  be  swept  away  with  them. 

The  colonies  however  were  obliged  to  submit, 
and  lord  Loudon  sailed  from  New  York,  with  six 
thousand  land  forces,  and  joined  Holbourn  and  Hop- 
son  at  Halifax.  Here  was  now  a  land  army  of  more 
than  twelve  thousand  men,  exclusive  of  officers,  aid- 
ed by  a  powerful  fleet  ;  but  they  were  so  dilatory  in 
their  measures,  that  before  they  were  ready  to  sail, 
the  Brest  fleet,  of  seventeen  sail  of  the  line  besides 
frigates  and  transports,  arrived  at  Louisburg  ;  and 
the  garrison  was  so  reinforced,  that  it  amounted  to 
more  than  nine  thousand  men.  On  the  reception  of 
this  intelligence,  it  was  judged  inexpedient  to  pro- 
burggiven  ceed,  and  the  expedition  was  given  up.* 

Had  the  earl  of  Loudon  been  a  man  of  enterprise, 
had  he  wished  to  have  distinguished  himself  in  his 
majesty's  service,  or  to  have  rendered  himself  popu- 
lar in  the  colonies,  he  might,  by  the  beginning  of 
September,  have  conducted  this  powerful  army  to 
Ticonderoga,  and  carried  all  before  him  in  that  quar- 
ter. At  least  he  might  have  sent  on  large  detach- 
ments for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers.  With  his  Prus- 
sian majesty,  an  Amherst,  or  a  Wolfe,  these  would 
have  been  but  natural  and  common  achievements. 
But  he  returned  to  New  York,  and  effected  nothing. 
The  miserable  consequences  of  this  irresolution  and 
inactivity,  began  soon  to  appear  in  a  strong  point  of 
light. 


Expedi 
tion  a- 
gainst 
Louis  - 


Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlii.  p.  6,  7. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  371 

The  British  generals  in  America,  did  more,  by  chap. 
their  pusillanimity,  the  weakness  and  inconstancy 
of  their  counsels,  than  the  French  otherwise  could  1757. 
have  done  by  all  their  conquests.  As  though  they 
had  not  been  satisfied  with  the  loss  of  Oswego,  they 
destroyed  the  fortifications  at  the  great  carrying  place) 
and  filled  Wood  Creek  with  logs  and  trees.  They 
cut  off  all  communication  between  the  colonies  and 
the  Five  Nations,  the  only  body  of  Indians  which  pre- 
served even  the  appearance  of  friendship  to  them, 
and  abandoned  their  whole  country  to  the  mercy  of 
the  enemy.  Nothing  could  be  done  to  prevent  their 
collecting  the  Indians  from  all  quarters  to  act  against 
the  colonies. 

Monsieur  Montcalm  did  not  neglect  to  improve 
the  advantages  which  he  had  gained,  and  which  the 
conduct  of  the  British  commanders  afforded  him. 
Finding  that  the  troops  were  drawn  off  to  Halifax, 
he  at  once  determined  on  the  siege  of  fort  William 
Henry,  and  the  destruction  of  the  vessels  and  battoes, 
at  the  south  landing  of  lake  George.  Bodies  of  In- 
dians were  collected,  and  preparations  made  with 
despatch  for  the  enterprise. 

Meanwhile  colonel  Parker  with  four  hundred  men, 
in  battoes,  was  detached  from  this  post,  to  surprise  an 
advanced  guard  of  the  enemy  at  Ticonderoga.  Land- 
ing at  night,  on  an  island  not  far  distant,  he  sent  three 
boats  to  reconnoitre,  directing  them  where  to  meet 
him  in  a  general  rendezvous.  The  enemy,  waylaying 
and  intercepting  the  boats,  got  perfect  intelligence 
of  the  colonel's  designs,  and  concerted  measures  to 
decoy  him  into  their  hands.  Having  laid  an  am- 
bush of  three  hundred  men  behind  the  point  where 
he  designed  to  land,  they  sent  three  boats  to  the 
place  appointed  for  rendezvous.  The  colonel  mis- 
taking them  for  his  own  boats  eagerly  put  to  shore, 
and  was  instantly  surrounded  with  the  enemy,  who 
were  now  reinforced  with  four  hundred  men.  They 
attacked  him  on  all  sides,  with  such  incessant  vio^ 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

lence,  that  seventy  private  men  and  two  officers  only 
made  their  escape. 
1757.         Elated    with   this   success,   Monsieur  Montcalm 
hastened  to  the  siege  of  fort  William  Henry.     Hav- 
ing drawn  together  all  his  forces  from  Crown  Point, 
Ticonderoga,  and  the  adjacent  posts,  with  a  greater 
number  of  Indians  than  the  French  had  ever  before 
employed,   on  any   occasion,  he    passed   the    lake, 
August  3.  and  regularly  invested  the  fort.     His  whole  army 
amounted  to  nearly  eight  thousand  men.     The  gar- 
rison consisted  of  about  three  thousand,  and  the  for- 
Wiiiiam    tifications  were  good.     At  fort  Edward  lay  general 
t^ken?      Webb  with  about  four  thousand  troops.     Yet  in  six 
Aug.  V     days  was  this  important  fortress  delivered  to  the  en- 
emy.    All  the  vessels,  boats,  and  battoes  on  the  lake, 
which,  at  so  much  expense  and  labour,  for  two  years, 
had  been  preparing,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
Though  general  Webb  had  seasonable  intimations 
of  their  designs,  yet  he  never  sent  to  alarm  the  coun- 
try, and  bring  on  the  militia.     He  never  reinforced 
the  garrison,  nor  made  a  single  movement  for  its  re- 
lief.    So  far  from  this  was  he,  that  he  sent  a  letter  to 
colonel  Monro,  who  commanded  the  fort,  advising 
him  to  give  it  up  to  the  enemy  *     Montcalm   inter- 
cepting the  letter  sent  it  into  the  fort  to  the  color  el. 
The  garrison  was  allowed  to  march  out  with  their 
arms,  baggage,  one  piece  of  artillery,  and  all  the  usu- 
al honours  of  war.     The  troops  were  not  to  serve, 
against  the  most    christian   king,    during  eighteen 
months,  unless  exchanged  for  an  equal  number  of 
Partofthe  French  prisoners.     The  French  Indians  paid  no  re- 
raurde°red.  Sard  to  tne  capitulation,  but  failing  on  the  English, 
'  as  they  marched  out,  stripped  them  of  their  baggage 
and  few  remaining  effects ;    and  the  Indians  in  the 
English  service  were  dragged  from  the  ranks,  toma- 
hawked, and  scalped.     Men  and  women  had   their 
throats  cut,  their  bodies  ript  open,  and  their  very 
bowels,  with  insult,  thrown  in  their  faces.     Infants 

t  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlii.  p.  9—12.     Wright's  Hist,  of  War,  vol.  i.  p.  41 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  373 

and  children  were  wantonly  taken  by  their  heels  and  chap. 
their  brains  dashed  out  against  stones  and  trees.* 
The  Indians  pursued  the  English  half  way  to  fort  1757n 
Edward,  where  most  of  them  at  last  arrived,  in  the 
most  forlorn  condition.  Is  it  not  admirable,  that 
between  two  and  three  thousand  troops,  with  arms 
in  their  hands,  should,  contrary  to  the  most  express 
stipulation,  suffer  these  insults  ? 

When  it  was  too  late,  general  Webb  alarmed  the  country 
country,  and  put  the  colonies  to  great  expense  in  alarmed' 
sending  on  large  detachments  of  the  militia  for  the 
defence  of  the  northern  frontiers.  The  sudden  cap- 
ture of  the  fort,  the  massacre  made  by  the  enemy's 
Indians,  suspicions  of  treachery  in  general  Webb, 
and  apprehensions  that  Montcalm  would  soon  force 
his  way  to  Albany,  filled  the  country  with  general 
consternation.  People  never  were  more  alarmed 
during  the  war.  At  the  same  time,  there  was  never 
a  more  general  and  manly  exertion.  The  small  col- 
ony of  Connecticut  detached  a  body  of  about  five 
thousand  men.  She  had  fourteen  hundred  in  service 
before.  General  Webb,  notwithstanding  the  great 
numbers  of  men  with  which  he  was  reinforced  from 
Connecticut,  New  York,  and  the  other  northern  col- 
onies, did  not  make  any  effectual  provision  for  the 
defence  of  the  frontier  settlements.  No  sooner  had 
the  enemy  finished  one  expedition,  than  another  was 
undertaken.  Soon  after  the  capture  of  fort  William 
Henry,  the  enemy,  with  fire  and  sword,  desolated  German 
the  fine  settlements  at  the  German  flats,  and  on  the  frQSe^es' 
Mohawk  river.  On  the  American  station  there  were 
about  twenty  thousand  regular  troops,  and  a  large 
body  of  provincials  in  service,  and  yet  one  fortress 
and  settlement  after  another  was  swept  away,  and 
every  where  the  enemy  rioted  and  triumphed  with 
impunity.  This  was  the  end  of  the  campaign,  this 
year,  in  America. 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlii.  p.  14.     Wright's,  vol.  i.  p.  41, 


374  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.       Amidst   this   succession   of  misfortunes   on   the 

northern  frontiers,  the  affairs  of  the  southern  colo- 

1757'.  nies,  in  some  respects,  took  a  more  favourable  turn. 
The  governour  of  Pennsylvania  concluded  a  peace 
with  the  Delaware  Indians  inhabiting  on  the  banks 
of  the  Susquehannah,  and  in  some  measure  covering 
the  frontiers  of  that  province.  At  the  same  time 
Virginia  found  means  of  conciliating  the  Cherokees 
and  Catawbaws,  and  of  obtaining  a  league  of  friend- 
ship and  alliance  with  those  powerful  tribes.  At 
that  time  they  were  supposed  to  be  able  to  furnish 
three  thousand  gun  men.  From  these  treaties  the 
southern  colonies  derived  very  considerable  advan- 
tages, and  their  frontiers  seem  to  have  suffered  much 
less  in  this,  than  in  the  two  former  years. 

The  colonies  by  this  time,  had  very  much  lost  all 
confidence  in  the  British  commanders  in  America. 
They  appeared  so  dilatory,  so  destitute  of  all  foresight 
and  spirit  of  enterprise,  as  utterly  to  disqualify  them, 
for  the  important  command  which  they  held.  To 
their  incapacity  and  pusillanimity,  wholly  did  they 
impute  the  capture  of  fort  William  Henry,  and  their 
other  losses  on  the  frontiers.  Notwithstanding  all 
the  reinforcements,  which  France  had  sent  to  Cana- 
da, they  had,  every  campaign,  a  force  much  superior 
to  the  enemy.  Had  they  been  men  of  military  gen- 
ius, skill,  and  enterprise,  instead  of  the  losses  they 
sustained,  they  might  have  led  on  the  troops  under 
their  command  to  conquest  and  glory.  Had  the  colo- 
nies been  left  to  themselves,  they  would,  probably, 
have  done  much  better.  Two  years  of  great  ex- 
pense to  them,  were  worse  than  lost.  In  short  they 
considered  the  generals  so  incompetent  to  the  busi- 
ness with  which  they  were  entrusted,  that  they  did 
not  very  cheerfully  submit  to  their  commands. 

The  province  of  Massachusetts,  for  sometime,  de- 
clined a  compliance  with  the  orders  of  lord  Loudon, 
relative  to  the  quartering  of  his  troops.  Such  a  mis- 
understanding and  dispute  grew  between  them,  that 
his  lordship  threatened  to  dragoon  them  into  his  meas- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  375 

ures.    He  wrote  to  them  in  this  high  strain  ;  "  I  have   chap. 

ordered  the  messenger  to  wait  but  forty  eight  hours 

in  Boston  ;  and  if,  on  his  return,  I  find  things  not  1757t 
settled,  I  will  instantly  order  into  Boston,  the  three 
regiments  from  New  York,  Long  Island,  and  Con- 
necticut ;  and  if  more  are  wanted,  I  have  two  in  the 
Jerseys  at  hand,  beside  three  in  Pennsylvania."  The 
assembly  notwithstanding,  did  not  express  an  imme- 
diate compliance,  and  he  ordered  the  troops  to  march. 
The  general  court  perceiving  how  matters  were  go- 
ing, and  unwilling  to  push  them  to  extremity,  express- 
ed their  compliance,  and  the  march  of  the  troops 
was  countermanded. 

Had  the  old  ministry  been  continued,  and  the  men 
which  they  had  appointed  to  the  chief  command  in 
America,  still  held  their  places,  it  is  impossible  to 
say,  what  would  have  been  the  fate  either  of  Great 
Britain,  or  her  colonies.  But,  by  a  most  favourable  Change  of 
turn,  in  Providence,  those  incomparable  men  Mr.  measured 
Pitt,  Mr.  Leg,  and  their  friends,  had  been  fixed  in 
the  ministry,  had  now  time  to  concert  their  meas- 
ures, and  choose  the  men  to  carry  them  into  execu- 
tion. Every  thing  therefore,  now  took  a  new  and 
surprising  turn.  The  dispute  relative  to  the  Ohio, 
Crown  Point,  and  territory  in  America,  had  involved 
most  of  the  kingdoms  of  Europe  in  the  flames  of  a 
destructive  war.  The  fire  had  kindled  in  both  the 
Indies,  and  spread  its  dreadful  effects  beyond  the 
Ganges.  The  preparations  necessary  for  the  sup- 
port of  a  war  of  such  extent  were  almost  immense. 
However,  the  abilities  of  these  great  men,  and  the 
national  resources,  under  their  management,  soon 
appeared  adequate  to  these  grand  objects. 

Not  discouraged  with  the  disappointments  of  for- 
mer years,  they  determined  on  the  reduction  of 
Louisburg,  with  a  view  of  cutting  off  the  communi- 
cation between  France  and  Canada,  of  destroying 
the  French  fishery,  and  of  securing  the  trade  and 
fisheries  of  Great  Britain,  and  of  her  colonics  in 
America.     At  the  same  time  to  gratify  the  colonies, 


376  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THf 

chap,   and  draw  forth  all  their  strength  and  exertion,  it  was 
determined,  that  expeditions  should  be  also  under- 
1758     taken  against  Crown  Point  and  fort  du  Quesne. 
Arma-  The  armament  for  the  reduction  of  Louisburg, 

the^rediL  sa^ec*  from  England  in  February.  Admiral  Bos- 
tionof  cawen  commanded  the  naval,  and  general  Amherst 
Louis.      the  jancj  operations.      Under  general  Amherst  was 

D  111*2*  SiiliS  ^ 

Feb!  19.  '  brigadier  general  Wolfe.  These  were  gentlemen  of 
singular  characters.  General  Amherst  had  the  cool- 
ness and  abilities  of  the  Roman  Fabius,  while  gen- 
eral Wolfe  possessed  the  magnanimity  and  fire  of 
the  Scipios.  From  such  men  great  achievements 
were  expected,  and  their  successes  equalled  the  most 
sanguine  expectations. 

On  the  twenty  eighth  of  May,  the  whole  fleet,  con- 
sisting of  a  hundred  and  fifty  seven  sail,  took  its  de- 
parture from  Halifax,  and  on  the  second  of  June  ap- 
peared before  Louisburg.  The  land  army,  including 
some  light  troops  amounted  to  about  fourteen  thou- 
sand men.*  For  six  days  the  weather  was  so  bad, 
and  the  surf  was  so  prodigious,  that  no  boat  could 
live  near  the  shore.  The  landing  of  the  troops  was 
impracticable.  On  every  part  of  the  coast,  where  a 
landing  was  judged  possible,  the  enemy  had  drawn 
entrenchments.  In  places  most  convenient  for  the 
purpose  they  had  erected  batteries,  and  mounted  can- 
non. During  the  whole  time,  after  the  discovery  of 
the  fleet  till  the  landing  of  the  troops,  the  enemy 
were  strengthening  their  works.  These  they  lined 
with  a  numerous  infantry.  General  Amherst  in 
person,  with  a  number  of  his  generals,  reconnoitred 
the  shore. 
Troops  On  the  eighth  the  weather  became  more  favoura- 

land'  ble,  though  there  was  yet  a  considerable  swell  and 
surf.  The  general,  determining  not  to  lose  a  mo- 
ment, catched  the  opportunity.  Before  break  of 
day,  the  troops  were  embarked  in  three  divisions. 
The  admiral  and  general  made  their  dispositions  with 

*  Wright's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  95.     Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xliii.  p.  127. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  377 

consummate  judgment.     To  distract  the  enemy,  by   chap. 

drawing  their  attention  to  different  parts,  the  troops    ' 

were  disposed  in  three  divisions.  That  on  the  left  i75& 
was  designed  for  the  real  attack,  and  was  commanded 
by  general  Wolfe.  The  divisions  on  the  right  and 
in  the  centre  were  designed  only  for  feints.  Five 
frigates  and  some  other  ships  of  war  commenced  a 
furious  fire  not  only  in  the  centre,  but  on  the  right 
and  left  of  the  enemy,  to  rake  them  on  their  flanks. 
When  these  had  fired  about  fifteen  minutes,  general 
Wolfe  with  his  division  pressed  to  the  shore.  The 
enemy  reserved  their  fire  till  the  boats  were  nearly 
in  shore,  and  then  poured  on  them  the  united  blaze 
and  thunder  of  their  musketry  and  cannon.  Many 
of  the  boats  wrere  broken  in  pieces,  and  others  were 
overset.  The  men  leaped  into  the  water ;  and  while 
some  were  killed,  and  others  drowned,  the  rest,  sup- 
ported and  animated  by  the  noble  example  and  con- 
duct of  their  gallant  commander,  pushed  to  the  shore, 
and  with  such  order  and  resolution  rushed  on  the 
enemy,  as  soon  put  them  into  confusion,  and  drove 
them  from  their  entrenchments.  When  general 
Wolfe  had  made  good  his  landing,  the  centre  moved 
to  the  left,  and  the  right  following  the  centre,  the 
landing  was  completed  in  excellent  order. 

The  weather  was  so  bad,  the  swell  and  surf  so 
great,  that  for  many  days,  scarcely  any  of  the  artillery 
or  stores  could  be  landed.  It  was  with  great  diffi- 
culty, that  provisions  and  implements  for  the  siege 
were  got  on  shore.  A  great  many  boats  were  lost 
in  the  service.  The  ground  was  exceedingly  bad  ; 
in  some  places  rough,  in  others  boggy  and  wet. 
These  obstacles,  with  a  brave  resistance  from  the 
enemy,  caused  the  operations  of  the  siege,  for  some- 
time, to  proceed  very  slowly.  The  enemy  had  five 
ships  of  the  line  in  the  harbour,  and  could  bring  all 
their  guns  to  bear  upon  the  troops  in  their  ap- 
proaches. But  no  discouragements  were  judged 
insurmountable,  by  such  generals  as  Amherst  and 
Wolfe.     By  the  twelfth  of  June,  general  Wolfe  had 

Vol.  I.  48 


.378  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  secured  the  point  called  the  light  house  battery,  and 
all  the  posts  in  that  quarter.  On  the  twenty  fifth  he 
1758  had  silenced  the  island  battery  :  but  the  shipping  in 
the  harbour  kept  up  their  fire  upon  him,  till  the 
twenty  first  of  July  ;  when  one  of  the  ships  blew  up, 
and  setting  fire  to  two  others,  they  burnt  to  the 
water's  edge.  This  was  to  the  enemy  an  irrepara- 
ble loss. 

General  Amherst  had,  by  this  time,  made  his  ap- 
proaches near  to  the  city ;  so  that  they  were  in  good 
forwardness  for  making  lodgments  on  the  covered 
wray.  The  town  in  many  places  was  consumed  to 
the  ground,  and  in  all  it  had  suffered  much.  The 
fire  of  the  enemy  languished  exceedingly,  yet  they 
made  no  proposals  of  capitulation.  One  bold  action 
more  was  necessary  to  bring  them  to  terms.  The 
admiral  determined  to  send  into  the  harbour  a  de- 
tachment of  six  hundred  men,  in  boats,  to  burn  or 
bring  off  the  two  remaining  ships.  In  the  night 
between  the  twenty  fifth  and  the  twenty  sixth  of  the 
month,  the  attack  was  made,  under  the  conduct  of 
two  young  captains,  Laforey  and  Balfour.  Under 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  making  their  way  through 
a  terrible  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry,  they,  sword 
in  hand,  boarded  and  took  the  ships.  One  running 
aground,  they  burnt,  the  other  they  towed  out  of  the 
harbour  in  triumph. 

July  26.  The  next  morning  the  governour  proposed  terms 
of  capitulation.  The  garrison,  consisting  of  five 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty  seven  men,  sur- 
rendered prisoners  of  war.  One  hundred  and  twen- 
ty one  cannon,  eighteen  mortars,  and  large  quantities 
of  stores  and  ammunition  were  taken.  The  enemy 
lost  five  ships  of  the  line  and  four  frigates,  besides 
other  vessels.  St.  John's  was  given  up,  with  Lou- 
isburg,  and  the  English  became  masters  of  the  coast, 
from  St.  Lawrence  to  Nova  Scotia.*     This  was  the 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xliii.  p.  127—135.  Wright's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  95— 
103.  General  Amherst's  journal  of  the  siege  of  Louisburg,  and  arti- 
cles of  capitulation.  At  St.  John's  4,100  inhabitants  submitted  and 
brought  in  their  arms, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  379 

most  effectual  blow  to  France,  which  she  had  receiv-   chap. 

ed  since  the  commencement  of  the  war.     It  was  a    _• 

deep  wound  to  her  navy,  and  especially  to  her  colo-     1758 
nies  and  interests  in  America.     It  veiy  much  cut 
off  her  communication  with  Canada,  and  greatly  fa- 
cilitated the  reduction  of  that  country. 

As  the  reduction  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point 
was  a  favourite  object  with  the  northern  colonies,  they 
made  early  and  great  exertions,  for  carrying  it  effec- 
tually into  execution.  Beside  the  assistance  which 
they  gave  in  the  reduction  of  Louisburg,  they  fur- 
nished about  ten  thousand  troops  for  the  northern 
expedition.  In  conjunction  with  between  six  and 
seven  thousand  regular  troops,  they  had,  by  the  be- 
ginning of  July,  got  into  lake  George  more  than  a 
thousand  boats  and  battoes,  a  fine  train  of  artillery, 
provisions,  and  every  thing  necessary  for  an  attack 
on  the  fortresses  of  the  enemy.  General  Abercrom- 
bie  had  the  chief  command. 

On  the  fifth  of  July,  the  army,  consisting  of  fifteen  Embarka. 
thousand  three  hundred  and  ninety  effective  men, tio^^1' 
embarked  in  nine  hundred  battoes  and  one  hundred  ga,  July  5, 
and  thirty  five  whale  boats.  Besides,  there  were 
several  rafts  on  which  cannon  were  mounted  to 
cover  the  landing  of  the  troops.  Early  the  next 
morning,  they  landed  at  the  north  end  of  lake  George 
without  opposition.  The  army  formed  in  four  col- 
umns and  began  their  march  for  Ticonderoga.  The 
woods  were  thick,  and  the  guides  unskilful,  so  that 
the  troops  were  bewildered,  and  the  columns  falling 
in  one  upon  another  were  entirely  broken.  In  this 
state  of  confusion,  lord  Howe  advancing  at  the  head 
of  the  right  centre  column,  fell  in  with  the  advanced 
guard  of  the  enemy,  consisting  of  about  four  hun- 
dred regulars  and  a  few  Indians,  who  had  deserted 
their  advanced  camp  near  the  lake,  and  were  precip- 
itately fleeing  from  our  troops  ;  but  had  lost  their 
way,  and  were  bewildered  in  the  same  manner,  as 
they  were.  The  enemy  fired  and  killed  lord  Howe,  Howe  kill- 
the  first  fire.     The  Indian  veil,  suddenness  of  the  at-  ed,  July  6. 


380  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

C?AP'    *ack>  ana*  fall  of  lord  Howe,  threw  the  regulars,  who 

.       composed  the  centre  columns,  into  a  general  panic 

1758.  anQl  confusion  ;  but  the  provincials,  who  flanked 
them,  were  more  acquainted  with  such  kind  of 
fighting,  and  soon  defeated  the  party.  About  three 
hundred  were  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  forty  eight 
taken.  Among  the  prisoners  were  five  officers  and 
three  cadets.  The  loss  of  die  English  was  incon- 
siderable as  to  numbers ;  but  in  consequences  it  was 
great  and  terrible.  The  loss  of  that  gallant  officer, 
loid  Howe,  was  irreparable.  From  the  day  of 
his  arrival  in  America,  he  had  conformed  himself, 
and  made  his  regiment  conform,  to  that  kind  of  ser- 
vice, which  the  country  required.  He  was  the  first 
to  endure  hunger  and  fatigue,  to  encounter  danger, 
and  sacrifice  all  personal  considerations  to  the  public 
service.  While  rigid  in  discipline,  by  his  affability, 
condescending  arid  easy  manners,  he  conciliated  affec- 
tion, and  commanded  universal  esteem.  Indeed  he 
was  considered  very  much  as  the  life  and  idol  of  the 
army.  The  loss  of  such  a  man,  at  such  a  time,  can- 
not be  estimated.  To  this  the  provincials  attribut- 
ed the  defeat  and  unhappy  consequences  which 
ensued. 

As  the  troops  for  two  nights  had  slept  little,  were 
greatly  fatigued,  and  needed  refreshment,  the  general 
ordered  them  to  return  to  the  landing  place,  where 

July  7-  they  arrived  at  eight  in  the  morning.  Colonel  Brad- 
street  was  soon  after  detached  with  a  strong  corps  to 
take  possession  of  the  sawr  mill,  about  two  miles  from 
Ticonderoga,  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  day  the  whole  army  march- 
ed to  the  mill.  The  general  having  received  infor- 
mation, that  the  garrison  at  Ticonderoga  consisted  of 
about  six  thousand  men,  and  that  a  reinforcement  of 
three  thousand  more  was  daily  expected,  determin- 
ed to  lose  no  time  in  making  an  attack  upon  their 
lines.  He  ordered  his  engineer  to  reconnoitre  the 
ground  and  intrenchments  of  the  enemy.  He  made 
a  favourable  report  of  their  weakness,   and  of  the 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  381 

practicability  of  forcing  the  lines  with  musketry  only. 
On  this  groundless  report  a  rash  and  fatal  resolution 
was  taken  to  attempt  the  lines  without  bringing  up      1758 
the  artillery. 

The  army  advanced  to  the  charge  with  the  great-  g^J^* 
est  intrepidity,  and  for  more  than  four  hours,  with  roga>  juiy 
incredible  obstinacy  maintained  the  attack.     But  the  8. 
works,  where  the  attack  was  made,  were  eight  or  nine 
feet  high,  and  impregnable  even  by  field  pieces.    For 
nearly  a  hundred  yards  from  the  breast- work  trees 
wrere  felled  so  thick  and  so  wrought  together,  with 
their  branches  pointing  outwards,  that  it  rendered 
the  approach  of  the  troops,  in  a  great  measure,  im- 
practicable.     In  this  dreadful  situation,   under  the 
fire  of  about  three  thousand  of  the  enemy  these  gallant 
troops  were  kept,  without  the  least  prospect  of  suc- 
cess, till  nearly  two  thousand  were  killed  and  wound- 
ed. *"     They  were  then  called  off;    and  to  this  rash 
and  precipitate  attack  succeeded  a  retreat  equally  un- 
advised   and  precipitate.f     By  the  evening  of  the 
next  day  the  army  had  reached  their  former  camp  at  July  9. 
the  south  end  of  lake  George. 

Nothing  could  have  been  more  contrary  to  the 
opinions,  or  more  mortifying  to  the  feelings  of  the 
provincials,  than  this  whole  affair.  They  viewed  The  gene- 
the  attack  upon  the  lines,  without  the  artillery,  as  ™j#  am' 
the  height  of  madness.  Besides,  it  was  made  under 
every  disadvantage  to  the  assailants.  The  enemy's 
lines  were  of  great  extent,  and  on  the  south  towards 
South  bay,  and  on  the  north,  especially  at  the  east 
end  towards  the  waters  which  form  the  communi- 
cation between  South  bay  and  lake  Champlain,  they 
were  weak,  and  might  have  been  approached  under 
the  cover  of  a  thick  wood.  The  army  was  suffi- 
ciently numerous  to  have  attacked  the  lines  in  their 

*  Of  the  regulars  were  killed  464,  of  the  provincials  87.  In  the 
whole  548.  Of  the  regulars  were  wounded  1,117;  of  the  provincials 
239.  In  the  whole  1,356.  There  were  missing  29  regulars  and  8  pro- 
vincials. The  whole  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing-  was  1,941. 
Gen.  Abercrombie's  return. 

t  Wright's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  109, 113.     Rider's,  vol.  xliii.  p.  136,141. 


382  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  whole  extent  at  once.  But  unhappily  the  attack 
'  was  made  only  on  a  small  part  of  them,  where  they 
1758.  wcre  Dy  far  tne  strongest  and  most  inaccessible. 
As  no  attacks  or  feints  were  made  in  other  parts, 
the  enemy  were  left  to  pour  their  whole  fire  on  a 
small  spot,  to  which  but  a  small  part  of  the  army 
could  advance.  Besides,  the  general  never  ap- 
proached the  field,  where  his  presence  was  indis- 
pensably necessary  ;  but  remained  at  the  saw  mill, 
where  he  could  see  nothing  of  the  action,  nor  know 
any  thing  but  by  information,  at  the  distance  of  two 
miles.  In  consequence  of  this  the  troops  for  hours 
after  they  should  have  been  called  off,  were  pushed 
on  to  inevitable  slaughter. 

But  especially  did  the  provincials  reprobate  the 
retreat.  They  esteemed  themselves  as  more  than  a 
match  for  the  enemy  should  their  pretended  rein- 
forcement arrive.  The  whole  army  after  this  bloody 
affair,  amounted  to  nearly  fourteen  thousand  men. 
After  all  the  pompous  accounts  of  the  numbers  of 
the  enemy,  they  never  amounted  to  but  little  more 
than  three  thousand.  When  the  general  retreated 
he  had  more  than  four  effective  men  to  their  one. 
He  had  a  fine  train  of  artillery.  There  were  strong 
grounds  on  which  he  might  have  encamped  with 
the  utmost  safety.  There  were  eminences  which 
commanded  all  the  works  of  the  enemy  ;  whence  he 
might  have  enfiladed  their  front,  and  poured  des- 
truction on  their  whole  lines  and  camp. 

The  provincial  officers  were  therefore  clearly  of  the 
opinion,  that  there  was  the  fairest  prospect  of  success, 
notwithstanding  their  misfortune,  could  the  expedi- 
tion only  be  prosecuted  with  energy  and  prudence. 
But  the  general  took  his  own  way,  without  advising 
with  them,  and  appeared  to  retreat  with  the  utmost 
perturbation. 
Falls  into  The  general  never  had  been  high  in  the  esteem  of 
contempt.  tjie  provincials,  after  the  loss  of  Oswego,  but  now  he 
sunk   into   contempt.     They  generally  called  him 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  383 

mistress   Nabycrombie  ;    importing  that   petticoats   CI1AP* 
would  become  him  much  better  than  breeches.  _ 

To  repair,  as  far  as  might  be,  the  defeat  at  Ticon-  1758. 
deroga,  the  general  detached  colonel  Bradstreet  with 
three  thousand  provincials  against  fort  Frontenac. 
The  expedition  was  planned  by  the  colonel,  and  un- 
dertaken at  his  desire.  He  proceeded  to  lake  Onta- 
rio, where  he  embarked  his  troops,  and  landing 
them  safely  within  a  mile  of  the  enemy,  immediately 
invested  the  fort.  The  enemy  made  no  opposition,  Frontenac 
but  after  two  days  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  Aug" 27. 
of  war.  This  important  post  was  on  the  north 
side  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  just  were  it  takes  its 
rise  from  lake  Ontario.  The  fort  not  only  com- 
manded the  entrance  of  the  river  from  the  lake,  but 
was  the  grand  magazine  for  supplying  Niagara,  du 
Quesne,  and  all  the  enemy's  southern  and  western 
garrisons.  But  as  no  attack  had  been  expected  in 
this  quarter,  the  troops  had  been  drawn  off  for  the 
defence  of  Ticonderoga  and  their  southern  posts. 
The  garrison  consisted  only  of  a  hundred  and  thirty 
men.  But  there  were  in  the  fort  sixty  cannon,  six- 
teen small  mortars,  and  an  immense  quantity  of  pro- 
visions and  goods.  They  were  valued  by  the  French 
at  eight  hundred  thousand  livres.  Nine  armed  ves- 
sels, from  eight  to  eighteen  guns  were  also  taken. 
This  was  the  whole  naval  force  which  the  enemy 
had  on  the  lake.  The  colonel,  after  he  had  destroy- 
ed the  fort,  stores,  provisions,  and  all  the  vessels  ex- 
cepting two,  returned  with  them  richly  laden  to 
Oswego.* 

This  fortunate  event,  together  with  the  attempt  on 
Ticonderoga,  frustrated  the  expedition  of  Monsieur 
Levi  against  the  settlements  on  the  Mohawk  river ; 
recovered  the  communication  between  Albany  and 
Oswego ;  and  once  more  gave  us  the  command  of 
lake  Ontario.     It  greatly  obstructed  the  communica- 

*  Bradstreet's  Letter  to  general  Amherst.  Wright's  History  of  the 
War,  vol  i   p.  124,  125. 


384 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
Xi. 

1758. 


General 
Forbes' 
expedi- 
tion. 


June  30, 
marches 
for  the 
Ohio. 


tion  between  Canada,  Niagara,  and  all  their  southern 
and  western  posts  and  settlements. 

General  Amherst,  having  placed  a  strong  garrison 
at  Louisburg,  and  made  the  dispositions*  necessary 
for  the  security  of  the  adjacent  country,  no  sooner 
heard  of  the  disaster  at  Ticonderoga,  than  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Boston,  and  thence,  at  the  head  of  six  reg- 
iments, about  the  middle  of  September,  began  his 
march  through  the  country,  to  reinforce  the  army  at 
the  lake.  He  designed,  if  the  season  should  not  be 
too  far  advanced,  to  achieve  something  further  for 
the  service  of  his  country. 

While  these  matters  were  transacted  in  the  north- 
ern department,  general  Forbes  was,  with  great  cau- 
tion, activity,  and  fatigue,  advancing  to  the  conquest 
of  fort  du  Quesne.  About  eight  thousand  men  had 
been  assigned  to  this  service.  In  June  the  general 
marched  from  Philadelphia  for  the  Ohio.  His  march 
lay  through  a  prodigious  .tract  of  country  very  little 
known,  destitute  of  roads  for  the  marching  of  armies, 
incumbered  with  wood,  morasses,  and  mountains  al- 
most impassable.  It  was  with  incredible  difficulty 
that  he  procured  provisions  and  carriages,  for  the 
expedition :  That  he  formed  new  roads,  extended 
scouting  parties,  secured  camps,  and  surmounted 
the  numerous  obstacles,  which  presented  themselves 
in  his  tedious  march.  In  addition  to  the  other  diffi- 
culties the  enemy's  Indians  kept  a  constant  watch 
upon  all  his  movements  ;  and,  in  small  detachments, 
neglected  no  opportunity  to  harass  and  impede  him 
in  his  progress. 

When  the  general  had  advanced  to  Ray's-town, 
about  ninety  miles  from  du  Quesne,  he  sent  colonel 
Bouquet  with  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  men  to 
Lyal  Henning,  within  about  forty  miles  of  the  fort. 
The  colonel,  from  this  post,  detached  major  Grant 
with  eight  hundred  men  to  reconnoitre  the  fort  and 
out  works  of  the  enemy,  and  if  practicable  to  reduce 
the  post  by  a  coup  de  main.  The  enemy  having  in- 
telligence  of  their  approach,  detached    a   body  of 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  38i> 

troops  sufficient   completely  to  surround  them.     A   chap. 

severe  action  commenced,  which,  for  three  hours,    ^ 

the  English  with  great  spirit  maintained  against  so  1758 
great  a  superiority  of  numbers.  But  finally  they 
were  overpowered,  obliged  to  give  way,  and  retreat- 
ed with  disorder  to  Lyal  Henning.  About  three 
hundred  men  were  killed  and  taken.  Among 
the  latter  was  major  Grant  and  nineteen  other  offi- 
cers who  were  carried  prisoners  to  fort  du   Quesne. 

This  severe  check  made  no  alteration  in  the  reso- 
lution of  general  Forbes.     He  still  advanced  with 
the  same  persevering  firmness  and  circumspection, 
which  had  marked  his  whole  conduct.     The  enemy 
finding  that  it  was  impossible  to  surprise  and  defeat 
him,  on  his  march ;  and  that  their  numbers  were  in- 
sufficient to  defend  the  fort  against    him ;    on  the 
twenty  fourth  of  November,  after  destroying  their  DllQlies^e 
works,  abandoned  them  to  the  general.     His  light  taken, 
troops  took  possession,  the  following  evening.     The  Nov* 24r' 
next  day,  the  general  arrived  with  the  whole  army, 
and  the  British  flag  was  once  more  erected  at  fort  du 
Quesne.     The  French  made  their  escape  down  the 
river,  partly  in  boats  and  partly  by  land,  to  their  forts 
and  settlements  on  the  Missisippi. 

General  Forbes  repaired  the  fort,  and  changed  the 
name  to  Pittsburg.     Having  concluded  treaties  of 
friendship  and  alliance   with  the  Indian  nations,  in- 
habiting that  extensive  and  fine  country,  and  appar- 
ently reconciled  them  to  the  English  government,  he 
committed  the  care  of  the  fort  to  a  garrison  of  pro- 
vincials, and  took  his  departure  for  Philadelphia.  On 
his  return  he  erected  some  small  fortresses,  at  Lyal 
Henning,  for  the  defence  of  the  western  frontiers  of 
Pennsylvania.*     The  incredible  fatigues  of  this  cam-  Death  0* 
paign,  so  broke  the  constitution  of  this  vigilant  and  general 
brave  commander,  that  he  returned  to  Philadelphia  Forbes» 
in  a  very  enfeebled  state,  where,  after   languishing  a 
3hort  time,  he  died  universally  lamented. 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xliii.  p.  143,145.     Wright's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  125,12$. 

Vol.  I.  4'9 


SB6  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.       When  general  Amherst  arrived  at  the  lake  the 

'      season  was  so  far  advanced,  and  he  found  so  large  a 

i758t     detachment   drawn  from   the   army   under   colonel 

Bradstreet,  that  he  judged  it  not  advisable  to  make 

any  further  attempts  against  the  enemy,  during  that 

campaign. 

Notwithstanding  the  defeat  at  Ticonderoga,  the 
campaign  closed  with  great  honour  and  advantage  to 
the  colonies,  and  to  the  nation  in  general.  In  this 
fourth  year,  after  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
the  English  had  not  only  reduced  Louisburg,  St. 
John's,  and  Frontenac ;  but  they  had  made  themselves 
the  undisturbed  possessors  of  that  fine  tract  of  coun- 
try, the  contention  for  which,  had  been  the  principal 
occasion  of  kindling  up  the  flames  of  a  war  so  gen- 
eral and  destructive.  Success  had  attended  the  Brit- 
i  ish  arms  not  only  in  this,  but  in  almost  all  quarters 

.      of  the  globe.     The  successes  in  America,  besides 
many  other  important  advantages,  paved  the  way  for 
that  series  of  successful  events,  which  terminated  in 
the  entire  reduction  of  Canada. 
Treaty  Another  favourable  occurrence  of  this  year,  which 

Indians6  was  not  witnout  its  influence  in  that  great  event, 
Oct.  8. '  was  a  general  treaty  and  pacification  with  the  Indian 
nations  inhabiting  between  the  Appalachian  moun- 
tains and  the  lakes.  A  grand  assembly  for  this  pur- 
pose met  at  Easton,  about  ninety  miles  from  Phila- 
delphia. The  managers  of  the  treaty,  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  were  the  governours 
of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  Sir  William  John- 
son, deputy  for  Indian  affairs,  four  members  of  the 
council  of  Pennsylvania,  six  members  of  the  assem- 
bly, and  two  agents  for  the  province  of  New  Jersey. 
They  were  attended  by  a  great  number  of  planters 
and  citizens  of  Philadelphia.  They  were  met  by 
the  deputies  and  chiefs  of  the  Mohawks,  Oneidoes, 
Onondagoes,  Cayugas,  Senacas,  Tuscaroras,  Nanti- 
coques,  and  Conays,  the  Tuteloes,  Chugnuts,  Dela- 
wares,  Unamies,  Minisinks,  Mohicons,  and  Wap- 
pingers.     The  whole  number,  including  the  women 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  337 

and  children,  amounted  to  more  than  five  hundred,  chap. 
On  the  eighth  of  October  the  conferences  were  XL 
opened.  The  Six  Nations  complained  that  some  of  175S 
their  nations  had  been  killed  by  the  English,  that 
others  had  been  captivated  and  imprisoned  in  time 
of  profound  peace.  The  Dela wares  and  Minisinks 
complained,  that  the  English  had  encroached  on  their 
lands,  and  driven  them  from  their  hunting  grounds ; 
and  they  respectively  declared,  that  these  were  the 
things  which  had  imbittered  their  hearts  and  provok- 
ed them  to  hostilities.  The  objects,  particularly  in 
view  of  the  English  governours,  at  this  congress, 
were  to  ascertain  the  boundaries  of  the  lands  in 
dispute  ;  to  reconcile  the  Six  Nations  with  their 
nephews,  the  Delawares ;  to  remove  t\ery  cause  of 
misunderstanding  between  the  English  and  Indians, 
detach  them  from  the  French  interest  ;  establish  a 
firm  peace  ;  and  to  induce  these  nations  to  use  all 
their  influence,  to  persuade  the  Twightwees,  who 
would  not  come  to  the  general  congress,  to  accede 
to  the  treaty  now  made  with  themselves.  The  con- 
ferences continued  till  the  twenty  sixth  of  the  month, 
Governour  Denny  made  satisfaction  for  the  lands  to 
which  the  Indians  laid  claim,  by  the  payment  of  a 
thousand  dollars. 

All  former  treaties  were  confirmed,  and  lasting 
peace  and  friendship  stipulated.  The  Indians  were 
presented  with  a  considerable  quantity  of  goods,  and, 
to  gladden  their  hearts,  the  business  was  finished  by 
an  ample  treat.  The  Indians  the  next  day  departed  Oct.  sr< 
in  peace.* 

This  treaty  with  the  Indians,  had  a  happy  influ- 
ence, in  facilitating  the  operations  against  Canada 
the  next  year. 

In  review  of  the  events  of  the  present,  and  of  past 
years,  it  appears  very  remarkable,  that  under  the  old 
ministry  and  their  general  officers,  nothing  but  loss3 
sUsappointment,  and  shame  attended  every  enterprise, 

*  Rider's  Hist,  vol,  xlv.  p.  55t  65, 


388  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  N0t  one  general  officer,  originally  of  their  appoint- 

ment,   in  America,  ever  achieved  any  thing  manly 

1758.  or  honourable ;  but  hesitation,  delay,  and  disappoint- 
ment attended  all  their  measures.  On  the  contrary, 
under  the  new,  and  the  generals  originally  of  their 
appointment,  every  enterprise  was  crowned  with  suc- 
cess. A  series  of  the  most  important  and  brilliant 
successes,  from  every  quarter,  like  a  steady,  all- 
cheering  stream,  flowed  in  upon  the  nation. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Plan  of  the  campaign,  1759.  Expeditions  against  Tieonderoga  an<£ 
Crown  Point,  Niagara,  and  Quebec.  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point 
abandoned.  Niagara  taken.  Siege  of  Quebec.  Action  at  the  falls 
of  Montmorenci.  The  camp  removes  to  point  Levi.  The  troops 
land  abov«  the  town.  Battle  of  Quebec.  Generals  Wolfe  and  Mont- 
calm killed.  Quebec  surrenders.  Movements  of  general  Amherst 
on  lake  Champlain, 

1  HE  successes  of  the  last  campaign  opened  the  way 
to  the  very  heart  of  Canada.  The  belligerent  powers, 
in  Europe,  maintained  the  same  hostile  dispositions. 
Plan  of  which  operated  the  last  year.  The  British  minis- 
^ni759°n  ^7'  tneref°re> determined  to  improve  the  advantages, 
which  they  had  gained  in  America ;  and,  if  possible, 
the  next  campaign,  to  reduce  the  whole  country  of 
Canada.  For  this  purpose,  it  was  determined  to  at- 
tack all  the  strong  posts  of  the  enemy,  nearly  at  the 
same  time.  As  soon  as  the, river  St.  Lawrence  should 
be  clear  of  ice,  it  was  determined  that  general  Wolfe, 
who  had  so  distinguished  himself  at  the  reduction  of 
Louisburg,  should,  with  eight  thousand  men  and  a 
strong  squadron  of  ships,  proceed  to  the  siege  of 
Quebec,  the  capital  of  Canada.  At  the  same  time 
general  Amherst,  who  had  the  chief  command,  with 
an  army  of  twelve  thousand  regulars  and  provincials, 
was  to  attack  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  Hav- 
ing reduced  these  posts,  and  formed  a  sufficient  na- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  389" 

val  force  on  lake  Champlain,  he  was  to  advance,  by   C"AP* 

the  river  Sorel,  into  St.  Lawrence,  and  form  a  June-    ^ 

tion  with  general  Wolfe  at  Quebec.  A  third  expe-  1759t 
dition  was  to  be  directed  against  the  fort  at  Niagara, 
under  the  command  of  brigadier  general  Prideaux.  Sir 
William  Johnson  commanded  the  New  York  provin- 
cials, and  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  serv- 
ed in  this  expedition.  By  so  many  different  attacks, 
it  was  designed.,  as  much  as  possible,  to  divide  and 
distract  the  enemy,  and  prevent  their  making  an  ef- 
fectual defence  at  any  place.  It  was  hoped,  that  if 
general  Prideaux  should  be  so  fortunate,  as  to  make 
himself  master  of  Niagara,  early  in  the  season,  that, 
embarking  on  lake  Ontario,  he  would  fall  down  the 
river  St.  Lawrence,  and  reduce  the  town  of  Mon- 
treal. Then  it  was  hoped,  that  the  three  armies,  form- 
ing a  junction,  would  complete  the  conquest  of  the 
whole  country. 

To  facilitate  these  grand  operations  colonel  Stan- 
wix  had  the  command  of  a  small  detachment,  for  the 
reduction  of  small  posts,  and  for  scouring  the  banks 
of  lake  Ontario. 

The  army  under  general  Amherst  was  first  in  mo-  Expedi- 
tion.    In  July  he  passed  lake  George;    and,  with-  ti(™  a' 
out  opposition,  conducted  his  army  to  Ticonderoga.  conderoga 
On  his  approach  the  enemy  abandoned  their  lines,  andcrown 
which  had  proved  so  fatal  to  the  English,  the  preced-    olnt' 
ing  year ;  and  the  general  broke  ground  just  within 
their  formidable  breast-work.     At  first  the  enemy 
made  appearances  of  a  determined  defence  ;  but,  in 
the  night  of  the  27th  of  July,  they  blew  up  their  mag-  Ticonde* 
azine,  and  precipitately  retired  to  Crown  Point.    Here  ™gP(^ 
their  stay  was  but  short ;  for,  on  the  first  of  August,  evacuat- 
they  suddenly  evacuated  this  post,  and  retired  to  the  ed- 
isle  of  Aux  Noix.     The  light  rangers  were  detach- 
ed immediately  to  take  possession.     On  the  fourth, 
the  general  arrived  with  the  army. 

The  French  were  yet  formidable  on  the  lake. 
They  had  four  large  vessels,  mounted  with  cannon, 
and  manned  with  the  piquets  of  several  regiments. 


390  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CynP"   ^ese  were  comt»^nded  by  Monsieur  le  Bras,  a  cap- 

^    tain  in  the  French  navy,  assisted  by  a  number  of 

1759#  naval  officers.  The  enemy,  at  the  isle  Aux  Noix, 
consisted  of  three  thousand  five  hundred  effective 
men,  strongly  encamped  with  a  numerous  artillepy. 
The  French  commander,  Monsieur  de  Bourlemaque, 
flattered  himself,  that  he  should  be  able  to  prevent 
the  passage  of  the  English  army  into  Canada. 

General  Amherst  could  not  proceed  till  he  should 
have  a  superior  force  on  the  lake.     Captain  Loring, 
who  superintended  the  building  of  vessels  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  was  therefore  ordered,  with  the  utmost  des- 
patch, to  build  a  sloop  of  sixteen  guns,  and  a  radeau, 
eighty  four  feet  in  length,  and  twenty  in  breadth,  to 
carry  six  twenty  four  pounders.     While  these  were 
constructing,  the  army  were  employed  in  repairing 
the  fortifications  at  Ticonderoga,  and  in  laying  the 
foundations  of  a  strong  and  regular  fort  at  Crown 
Point,  for  the  security  of  his  majesty's  dominions  in 
that  part  of  the  country.    Particularly  it  was  design- 
ed to  guard  against  the  incursions  of  the  scalping 
and  burning  parties,  which  in  former  wars  had  been 
so  destructive  to  the  frontiers  of  the  northern  colonies. 
tioiTa-1"         While  the  army  under  general  Amherst  were  thus 
gainst  Ni-  employed,  general  Prideaux,  reinforced  by  the  Indian 
agam.       auxiliaries  under  Sir  William  Johnson,  advanced  to 
Niagara,  without  loss  or  opposition.      He   arrived 
before  the  fort  about  the  middle  of  July,  and  imme- 
diately invested  it  on  all  sides.     The  trenches  were 
soon   opened,  and  the   siege  was    prosecuted  with 
General     great  vigour.      But  on  the  twentieth,  the   general 
kuiedT*X  was  kulec*  in  the  trenches,  by  the  unfortunate  burst- 
July  20.     ing  of  a  cohorn.     This  affected  the  army  with  uni- 
versal sorrow,  and  threatened  to  check  the  vigour 
of  its  operations.     No  sooner  was  general  Amherst 
acquainted  with  this  misfortune,  than  he  despatched 
brigadier   general  Gage,  to  assume  the  command. 
Meanwhile  it  devolved  on  Sir  William  Johnson.    He 
vigorously  pursued  the  measures  of  the  late  general, 
with  everv  addition,  which  his  own  genius  could 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  39I 

suggest.     He  was  popular  both  with  the  provincial   chap. 
and  regular  troops,  and  almost  adored  by  the  Indians.      XIL 
The  siege  was  therefore  pushed  with  such  united     1759. 
ardour  and  alacrity,  that  in  about  four  days  after  the 
death  of  general  Prideaux,  the  approaches  were  made 
within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  covered  way. 

The  French  alarmed  with  the  danger  of  this  im- 
portant post,  determined  to  hazard  a  battle  for  its 
preservation.     Collecting  all  the  regular  and  provin- 
cial troops,  which  they  could  draw  from  their  sever- 
al posts,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  lakes,  in  conjunction 
with  a  large  body  of  Indians,  amounting  in  the  whole 
to  seventeen  hundred  men,  they  advanced  to  attack 
the  English  and  raise  the  siege.     General  Johnson, 
apprised  of  their  design,  ordered  his  light  infantry, 
supported  by  a  body  of  grenadiers  and  other  regulars, 
to  take  post  on  his  left,   upon  the  road  where  the 
French  were   making  their   approach.      His  flanks 
were  covered  by  large  bodies  of  his  Indians.     At  Battle  of 
the  same  time,  he  posted  a  strong  body  of  troops,  to  Niagara, 
secure  his  trenches  from  the  attempts  of  the  garrison,  Ju 
during  the  engagement.     At  nine  in  the  morning, 
the  action  commenced  with  great  fury,  with  a  wild 
and  horrible  scream  of  the  enemy's  Indians.     This 
yell  is  truly  the  most  fierce  and  terrible,  which  can 
be  imagined.     It  threw  general  Braddock's,  and  has 
thrown    other   troops,    into   the   utmost   confusion. 
But,  at  this  time,  it  had  no  ill  effect.     The  enemy  Enemy 
were  so  well  received  in  front,  and  so  galled  by  the  defeated, 
general's  Indians  on  their  flanks,  that,  in  less  than  an  ara  taken. 
hour,  their  whole  army  was  ruined.  For  five  miles  the 
pursuit  was  hot   and  bloody.     Monsieur  d'Anbry, 
.commander  in  chief,  and  sixteen  other  officers  were 
made  prisoners.* 

As  the  battle  was  fought  in  sight  of  the  fort,  and 
the  hopes  of  the  enemy  were  now  ruined,  they  im- 
mediately surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 
The  garrison,  consisting  of  more  than  six  hundred 

*  General  Johnson's  letter  to  general  Amherst,  July  25,  1/59. 


$g2  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.   men,  were  conducted  to  New  York  and  New  Eng- 
land.    The  women  and  children  were  sent  to  Mon- 

1759.      trea1-* 

The  services,  which  general  Johnson  rendered  his 
country,  were  singular  and  important.  In  the  com- 
pass of  four  years,  he  was  twice  honoured  with  the 
chief  command.  In  both  instances,  he  fought  a  gen- 
eral battle,  and  obtained  a  complete  victory.  Both 
victories  were  signalized  by  the  capture  of  the  chief 
commander  of  the  enemy.  The  consequence  of  the 
latter  was  the  reduction  of  one  of  the  most  import- 
ant posts  of  the  enemy,  by  which  he  cut  off  all  com- 
munication between  Canada  and  Louisiana.  Through 
his  influence  many  Indians  were  brought  into  the 
field,  when  he  first  had  the  command.  This  year 
he  led  out  not  less  than  eleven  hundred.  Though 
he  was  not  bred  to  arms,  yet,  it  was  allowed,  that  no 
general  could  have  made  better  dispositions  for  the 
battle,  or  conducted  the  siege  with  a  more  cool  and 
determined  resolution.  The  force  of  innate  courage 
and  natural  sagacity,  seems  to  have  formed  him  an 
accomplished  general. 

The  taking  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point, 
with  the  reduction  of  Niagara,  were  a  defalcation  of 
Expedi-  capital  members,  but  the  expedition  against  Quebec 
tion  a-  was  a  blow  at  the  heart  of  the  enemy.  This  was  the 
Quebec,  great  central  operation,  to  which  all  the  other  suc- 
cesses, however  illustrious,  had  only  a  remote  ten- 
dency. While  this  stood  in  its  glory,  nothing  deci- 
sive was  accomplished.  The  reduction  of  this  was 
considered  not  only  as  the  greatest  object,  but  as, 
by  far,  the  most  difficult  to  be  accomplished.  The 
most  accomplished  officers  were  chosen  for  this  ar- 
duous enterprise.  Under  general  Wolfe,  that  great 
military  genius,  served  brigadiers  Monckton,  Town- 
shend,  and  Murray.  They  were  all  three  the  sons 
of  noblemen.  The  four  generals  were  all  in  the  flow- 
er and  fire  of  youth.    They  were  students  in  the  arts 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlv,  p.  78. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  3Q3 

of  war ;  and  though  young  in  years,  yet  old  in  ex-    chap. 
perience.     The  fleet  was  commanded  by  admirals 
Saunders,  Holmes,  and  Durel,  officers  of  worth  and     17S9 
probity,  who,  on  several  occasions,  had  distinguished 
themselves  in  the  service  of  their  country. 

On  the  twenty  seventh  of  April,  admiral  Saunders 
came  on  the  coast,  within  sight  of  Louisburg;  but  the 
harbour  was  so  blocked  up  with  ice  that  he  was 
obliged  to  bear  away  for  Halifax.  Thence  he  detach- 
ed rear  admiral  Durel,  with  a  squadron,  to  the  isle 
de  Condres,  in  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  to  intercept 
all  supplies  from  France  to  Quebec.  He  took  sev- 
eral store  ships ;  but  unhappily,  seventeen  sail  of 
ships  with  stores,  provisions,  and  recruits,  from 
France,  under  convoy  of  three  frigates,  got  into  the 
river  before  him,  and  arrived  safe  at  the  capital  of 
Canada. 

As  soon  as  the    season    would    permit,    admiral 
Saunders,  with  an  army  of  eight  thousand  men,  sailed 
up  the  river,  for  Quebec.     After  a  safe  and  easy  Arma- 
passage  the  troops  were  disembarked  on  the  isle  of^enta£* 
Orleans.*     This    island  is  about   twenty   miles   in  the  isle  of 
length,  and  seventeen  or  eighteen    in  breadth.     It  is  Orleans, 
fertile,  highly  cultivated,  and  abounds  in  people,  vil-      e  • 
lages,  and  plantations,  affording  every  kind  of  refresh- 
ment.    It  was  necessary  to  take  possession  of  this 
island,  not  only  for  the  convenience  and  refreshment 
of  the  army,  but  to  act  against  Quebec,  as  the  west 
point  of  it  extends  up  to  its  very  bason.     Opposite 
to  this  is  a  high  point  of  land,  called  Point  Levi* 
The  possession  of  both  these  points  were  of  essential 
importance,  as  they  might  be  advantageously  employ- 
ed against  the  town,  and  if  in  possession  of  the  ene- 
my, they  could  make  it  impossible,  for  any  ship  to 
lie  within  the  bason  of  Quebec,  or  for  the  army  to 
€iarry  on  any  effectual  operations  against  the  town. 

General  Wolfe  having  taken  possession  of  these  Descrip. 
points,  the  harbour  and  town  of  Quebec,  and  the  Quebec. 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  *lv.  p.  81,  87. 

Vol.  I.  50 


394  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   situation  of  the  enemy  came  into  view ;  and,  at  once, 

presented  him  with  the  almost  insupenble  difficul- 

1759      ^es  which  he  had  to  encounter.     Nature  seems  to 

have  consulted  the  defence  of  no  place  mo  e  than  that 

of  Quebec.    Charlevoix  in  his  description  of  it  says. 

its  natu-    No  other  city  besides  this,  in  the  known  world,  can 

ral  boast  of  a  fresh  water  harbour  a  hundred  and  twenty 

strengt  .   jeagUes  from  the  sea>  and  t}iat  capaDle  of  containing 

a  hundred  ships  of  the  line.  It  certainly  stands  on 
the  most  navigable  river  in  the  universe.  At  the 
distance  of  a  hundred  and  ten  or  twelve  leagues  from 
the  sea,  it  is  never  less  than  four  or  five  leagues  in 
breadth.  But  above  the  island  of  Orleans  it  sudden- 
ly narrows,  and  that  at  such  a  rate  as  to  be  no  more 
than  a  mile  broad  at  Quebec ;  from  which  circum- 
stance this  place  has  been  called  Quebio  or  Quebec, 
which,  in  the  Algonquin  language,  signifies  a  strait 
or  narrowing.  When  Samuel  Champlain  founded 
this  city,  in  sixteen  hundred  eight,  the  tide  usually 
rose  to  the  foot  of  the  rock.  Since  that  time  the 
river  has  retired  by  little  and  little,  and  has  at  last, 
left  dry  a  large  piece  of  ground  on  which  the  lower 
town  has  since  been  built,  and  which  is  now  suffi- 
ciently elevated  above  the  water's  edge,  to  secure 
the  inhabitants  against  the  inundations  of  the  river.* 
The  ascent  from  the  lower  to  the  upper  town,  is  so 
steep,  that  it  cannot  be  ascended,  only  by  steps  which 
for  that  purpose  have  been  cut  in  the  rock,  on  which 
the  upper  town  stands.  This  lofty  rock  extends  it- 
self, and  continues  with  a  bold  and  steep  front  west- 
ward along  the  river  St.  Lawrence  for  a  considerable 
way,  forming  above  the  town  the  heights  of  Abraham* 
From  the  northwest  comes  the  river  called  St.  Charles, 
and  falls  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  washing  the  foot  of 
the  rock,  on  which  the  city  is  built.  By  the  junc- 
tion of  these  rivers  the  point  on  which  it  stands,  is  a 
kind  of  peninsula.  There  was  no  way  therefore,  to 
approach  the  town,  but  either  to  cross  the  river  St. 

*  Charlevoix  Journal,  8cc.  vol.  i.  p.  90, 100,  102. 


UNITED  STATES.  OF  AMERICA.  395 

Charles,  and  attempt  it  on  that  side,  or  to  go  above  chap. 
the  town  and  overcome  the  precipice  formed  by  the 
rock.  The  town  was  not  only  thus  defended  by  175iK 
nature,  but  it  was  strongly  fortified  by  art.  It  was 
protected  by  ten  thousand  men,  under  that  able,  and 
as  yet  fortunate  commander,  the  marquis  de  Mont- 
calm. He  had  strongly  posted  his  army  on  that 
which  was  deemed  the  only  accessible  side  of  Que- 
bec, all  along  from  the  river  St.  Charles  to  Montmo- 
renci.  At  every  spot,  where  an  attack  could  be  made, 
were  strong  intrenchments.  In  front  was  the  river, 
and  a  sand  bank  of  great  extent ;  and  the  rear  of  the 
enemy  was  covered  with  a  thick,  impenetrable  wood. 

When  general  Wolfe  saw  the  situation  of  the  town, 
the  nature  of  the  country,  the  numbers  and  strong 
position  of  the  enemy,  though  sanguine  and  adven- 
turous, yet  he  began,  in  a  measure,  to  despair  of  the 
success  of  the  enterprise.  Nevertheless  the  keen 
sense  which  he  had,  of  the  expectations  of  his  coun- 
try, his  desires  to  answer  them,  and  his  thirst  for 
glory,  bore  him  above  all  considerations  of  difficulty 
or  danger.  He  determined  to  leave  nothing  unat- 
tempted,  which  might  be  for  the  public  service. 

Batteries  were  immediately  erected  on  the  west 
point  of  the  island  of  Orleans,  and  on  Point  Levi, 
whence  a  continual  and  destructive  fire  was  poured 
upon  the  lower  town.  To  co-operate  in  the  best 
manner  with  the  army,  admiral  Saunders  took  his 
station  below  the  north  channel  of  the  island  of  Or- 
leans, opposite  to  Montmorenci.  To  distract  the 
attention  of  the  enemy,  and  prevent  any  attempt  on 
the  batteries,  which  played  on  the  town,  admiral 
Holmes  passed  it,  and  took  his  station  above.  When 
this  disposition  was  made,  the  general  ordered  the 
troops  to  be  transported  over  the  north  channel  of 
St.  Lawrence  to  the  northeast  of  Montmorenci.  His 
view  in  this,  was  to  cross  that  river,  and  to  bring  the 
enemy  to  a  general  engagement.  To  effect  this  was 
his  grand  object  He  foresaw,  that  an  assault  on  the 
city  would  prove  ineffectual,  while  the  shipping  could 


396  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CxnP'    onty  ^atter  an^  destroy  the  lower  town.    In  this  they 

^ '"     must  greatly  suffer,  from  the  cannon   and  bombs  of 

1759.  tne  upper.  When  the  reduction  of  the  lower  should 
be  effected,  the  passages  to  the  other  were  so  steep 
and  so  effectually  entrenched,  that  even  this  advan- 
tage would  contribute  little  to  the  reduction  of  the 
place.  Several  eminences,  which  commanded  the 
enemy's  entrenchments,  a  ford  above,  and  another 
below,  the  falls,  induced  him  to  take  this  new  posi- 
tion, and  encouraged  him  to  make  an  attack  from 
this  quarter.  But  on  a  nearer  view,  and  more  thor- 
ough examination  of  the  ground,  the  opposite  shore 
was  found  so  steep  and  woody,  and  so  well  entrench- 
ed, that  it  baffled  all  his  hopes,  of  carrying  what  he 
at  first  designed  into  execution.  This  was  to  force 
the  enemy  from  their  present  position,  by  an  attack 
on  their  left,  which  he  apprehended  to  be  less  disad- 
vantageous than  one  directly  on  their  entrenchments. 
But  their  advantageous  situation  caused  him  to  adopt 
different  measures.  Troops  were  detached  above 
July  18.  the  town,  and  every  appearance  made,  of  a  designed 
attack  upon  it,  on  that  side.  The  general  passed  the 
town  himself,  and  accurately  surveyed  the  shore  and 
banks  of  the  river  above.  But  on  this  side  he  found 
extreme  difficulties  from  the  nature  of  the  ground ; 
and  these  were  increased  by  the  precaution  of  the 
French  general.  He  knew  them  so  well,  that  he 
trusted  in  them  for  defence,  on  that  side  of  the  town. 
At  the  same  time,  he  was  too  well  apprised  of  the 
importance  of  the  post,  which  he  had  chosen,  to  be 
drawn  from  it  by  any  arts  of  the  English  general. 
He  kept  close  in  his  lines.  He  had  a  numerous 
body  of  savages,  and  took  care  to  make  such  a  dis- 
position of  them,  as  to  render  any  attempt  on  him, 
by  surprise,  absolutely  impossible. 

Meanwhile  the  shipping  was  exposed  to  the  ut- 
most danger,  by  the  enemy's  ships  and  rafts  of  fire, 
by  which  they  had  made  repeated  attempts  for  its 
destruction.  By  the  vigilance  of  admiral  Saunders 
and  the  intrepidity  of  the  seamen,  under  the  smiles 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  397 

of  Providence,  it  had  more  than  once  been  saved   CynP" 

from   the   most  threatening   danger.     The    seamen 

boarded  these  floating  castles  of  fire,  and  towed  them  1759. 
ashore,  where  they  spent  their  fury  without  the  least 
injury  to  the  British  squadron.  Beside  the  constant 
danger  of  the  fleet,  the  time  for  action  was  wearing 
away,  and  the  season,  in  addition  to  all  other  diffi- 
culties, would  soon  fight  for  the  enemy,  and  necessi- 
tate the  fleet  and  army  to  retire.  The  general, 
therefore,  came  to  the  resolution  of  attacking  the  en- 
emy in  their  entrenchments. 

The  attack  was  made  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Attack  at 
Montmorenci.  To  facilitate  this  hazardous  enter-  Mom  mo- 
prise,  great  quantities  of  artillery  were  placed  upon  juiy  31, 
the  eminence,  to  batter  and  enfilade  the  enemy's  in- 
trenchments.  The  admiral  placed  the  Centurion  in 
the  channel,  to  check  the  fire  of  the  enemy's  batttry, 
which  commanded  the  ford.  Two  flat  bottomed 
vessels  were  armed,  and  run  on  shore,  to  batter  an 
advanced  redoubt.  At  the  proper  time  of  tide,  and 
when  the  enemy's  left  appeared  to  be  thrown  into 
some  confusion,  by  the  fire  of  the  batteries  and  ship- 
ping, the  signal  was  given  for  the  troops  to  move 
and  begin  the  attack.  The  dispositions  were  excel- 
lently made  and  the  place  of  the  attack  was  chosen 
with  great  judgment,  as  it  was  the  only  place  in  which 
the  artillery  could  be  brought  into  use,  and  in  which 
most  of  the  troops  could  be  brought  to  act  at  once. 
But  here  little  accidents,  which  often  dash  human 
councils,  and  demonstrate  a  Ruler  higher  than  man, 
totally  defeated  the  design. 

Many  of  the  boats,  from  Point  Levi,  ran  aground 
upon  a  ledge,  which  projects  itself  a  considerable 
distance  from  the  shore.  This  was  an  occasion  of 
some  disorder  and  of  so  much  loss  of  time,  that  the 
general  was  obliged  to  stop  the  march  of  brigadier 
Townshend's  corps,  after  it  began  to  advance.  Af- 
ter some  delay,  the  boats  were  floated,  and  though 
exposed  to  a  severe  fire  of  shot  and  shells,  ranged  in 
proper  order.     General  Wolfe,  in  person,  sounded 


renci. 


393  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  the  shore,  and  directed  the  spot,  where  the  troops 
shouid  land.  Thirteen  companies  of  grenadiers 
1759.  landed  with  two  hundred  of  the  second  American 
battalion.  They  had  orders  immediately  to  form  in 
four  distinct  columns,  and,  supported  by  brigadier 
Monckton's  corps,  as  soon  as  the  other  troops  should 
have  passed  the  ford,  for  their  assistance,  instantly  to 
advance  to  the  charge.  But  the  grenadiers,  without 
forming,  and  before  Monckton's  corps  was  landed, 
in  confusion,  impetuously  rushed  on  towards  the  en- 
Defeat  at  emy's  intrenchments.  But  here  their  courage  serv- 
Montmo-  e(j  oniv  to  increase  their  misfortune.  They  were  met 
with  such  a  steady  and  tremendous  fire  from  the 
enemy,  that  they  could  not  stand  the  shock  of  their 
repeated  vollies ;  but  were  obliged  to  take  shelter 
behind  a  redoubt,  which,  on  their  approach,  the  en- 
emy had  abandoned.  The  general,  perceiving  that 
they  could  not  form  under  so  heavy  a  fire,  ordered 
them  to  retreat  and  form  behind  Monckton's  corps, 
which,  by  this  time,  was  drawn  up  in  excellent  or- 
der on  the  beach.  This  unhappy  circumstance  had 
occasioned  new  delay ;  the  day  was  far  spent,  the  tide 
began  to  make,  and  the  wind  to  blow  with  uncom- 
mon violence. 

In  these  circumstances  the  general  foreseeing,  that 
in  case  of  a  second  repulse,  the  retreat  of  the  army 
would  become  hazardous  and  uncertain,  gave  up 
the  attempt,  and  repassed  the  river  without  molesta- 
tion.* But  in  this  unfortunate  attack  more  than  five 
hundred  men  and  many  brave  officers  were  lost.f 

Immediately  after  this  severe  check,  brigadier 
Murray  was  detached,  with  twelve  hundred  men,  in 
transports,  to  co-operate  with  admiral  Holmes  above 
the  town.  It  was  designed  to  make  an  attempt  to 
destroy  the  enemy's  shipping.  The  brigadier  was 
also  instructed,  to  sieze  every  opportunity  of  fight- 
ing the  detachments  of  the  enemy,  and  of  provoking 
them  to  battle.     He  made  a  descent  at  Chambaud 

*  General  Wolfe's  Letter  to  Mr.  Pitt,    f  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlv.  p.94,95 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  399 

and  burned  a  considerable  magazine,  filled  with  arms,    C"^P* 

clothing,  provisions,  and  ammunition.     But  the  ships 

were  moored  in  such  a  manner,  that  their  destruc-      1759. 
tion  was  found  to  be  impracticable.     As  no  other 
service  presented,  above  the  town,  general  Murray 
returned  to  the  camp. 

The  season  was  now  far  advanced,  but  nothing 
decisive  had  been  accomplished.  Though  the  news 
of  the  successes  of  generals  Amherst  and  Johnson, 
had  reached  the  army  before  Quebec,  yet  all  hopes 
of  any  assistance  from  them  were  now  entirely  dash- 
ed. General  Wolfe,  consumed  with  the  care,  watch- 
ing, and  fatigue,  with  which,  for  so  long  a  time,  he 
had  been  exercised,  and  chagrined  with  disappoint- 
ment, fell  violently  sick.  His  body  was  unequal  to 
that  vigorous  and  enterprising  soul  which  it  possess- 
ed. He  well  knew,  that  no  military  conduct  could 
shine,  which  was  not  gilded  with  success.  It  could 
by  no  means  satisfy  his  great  mind,  to  return  from  an 
expedition  so  interesting  to  his  country,  barely  with- 
out censure  ;  he  aspired  to  the  zenith  of  glory.  His 
high  notion  of  honour,  the  national  expectation,  the 
success  of  other  generals,  all  turning  in  upon  him, 
oppressed  his  spirits,  and  converted  disappointment 
into  disease.  When  he  had  a  little  recovered  from  sept.  5. 
the  shock,  he  despatched  an  express  to  the  ministry 
with  an  account  of  what  had  passed,  and  of  the  diffi- 
culties which  he  had  to  encounter.  He  wrote  in  the 
style  of  despondency,  but  at  the  same  time  promised, 
that  the  small  part  of  the  campaign  which  remained, 
should,  to  the  utmost  of  his  capacity,  be  employed 
for  the  honour  of  his  majesty  and  the  interest  of  the 
nation. 

Before  this  express  was  sent  off,  it  was  determined 
to  move  the  army  above  the  town,  and,  if  possible, 
to  bring  the  enemy  to  a  general  action.  The  camp 
at  Montmorenci  was  soon  broken  up,  the  troops  and 
artillery  re-embarked,  and  landed  at  Point  Levi.  The 
troops  soon  passed  up  the  river  in  transports ;  and 
while  admiral  Holmes  for  several  davs  successivelv, 


400  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP 
XII. 


made  movements  up  the  river,  to  amuse  the  enemy, 
on  the  north  shore,  and  draw  their  attention  as  far  as 
1759.  possible  from  the  city,  one  half  of  them  were  landed 
for  refreshment  on  the  other  side.  These  move- 
ments had  no  other  effect,  than  to  produce  a  detach- 
ment of  fifteen  hundred  men,  from  the  main  camp, 
under  the  command  of  Monsieur  Bougainville,  to 
proceed  along  shore,  and  watch  the  motions  of  the 
English  fleet  and  army.  The  general,  therefore, 
came  finally  to  the  resolution  of  landing  his  iroops, 
in  the  night,  within  a  league  of  Cape  Dimond,  and  to 
ascend  the  heights  of  Abraham.  These  rise  abrupt- 
ly with  a  steep  ascent  from  the  banks  of  the  river, 
and,  once  gained,  would  give  the  army  possession  of 
the  ground  on  the  back  side  of  the  city,  where  it 
was  least  defensible,  and  would  enable  the  fleet  and 
armv  to  attack  the  upper  and  lower  town  in  concert. 
Such  however  were  the  difficulties  and  dangers, 
attending  the  execution  of  this  design,  that  it  could 
scarcely  have  been  adopted,  but  by  a  spirit  of  enter- 
prise, bordering  on  despair.  The  stream  was  rapid, 
the  shore  shelving,  the  bank  of  the  river  lined  with 
centinels,  the  landing  place  so  narrow  as  easily  to  be 
missed  in  the  dark ;  and  the  ground  so  difficult  to 
be  surmounted,  as  hardly  to  be  effected,  in  open  day, 
should  no  opposition  be  made.  Should  a  spy  or 
deserter  give  the  least  intimation  of  the  design,  or 
should  it  be  suspected  by  the  enemy  :  should  the 
embarkation  be  disordered,  through  the  darkness  of 
the  night,  or  difficulty  of  the  shore,  the  landing  place 
mistaken,  or  the  centinels  alarmed,  the  heights  of 
Abraham  would  instantly  be  lined  with  such  num- 
bers of  troops,  as  would  render  the  attempt  abortive. 
Any  one  of  these  things  might  have  occasioned  a  de- 
feat. Though  these  difficulties  could  not  escape  the 
penetration  of  the  gallant  general,  yet,  he  adopted  the 
plan  without  hesitation,  and  executed  it  in  person. 
A  divine  superintendency  so  remarkably  watched 
over  it,  that  it  succeeded  to  his  wishes.  When  ev- 
ery thing  was  ripe  for  execution,  admiral   Saunders 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  401 

was  ordered  to  make  a  feint,  with  his  ships,  as  if  he    chap. 
designed  to  attack  the  enemy  in  their  intrenchments, 


on  the  Beauport  shore,  and  by  his  motions  to  give  it      1759# 
all  possible  appearances  of  reality.     The  troops  em- 
barked in  boats  and  on  board  the  transports,  and  to 
cover  the  design  proceeded  eight  or  nine  miles  up 
the  river,  above  the  place  where  they  designed  to 
land.     Under  the  cover  of  night  the  boats  fell  silent- 
ly down  the  river,  with  the  tide,  and    were  not  dis- 
covered by  the  sentinels.     On  the  morning  of  the 
thirteenth    of  September,  an  hour    before   day  the 
troops  landed  on  the  north  shore  directly  against  the 
heights  of  Abraham.     Admiral  Holmes  sailing  down 
the  river,  arrived  just  in  season  to  assist  and  protect 
the  landing  of  the  troops.     When  they  had  gained 
the  shore,  the  precipice  before  them  was  exceeding- 
ly steep  and  'high,  and  they  were  not  able  to  climb 
it,  but  by  laying  hold  on  stumps  and  boughs  of 
trees,  and  pulling  themselves  up  by  them.     A  little 
path,  so  narrow  that  two  could  not  go  abreast,  wound 
itself  up   the  ascent,  and  even  this  was  intrenched 
and  defended  by  a  captain's  guard.     With  admira- 
ble courage  and  activity,  did  the  light   infantry  and 
Highlanders  mount  the  craggy  steep,  dislodge  the 
captain's  guard,  and  open  the  way  for  the  other  troops 
to  gain  the  summit.     By  about  the  breaking  of  the 
day  the  troops  were  up,  and  formed  in  good  order.* 

No  sooner  was  the  marquis  de  Montcalm  inform-  Battle  of 
ed  that  the  English  had  gained  the  heights  of  Abra-  Quebec, 
ham,  than  he  marched,  with  his  whole  force,  from    ep  ' 
the  Beauport  side,  to  give  them  battle.      He  filled 
the  bushes  in  his  front  with  his  Indians  and  best 
marksmen,  amounting  to  not  less  than  fifteen   hun- 
dred.    His  regulars  formed  his  left,  the  right  was 
composed  of  the  troops  of  the  colony,  supported  by 
two  regular  battalions.     The  rest  of  the  Canadians 
and  Indians  he  extended  on  his  right,  with  a  view  to 
out-flank  the  left  wing    of  the  English.      General 

*  Wright's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  210. 

Vol.  I.  51 


402  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  Wolfe,  instantly  penetrating  his  design,  detached 
nL  brigadier  Townshend  with  the  regiment  of  Amherst, 
1759.  which  was  afterwards  reinforced,  with  two  battalions 
of  royal  Americans.  He  formed  the  left  in  the  man- 
ner, which  military  men  term,  en  polens,  presenting  a 
.  double  front.  The  right  of  the  army  was  covered 
by  the  Louisburg  grenadiers.  Otway's  were  after- 
wards brought  to  their  right.  On  their  left  were 
Brag's,  Kennedy's,  Lascelles'  Highlanders,  and  As- 
truther's  regiments.  Colonel  Howe's  light  infantry 
protected  the  rear  and  the  left.  Webb's  was  drawn 
up  as  a  reserve,  in  eight  subdivisions  with  large  in- 
tervals.* Such  were  the  dispositions  on  both  sides, 
as  at  once  evinced  the  penetration  and  judgment  of 
the  respective  commanders.  The  French  had  two 
pieces  of  artillery,  the  English  had  only  time  to  bring 
Up  one.  About  nine  o'clock  the  enemy  in  good  or- 
der advanced  to  the  charge.  Their  attack  was  brisk 
and  animated.  Though  their  irregulars  kept  up  a 
galling  fire  upon  the  whole  line  of  the  English,  yet 
they  bore  it  with  patience,  reserving  their  fire,  till 
the  enemy's  main  body  had  advanced  within  forty 
yards,  when  they  poured  in  upon  them  a  terrible  dis- 
charge, which  took  effect  in  its  whole  extent.  The 
fire  was  maintained  with  the  same  steadiness  and 
vigour,  with  which  it  commenced,  till  the  enemy 
were  obliged  every  where  to  give  way.  As  general 
Wolfe  stood  conspicuous  in  the  front  of  the  line,  he 
was  aimed  at  by  the  enemy's  marksmen.  Receiv- 
ing a  shot  in  his  wrist  he  wrapped  it  in  his  handker- 
chief, and  continued  giving  his  orders  with  the  ut- 
most coolness  ;  but  just  as  the  fortune  of  the  day 
began  to  declare  itself,  advancing  at  the  head  of 
Brag's  and  the  Louisburg  grenadiers,  he  received  a 
ball  in  his  breast  and  fell  in  the  arms  of  victory,  f 
Immediately  fell  general  Monckton,  the  next  in  com- 
mand, and  were  both  conveyed  out  of  the  line.  In 
this  critical  state  of  the  action  the  command  devolved 

*  General  Townsliend's  Letter  to  Mr.  Secretary  Pitt. 
|  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlv.  p.  104.  • 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  40$ 

on  general  Townshend.     He  had  the  s:ood  fortune   chap. 

V  T  T 

to  preserve  the  spirit  of  the  troops,  and  to  push  the    ' 

advantages  already  gained  to  a  complete  victory.  lr59 
Every  corps  seemed  to  exert  itself  with  a  view  to 
the  honour  of  its  own  particular  character.  While 
the  grenadiers,  on  the  right,  pressed  on  with  their 
bayonets,  general  Murray  with  his  corps,  advancing 
with  a  heavy  and  destructive  fire,  broke  the  centre 
of  the  enemy,  and  die  Highlanders  falling  impetuous- 
ly on  them,  with  their  broad  swords,  hewed  them 
down  with  terrible  slaughter.  The  troops  pushed 
them  to  the  very  walls  of  the  town,  killed  them  up* 
on  the  glacis  and  in  the  ditch ;  and  had  not  the  town 
been  too  near,  the  whole  French  army  must  have 
been  destroyed.* 

No  sooner  had  the  English,  won  the  field,  than  a 
fresh  enemy  appeared,  threatening  another  engage- 
ment, and  to  put  all  again,  to  the  hazard.  Monsieur 
Bougainville  who  had  been  drawn  up  the  river  by 
the  movements  of  the  English,  with  a  corps  of  two 
thousand  men,  from  Cape  Rogue,  appeared  in  their 
rear.  But  as  the  main  body  had  been  entirely  de- 
feated, general  Townshend  was  able  to  establish  his 
rear,  and  to  turn  such  an  opposition  on  that  side,  that 
the  enemy,  after  some  feeble  attempts,  were  obliged 
to  retire. 

In  this  memorable  battle,  six  general  officers  fell  ;  Loss  in 
the  two  first  in  command  in  the  English,  and  four  the  battI^ 
in  the  opposite  army.  The  loss  of  the  English  was 
five,  and  that  of  the  French  fifteen  hundred  men. 
The  fall  of  general  Wolfe,  amiable  in  his  personal 
character,  and  one  of  the  greatest  military  geniuses 
of  his  age,  was  a  capital  loss  to  the  nation,  and  damp- 
ed the  joy  of  this  signal  victory.  When  struggling 
with  the  agonies  of  grievous  wounds,  he  seemed  on- 
ly anxious  for  the  success  of  the  action  and  the  good 
of  his  country.  When  unable  to  stand,  he  begged 
his  attendants  to  support  him,  that  he  might  once 

*  Admiral  Saunders'  Letter  to  the  Right  Honourable  Mr.  Secreta- 
ry  Pitt. 


404  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  more  view  the  field  ;  but  finding  that  his  eyes  were 
dimmed  by  the  approach  of  death,  he  eagerly  asked 
1759.  an  officer  what  he  saw  ?  He  answered,  "  the  enemy 
run,  they  are  totally  defeated."  Then  said  the  he- 
ro, "  I  thank  God,  I  am  contented,"  and  almost  in- 
stantly expired. 

The  marquis  de  Montcalm  was  carried  from  the 
field  mortally  wounded  to  the  city,  and  lived  just 
long  enough  to  recommend  his  wounded  and  capti- 
vated countrymen  to  the  compassion  of  the, English 
general.  It  must  be  granted  that  he  was  an  officer 
of  distinguished  ability,  and  that  from  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  he  had  rendered  the  highest  services 
to  his  country.  In  the  last  scenes  of  life  he  had  well 
supported  his  character,  having  made  the  best  dispo- 
sitions which  human  prudence  could  suggest,  both 
before  and  during  the  engagement.  In  every  pre- 
ceding enterprise,  he  had  been  successful ;  and  it  is 
not  certain,  that  he  would  not  have  been  so  in  the 
defence  of  Quebec,  had  he  been  left  to  pursue  his 
own  opinions.  It  has  been  said,  that  he  was  not  for 
hazarding  a  general  action  ;  but  that  his  opinion  was 
overruled  by  Monsieur  de  Ramsay,  governour  of 
Quebec. 

General  Monckton,  who  was  shot  through  his 
right  breast,  recovered ;  but  the  second  in  command 
in  the  opposite  army  was  left  wounded  on  the  field, 
and  died  the  next  day,  on  board  the  English  fleet. 
The  third  and  fourth  in  command  were  killed.* 

Immediately  after  the  battle,  admiral  Saunders 
sent  up  all  the  boats  in  the  fleet  with  artillery,  am- 
munition, and  whatever  should  be  necessary,  for  the 
assistance  of  general  Townshend,  in  besieging  and 
attacking  the  town.  But  as  the  enemy  were  still 
more  numerous  than  the  English,  it  was  judged 
expedient  to  fortify  the  camp,  before  they  attempted 
completely  to  invest  the  town.  A  considerable  time, 
after   the   utmost  exertion,  was   spent  in  this  ;    in 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlv.  p.  106.  Admiral  Saunders'  Letter  in 
Wright's  Hist.  vol.  i,  p.  219. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  405 

clearing  a  road,  in  getting  the  cannon  up  the  preci-    C"ATP 
pice,  and  in  making  the  dispositions  necessary  to 


XI] 


cut  off  the   communication   between   the   city  and      1759 
country. 

On  the  seventeenth,  the  admiral  went  up  with  the 
fleet,  in  a  disposition,  with  his  whole  force,  to  attack 
the  lower,  as  soon  as  the  general  should  be  ready  to 
attack  the  upper,  town.  As  the  city  was  now  com- 
pletely invested,  and  every  thing  put  on  the  appear- 
ance of  a  vigorous  siege,  or  of  an  immediate  attack, 
the  enemy  demanded  a  capitulation.  On  the  eigh-  Capituia- 
teenth  the  city  of  Quebec  was  surrendered,  on  terms  ~or\of 

i_  i  i       r  i  •  ii  r      Quebec, 

honourable  lor  the  garrison,  and  advantageous  lor  sept.  18. 
the  inhabitants.  The  garrison  was  allowed  the  hon- 
ours of  war  ;  and  the  inhabitants  were  to  be  secured 
in  their  persons  and  effects,  in  the  exercise  of  their 
religion,  and  enjoyment  of  their  civil  rights,  till  a 
general  pacification  should  determine  their  future 
condition. 

Various  reasons  united  their  influence,  in  procur- 
ing these  favourable  terms  for  the  enemy.  The  sea- 
son was  so  far  advanced,  as  to  become  cold  and 
stormy,  unhealthy  for  the  troops,  and  hazardous  for 
the  fleet.  The  enemy  continued  to  assemble  in  force, 
in  the  rear  of  the  British  army ;  and  though  the  lower 
town  was  in  a  manner  destroyed,  and  the  upper 
much  damaged,  yet  the  walls  were  in  a  state  of  de- 
fence, and  it  was  judged  a  very  considerable  advan- 
tage to  take  possession  of  the  city  in  this  condition. 
What  rendered  the  capitulation  at  this  time  more 
signally  fortunate  and  providential  was,  that  Monsieur 
Levi  had  arrived  from  Montreal  with  two  battalions 
to  reinforce  the  enemy,  who  were  rallying  behind 
Cape  Rogue  ;  and  Monsieur  Bougainville,  at  the 
head  of  eight  hundred  men,  with  a  convoy  of  pro- 
visions was  on  his  march  with  a  view  of  throwing 
himself  into  the  town,  die  very  morning  on  which  it 
was  surrendered. 

A  garrison  of  five  thousand  regulars,  with  a  con- 
siderable number  of  light  troops  wrere  left  in    the 


[;06  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  town,  under  the  command  of  general  Murray  ;  with 
a  plentiful  supply  of  provisions,  ammunition,  and 
1759.  warlike  stores,  for  the  winter.  The  fleet  soon  sailed 
for  England,  and  about  a  thousand  French  officers, 
soldiers  and  seamen  were  embarked  on  board  a 
number  of  English  cats  and  sent  to  France. 

Thus,  after  a  severe  campaign,  of  nearly  three 
months,  fell  the  capital  of  the  French  settlements  in 
America.  If  considered  in  all  its  circumstances, 
perhaps  there  never  was  an  enterprise,  attended  with 
so  many  difficulties,  managed  with  a  more  gallant 
perseverance,  nor  accomplished  with  more  vigour 
and  ability.  A  city  strong  in  its  situation,  and 
strong  in  fortifications,  was  to  be  attacked ;  an  army 
greatly  superior  in  number  to  the  besiegers,  posted 
under  its  walls,  in  an  impregnable  situation,  against 
the  inclinations  of  a  cautious  commander,  was  to  be 
forced  to  a  general  action  ;  a  theatre  of  more  than 
five  leagues  was  to  be  filled,  and  operations  of  this 
extent  to  be  carried  on,  under  the  eye  of  a  superior 
army,  by  about  seven  or  eight  thousand  men.  In 
this  contest  even  with  nature,  as  well  as  art,  general 
Wolfe  shewed  himself  superior  to  every  difficulty. 
All  the  dispositions  for  that  daring,  but  judicious  at- 
tempt, which  divided  the  force  of  the  enemy,  drew 
Montcalm  from  his  intrenchments,  and  effected  the 
capture  of  Quebec,  were  so  many  masterly  strokes  in 
the  art  of  war. 

The  perfect  harmony  and  united  exertion  of  the 
whole  fleet  and  army,  through  such  a  tedious  cam- 
paign, had  a  capital  influence  in  this  grand  event.  In 
this  all  good  men  will  discern  a  divine  superintcn- 
dency.  How  conspicuous  was  this,  in  combining  so 
many  favourable  circumstances,  as  were  necessary, 
for  gaining  the  heights  of  Abraham  ?  And,  in  pre- 
venting those  numerous  incidents,  by  which  it  might 
have  been  defeated,  and  against  which  no  human 
foresight  could  have  made  effectual  provision  ? 

When  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Quebec  arriv- 
ed in  England,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  describe  the 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  407 

various  and  mixed  emotions,  which  instantly  pervad-  chap. 
ed  the  nation.  But  two  days  before,  the  minis- 
try had  received  the  despatches  of  general  Wolfe,  1759 
after  the  check  at  Montmorenci.  As  the  general 
appeared  then  to  doubt,  the  public  judged  they  had 
reason  to  despair.  But  in  the  midst  of  this  general 
despondency,  a  second  express  arriving,  at  once 
announced  the  victory  and  capture  of  Quebec,  with 
the  death  of  general  Wolfe.  The  effects  of  news  so 
joyful,  immediately  on  a  state  of  general  dejection, 
and  that  mixture  of  pity  and  grief  which  attended 
the  public  applauses  and  congratulations  were  singu- 
lar, and  uncommonly  affecting. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  in  Canada, 
general  Amherst  was  making  all  possible  exertions 
on  the  lakes  ;  but  it  was  the  eleventh  of  October,  be- 
fore he  had  completed  the  shipping,  necessary  to 
command  the  lake,  and  could  be  ready  to  attack  the 
enemy.     On  this  day,  having  the  whole  army  em-  General 
barked  in  battoes,  in  excellent  order,  covered  with  Amherst 
his  shipping,  he  advanced  down  the  lake  to  attack  ac  vunces 
the  enemy.     But  the  next  day  the  weather  became 
so  tempestuous,  that  he  was  obliged  to  take  shelter  in  a 
bay,  on   the  western  shore,  and  to  disembark  the 
troops.     While  they  remained  on  shore,  captain  Lor-  French 
ing,  with  his  squadron,  sailed  down  the  lake,  and  vessels 
drove  three  of  the  French  ships  into  a  bay,  where   es  10ye 
two  of  them  were  sunk  in  deep  water  and  abandoned 
by  their  crews.     The    third  was  run  aground  and 
abandoned  ;  but  captain  Loring  repaired  and  brought 
her    away ;     so  that,    excepting  one  schooner,  the 
French  were  now  deprived  of  all  their  shipping  on 
the  lake.     After  lying  windbound  for  several  days, 
general  Amherst  re- embarked  his  troops  and  pro- 
ceeded down  the  lake ;    but  the  storm,  which  had 
abated,  beginning  again  with  greater  violence,  and 
the  wind  blowing  with  such  fury,  that  the  waves  ran 
mountain  high,  he  was  obliged  to  return  again  to  the 
same  bay,  where  he  had  before  taken  shelter,  and  to 
re- land  the  army.     The  general  convinced,  that  the 


408  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,    season  for  action  was  elapsed,  and  that  it  was  unsafe 

'm    to  venture  the  army  on  the  lake  in  battoes,  returned 

1759  to  Crown  Point.  The  remaining  part  of  the  cam- 
Oct.  21.  paign  was  employed  in  raising  the  new  fortress  at 
Crown  Point,  with  three  small  out  forts  for  its  de- 
fence ;  in  forming  roads  for  eommunication  between 
Ticonderoga  and  the  governments  of  Massachusetts 
and  New  Hampshire;  and,  in  making  such  dispositions 
for  the  winter  quarters  of  his  troops,  as,  during  the 
winter,  should  secure  the  country  from  all  insult  and 
damage  by  the  enemy. 

Thus  happily  closed  the  ever  memorable  cam- 
paign of  seventeen  hundred  fifty  nine  :  a  campaign, 
the  successes  of  which  made  ample  amends  for  the  in- 
activity and  disappointments  of  former  years,  and 
which  will  always  do  the  highest  honour,  not  only  to 
the  generals  who  commanded,  in  the  several  enter- 
prises, but  to  the  whole  English  nation.  By  the  cap- 
ture of  Niagara,  Ticonderoga,  and  Crown  Point,  and 
especially  of  Quebec,  the  remaining  part  of  Canada 
became  invested  on  every  side,  and  entirely  cut  off 
from  all  communication  with  France.  The  troops 
under  Monsieur  Levi,  at  Montreal,  and  at  Trois  Ri- 
vieres, with  those  at  the  Isle  du  Noix,  could  receive 
no  recruits  of  men,  provisions,  nor  military  stores. 
The  way  was  opened  to  advance  upon  them,  in  the 
spring,  from  the  lakes  Ontario  and  Champlain,  and 
up  the  St.  Lawrence,  from  Quebec,  and  presented 
the  most  flattering  prospect  of  the  total  reduction  of 
Canada. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  4Q9 


1760. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

State  of  the  garrison  at  Quebec.  Designs  of  M.  Levi.  His  prepara- 
tions for  the  siege  of  the  city.  Marches  with  t  is  army  from  Mon- 
treal. Battle  of  Sillery.  General  MurTay  defeated,  and  Quebec 
besieged.  Lord  Colville  arrives  with  the  British  fleet.  The  French 
shipping  is  destroyed,  and  the  siege  raised.  Plan  and  movements 
of  general  Amherst.  He  goes  down  the  river  St.  Lawrence. 
Makes  a  junction  with  generals  Murray  and  Haviland,  at  Montre- 
al. The  city  surrenders,  and  the  whole  country  of  Canada  is  con- 
quered. War  breaks  out  with  the  Cherokees.  Their  lower  towns 
destroyed.  They  take  fort  Loudon.  Colonel  Grant  desolates  their 
country  with  fire  and  sword.  They  make  peace,  and  the  whole 
country  is  quieted. 

IT  had  been  supposed,  the  last  year,  that  Canada  chap. 
was,  in  effect,  conquered,  by  the  reduction  of  Quebec.  XIIL 
Indeed,  without  the  conquest  of  this,  it  was  impossi- 
ble to  subdue  the  country.  But  experience  soon 
taught  the  English,  that  more  dangers  awaited  them, 
and  that  much  more  remained  to  complete  the  ad- 
vantages to  which  the  taking  of  the  capital  had  giv- 
en an  opening,  than,  at  that  time,  the  most  sagacious 
had  been  able  to  foresee.  It  soon  appeared  that 
there  was  danger  of  losing  that  important  acquisi- 
tion, which  had  been  made,  by  such  uncommon  ex- 
ertions of  military  prowess,  such  consummate  general- 
ship, in  the  face  of  so  many  dangers,  and  at  the  ex- 
pense of  so  many  lives.  As  soon  as  possible,  after 
the  reduction  of  Quebec,  the  English  fleet  retired, 
that  they  might  not  be  damaged,  by  the  storms  us- 
ual at  that  season,  nor  freeze  up  in  the  river.  As  in 
the  winter,  the  river  would  be  frozen  up,  it  was 
imagined  that  no  shipping,  wrould  be  necessary  for 
the  defence  of  the  city,  and  consequently  no  ships 
were  left.  Lord  Colville,  with  a  strong  squadron 
remained  at  Halifax,  with  orders  to  visit  Quebec 
early  in  the  spring.  General  Amherst  was  at  New 
York,  and  so  cantoned  his  troops,  as  early  in  the 

Vol.  I.  52 


410  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   season,  to  recommence  his  operations,  for  the  entire 
reduction  of  Canada.     With  this  disposition  it  was 
17(S0     imagined,  that  the  English  garrison  at  Quebec  would 
be  safe  and  undisturbed. 
I)  sVnsof      But  no  sooner  was  the  English  fleet  withdrawn, 
•nLtny.  ^n  Monsieur  Levi  conceived  the  design  of  recover- 
ing Quebec.     The  army,  which  he  commanded,  was 
superior  in  numbers  to    the  land  force  which  had 
made  the  conquest.     He  had  a  number  of  smart  frig- 
ates, by  which  he  could  entirely  command  the  river. 
He  established  advanced  posts,  at  Point  au  Tremble, 
St.    Augustine,  and    Le  Caivaire,  while  the  main 
body  of  his  army  quartered  between  Trois  Rivieres 
and  Jaques  Quartier.     As  Monsieur  Levi  had  form- 
ed the  design  of  attacking  Quebec  in  the  winter,  and 
carrying  it  by  a  coup  de  main,  he  provided  snow- 
shoes,  scaling  ladders,  and  whatever  might  be  neces- 
sary for  that  purpose.     He  took  possession  of  Point 
Levi,  and  there  formed  a  magazine  of  provisions. 
Precau^         Govemour  Murray,  on  his  part,  omitted  no  exer- 
tions of     tions,  nor  precautions,  in  his  power,  for  the  defence 

jrovcrnour  .  *  , 

Murray,  of  the  city,  nor  for  the  annoyance  of  the  enemy. 
During  the  winter  he  repaired  more  than  five  hun- 
dred houses,  which  had  been  damaged  by  the  Eng- 
lish shells  and  cannon,  built  eight  redoubts,  raised 
foot  banks  along  the  ramparts,  opened  embrasures, 
and  mounted  artillery.  He  blocked  up  the  avenues 
of  the  suburbs,  with  a  stockade,  removed  eleven 
months'  provisions  into  the  highest  parts  of  the  city, 
and  formed  a  magazine  of  four  thousand  fascines. 
He  posted  two  hundred  men  at  St.  Foix,  and  four 
hundred  at  Lorette.  A  detachment  marched  to  St. 
Augustine,  and  brought  off  the  enemy's  advanced 
guard,  disarmed  the  inhabitants,  and  brought  of  great 
numbers  of  cattle.  By  these  means  the  motions  of 
the  French  were  constantly  watched,  and  the  ave- 
nues to  the  city  secured.  As  soon  as  the  river  froze 
over,  he  detached  a  party  to  Point  Levi,  who  drove 
off  the  enemy,  and  took  their  magazine.  He  dis- 
armed the  inhabitants  on  the  river,  and  obliged  them 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  411 

to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.     The  British  govern-    chap. 
ment  was  thus  maintained  over  nearly  a  dozen  par-    _^_ 
ishes.  1760. 

By  these  measures,  the  out  posts  were  so  well 
secured,  and  the  avenues  to  the  city  so  effectually 
guarded,  that  Monsieur  Levi  judged  it  most  pru- 
dent to  abandon  his  first  design  of  attempting  to  take 
the  city  by  surprise,  and  not  to  begin  his  operations, 
till  the  spring  should  open,  and  he  could  form  a  regu- 
lar siege.  To  be  ready  for  this  no  pains  were  spar- 
ed. The  French  ships  were  rigged,  gallies  built,  Prepara- 
bombs  and  bullets  cast,  fascines  and  gabions  prepar-  theenemy. 
ed,  the  militia  disciplined  and  called  to  arms.  From 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country  M.  Levi  raised  eight 
complete  battalions.  Of  the  colonists  he  regimented 
forty  companies.  General  Murray  had  certain  in- 
telligence, that  he  was  determined  to  undertake  the 
siege  of  Quebec,  as  soon  as  the  river  should  be  clear- 
ed of  ice,  so  that  the  frigates  and  other  vessels  could 
act.  By  these  he  would  be  able  at  once  entirely  to 
command  the  river. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  garrison  in  the  city  suffer-  state  of 
ed  so  extremely,  by  the  coldness  of  the  winter,  and  ^  *£"*" 
for  the  want  of  vegetables  and  fresh  provisions,  that  Quebec, 
before  the  end  of  April  a  thousand  soldiers  were 
dead  of  the  scurvy  and  other  disorders.  Two  thou- 
sand more  were  unfit  for  service.*  The  general, 
notwithstanding,  detached  parties,  who  surprised  the 
enemy's  posts  at  St.  Augustine,  Maison,  Brulee,  and 
Le  Calvaire.  Nearly  a  hundred  prisoners  were  tak- 
en. Afterwards,  the  light  infantry  were  despatched 
to  take  possession  of  Cape  Rogue,  and  to  fortify  it, 
to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  enemy  at  that  post,  and 
to  be  near  at  hand  to  watch  their  motions.  Besides, 
considering  the  city  as  no  other  than  a  strong  can- 
tonment, he  projected'  a  plan  of  defence,  by  extend- 
ing his  lines,  and  intrenching  his  troops  on  the  heights 
of  Abraham,  at  the  distance  of  about  a  hundred  and 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlvi.  p,  168,  169,  and  Govemour  Murray's  Let* 
ter  to  Mr,  Secretary  Pitt. 


412 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
XIIL 

1760. 


The  ene- 
my ad- 
vance. 


sixty  rods  from  the  city.  These  commanded  its 
ramparts,  and,  by  a  small  force,  might  have  been 
defended  against  a  formidable  enemy.  Fascines 
and  every  article  necessary  for  the  purpose  had 
been  prepared.  In  April,  the  men  began  to  work 
on  the  projected  lines ;  but  the  ground  was  so  fro- 
zen, that  it  was  found  impracticable  to  carry  the  de- 
sign into  execution. 

No  sooner  was  the  frost  abated,  so  as  to  fav  our 
the  designs  of  the  enemy,  than  their  provisions,  am- 
munition, and  heavy  baggage  fell  down  the  river 
St.  Lawrence,  under  the  convoy  of  six  frigates,  from 
forty  four  to  twenty  six  guns.  The  river  was  now 
wholly  under  their  command  ;  a  point  of  great  im- 
portance to  the  enterprise.  The  enemy  landed  at 
such  places  as  they  pleased.  The  British  posts  one 
after  another  were  abandoned,  and  the  detachments 
retired  to  the  city. 

On  the  night  of  the  twenty  sixth  of  April  the  main 
army  of  the  enemy  landed  at  Point  au  Tremble.  It 
consisted  of  live  thousand  regular  troops,  six  thou- 
sand Canadians,  and  four  or  five  hundred  Indians.* 
The  numbers  afterwards  very  considerably  increas- 
ed.! Ori  the  intelligence  of  the  approach  of  the 
French  army,  general  Murray  ordered  all  the  bridges 
over  the  river  Caprouge  to  be  broken  down,  and  se- 
cured the  landing  places  at  Sillery  and  Foulon.  The 
next  day,  finding  that  the  French  general  had  con- 
ceived the  design  of  cutting  off  his  out  posts,  which 
had  not  yet  been  called  in,  he  marched  out,  in  person, 
with  two  field  pieces,  and,  taking  possession  of  an 
advantageous  situation,  defeated  his  design.  Having 
withdrawn  his  detachments,  he  retired  with  little  loss 
to  the  city. 

As  the  British  troops  were  in  the  habit  of  victory, 
and  as  they  had  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  general  Mur- 
ray determined,rather  than  tamely  to  submit  to  a  siege, 

*  Wright's  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  256,  and  Rider's,  vol.  xlvi.  p.  169,  170. 
|  General  Murray,  in  his  letter  to  the  ministry,  says,  he  was  besieg- 
ed with  15,000  men. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  413 

to  risk  a  general  battle.    Accordingly,  on  the  twenty   chap. 
eighth  of  April,  he  marched   out  with  a  train   of       I1L 
twenty  field  pieces,  and  the  whole  number  of  his      ir60 
effective  men,  amounting  to  no  more  than  three  thou- 
sand.     These  he  formed  on  the  heights,  in  the  best 
order.     On  reconnoitring  the  enemy  he  perceived,  Battle  of 
that  their  van  had  taken  possession  of  a  rising  ground  J^-j^g. 
in  his  front,  and  that  the  main  army  was  marching 
in  a  single  column  unformed.     Judging  this  to  be 
the  lucky  moment,  he  advanced  immediately  to  the 
attack,  before  they  had  formed  their  line.     The  Eng- 
lish charged  the  enemy's  van  both  on  the  right  and 
left  with  such  fury,  as  soon  drove  them  from  the 
eminences,  though  they  were  well  maintained.     The 
van  of  the  French  centre  gave  way,  and  fell  back  on  the 
main  body,  which  was  now  forming  to  support  them. 
This  checked  the  pursuit  of  the  English.    The  light 
infantry  were  ordered  to  regain  the  flanks  of  the  ene-     . 
my,  but  they  were  so  furiously  charged  in  the  at- 
tempt, that  they  were  obliged  to  retire  into  the  rear, 
in  such  a  shattered  condition,  that  they  could  not  be 
brought  up  again  during  the  action.     Otway's  regi- 
ment, from  the  body  of  reserve,  were  instantly  or- 
dered to  advance,  and  sustain  the  right  wing.     This 
was  so  well  supported,  that  the  repeated  attempts  of 
the  enemy  to  penetrate  it  were  in  vain.    Meanwhile, 
the   left    brigade   of  the  English   dispossessed   the 
French  of  two  redoubts,  and,  for  a  long  time  with 
prodigious  resolution  sustained  the  whole  efforts  of 
the  enemy's  right.     This  was  reinforced  by  the  third 
battalion  of  royal  Americans,  who  were  of  the  corps 
de  reserve,  and  also  by  Kennedy's,  from  the  centre. 
The  enemy  however  were  able,  by  a  steady  and  fu- 
rious fire,   not  only  to  support  their  centre,  but  to 
wheel  round,  and  pour  in  such  fresh  and  repeated 
force  on  the  flanks  of  the  English,   that,  notwith- 
standing every  exertion  of  military  art  and  prowess, 
the  enemy  began  to  encompass  them  in  a  semicircle, 
and  pouring  in  upon  the  left  a  fresh  regiment,  de 
Rousillon,  after  they  were  fought  down,  and  reduced 


414  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,    to  a  handful,  in  that  quarter,  they  penetrated  that 

wing  of  the  English  army,  and  threw  it  into  confu- 

1760     sion.     The  disorder  was  soon  communicated  to  the 

General     right ;    and  it  appeared,  that  there  was  the  utmost 

Murray     clanSrer,  that  the  army  would    be    surrounded    and 

defeated.        .    »     '  J 

taken.  As  speedy  a  retreat  as  possible  became 
necessary.  In  this  there  were  such  difficulties,  as 
nothing  but  the  magnanimity  of  the  troops,  the  spirit 
and  skill  of  the  general  and  his  officers  could  over- 
come. They  finally  gained  Quebec.  As  the  action 
continued  an  hour  and  three  quarters  with  great  ex- 
ertion and  spirit  on  both  sides,  the  loss  was  very 
considerable.  The  English  lost  most  of  their  artillery, 
and  not  less  than  a  thousand  men  were  killed  and 
wounded.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  double  that 
number.* 

General  Murray's  engaging  with  such  superior 
numbers,  in  the  open  field,  when  he  might  have  act- 
ed with  greater  security  in  a  fortified  city,  has  been 
censured,  as  savouring  more  of  youthful  impatience, 
and  over  abounding  courage,  than  of  that  military 
discretion,  which  ought  to  have  distinguished  a  com- 
mander in  his  critical  situation.  The  reasons  giv- 
en by  general  Murray  for  his  conduct,  are  incompre- 
hensible. It  is  not  improbable,  that  as  he  was  a  man 
of  the  most  ardent  and  intrepid  courage,  passionately 
desirous  of  glory,  and  emulous  of  the  character  of 
the  incomparable  Wolfe,  that  he  designed,  by  one 
bold  stroke,  so  to  disable  the  enemy,  as  to  pave  the 
way  to  the  conquest  of  Canada,  by  his  own  force  ; 
and,  by  this  means,  to  raise  himself  to  the  height  of 
military  glory.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  victory  obtained 
by  the  French,  for  a  while  exceedingly  elated  them, 
both  in  Europe  and  America.  Indeed,  the  blow 
was  sensibly  felt  by  the  English  in  both  countries. 
It  was  not  expected  that,  after  such  a  defeat,  the  gar- 
rison would  be  able  to  hold  out  for  any  considerable 
time.    The  English  fleet  was  at  a  great  distance,  and 

*  General  Murray  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Pitt  estimates  their  loss  at  2,500. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  415 

general  Amherst  could  afford  no  immediate  assist-  chap. 
ance.  The  acquisition  and  defence  of  Quebec  in 
less  than  a  year  had  cost  the  nation  more  than  176o. 
three  thousand  lives,  besides  a  vast  expense  of  mon- 
ey ;  and  if  it  were  now  to  be  retaken,  this  would  be 
all  loss  to  no  purpose ;  and  the  sanguine  hopes,  that 
Canada  would  be  conquered  the  next  campaign, 
must  be   all  dashed  and  vanish. 

The  French,  whose  sole  hope  of  success  depend- 
ed on  the  accomplishment  of  their  work,  before  the 
arrival  of  a  British  squadron,  lost  not  a  moment  in 
improving  their  victory.  The  very  night  succeed- 
ing the  battle,  trenches  were  opened  before  the  town. 
Three  ships  anchored  at  a  small  distance  below  their 
camp,  and  for  several  days  were  employed  in  landing 
their  cannon,  mortars,  and  ammunition.  At  the 
same  time  the  enemy  worked  incessantly  in  their 
trenches  before  the  town.  On  the  11th  of  May, 
they  opened  one  bomb  battery,  and  three  batteries 
of  cannon.  The  first  day  they  cannonaded  the  town 
with  great  vivacity. 

General  Murray  was  not  less  active  in  his  defence 
of  the  town,  than  the  enemy  were  in  the  siege.  The 
defeat  which  he  had  received  served  only  to  rouse 
him  to  more  strenuous  exertions.  He  was  deeply 
sensible,  that,  if  Quebec  should  be  retaken,  it  would 
be  attributed  to  the  rashness  of  his  counsels.  He 
knew,  that  in  proportion  to  the  liberality,  with  which 
the  public  had  heaped  honours  upon  those,  who  had 
conquered  it,  they  would  not  fail  to  pour  resentment 
and  contempt  on  the  man,  by  whom  it  should  be 
lost.  It  did  not  escape  his  reflection,  that  nothing 
mikes  a  worse  figure,  than  unfortunate  rashness. 
These  ideas,  to  a  mind  like  his,  were  so  many  per- 
petual, stings ;  and  the  very  feelings,  which  led  him 
to  fight  the  enemy  with  a  weak  army,  roused  him 
to  vigilance  and  activity,  in  the  defence  of  the  city. 

He  prosecuted  the  fortifications,  which  had  been 
su  -ended  by  the  severity  of  winter  ;  and  the  sol- 
diers, by  his  influence  and  example,  exerted  them- 


416  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

°xm'    selves  with  incredible  firmness  and  activity.     Gut* 

1    works    were    contrived,  and  on  the  ramparts  were 

1760.  planted  a  hundred  and  thirty  two  pieces  of  artillery. 
By  the  time,  that  the  enemy's  batteries  opened,  the 
English  were  able  to  maintain  such  a  superior  fire, 
as  greatly  to  check,  and  in  a  measure  to  silence  them. 
The  French  were  greatly  deficient,  with  respect  to 
the  number  of  their  cannon,  and  the  weight  of  their 
metal.  Their  heaviest  cannon  seem  to  have  been 
no  more  than  twelve  pounders. 

But  notwithstanding  these  circumstances,  the  relief 
of  the  town  depended  on  the  early  arrival  of  the  Eng- 
lish fleet.  This  was  hourly  looked  for  with  anxious 
expectation.  It  was  the  general  opinion,  that  should 
a  French  fleet  arrive  before  the  English,  this  import- 
ant acquisition  must  be  lost. 

On  the  twenty  second  of  April,  lord  Colville, 
with  the  fleet  under  his  command,  sailed  from  Hal- 
ifax ;  but  was  retarded  by  thick  fogs,  contrary 
winds,  and  shoals  of  ice,  which  floated  down  the  riv- 
er. In  the  mean  time,  commodore  Swanton,  who 
had  sailed  from  England  with  a  small  reinforcement 
for  Quebec,  with  two  ships,  got  into  the  river,  and 
landed  at  the  Isle  of  Beck,  the  beginning  of  May. 
Here  he  purposed  to  wait  for  the  rest  of  his  squad- 
ron, which  had  been  parted  from  him  on  his  passage. 
But  the  Lovvestofte,  one  of  his  frigates,  got  into  the 
river  before  him,  and,  on  the  ninth  of  May,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  garrison,  anchored  in  the  bason,  and 
gave  them  intelligence  of  a  British  squadron  at  hand. 
Commodore  Swanton,  receiving  information,  that 
Quebec  was  besieged,  sailed  up  the  river,  with  all 
Comma-  possible  expedition,  and,  on  the  evening  of  the  fif- 
Swanton  teenth,  anchored  above  Point  Levi.  General  Mur- 
arrives,  ray,  wishing  for  relief,  expressed  his  earnest  desire 
May  15.  that  the  French  squadron  above  the  town  might  be 
removed.  The  commodore,  therefore,  ordered  two 
frigates,  early  the  next  morning,  to  slip  their  cables, 
and  attack  the  enemy's  fleet. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  417 

No  sooner  were  they  in  motion,  than  the  French   chap. 
ships  fled  in  the  utmost  disorder.     One  of  their  frig-     XIIL 
atts  was  driven  on  the  rocks  above  Cape  Diamond ;      1760# 
another  ran  on  shore  at  Point  an  Tremble,  and  was 
burned.     The  whole  fleet  was  soon  destroyed,  or 
taken.     The   enemy  were  so  thunderstruck,  at  this  siege  rais- 
unexpected  disaster,  and  the  intelligence  of  an  Eng-  Fren"hthe 
lish  fleet  in  the  river,  that  as  soon  as  the  darkness  of  camp  tak- 
the  night  favoured  them,  they  raised  the  siege,  and  en»May17- 
retreated  with  the  greatest  precipitation,  leaving  their 
artillery,   implements,    provisions,  and    their  whole 
camp  standing.       Thirty  four  pieces    of  battering 
cannon,  ten  field  pieces,  six  mortars,  their  tents,  bag- 
gage, stores,  and  whole  camp  equipage  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  English. 

On  the  nineteenth,  lord  Colville  arrived,  and  the 
English  now  became  formidable,  and  capable  of  act- 
ing offensively  against  the  enemy  in  that  quarter. 
The  clouds  were  dissipated,  and  the  prospect  of  the 
entire  reduction  of  Canada,  by  the  united  operations 
of  the  English  armies,  brightened,  and  continually 
became  more  and  more  flattering. 

This  happy  prospect  and  the  zeal  of  the  colonies, 
induced  them  seasonably  to  send  into  the  field  their 
full  quotas  of  men.  Early  in  the  season,  therefore, 
general  Amherst  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  re- 
spectable army.  His  plan  was  to  concentre  his 
whole  force  at  Montreal,  for  the  reduction  of  that 
important  city,  where  the  whole  remaining  force  of 
Canada  was  collected,  and  whence  all  the  other 
French  posts  received  supplies  and  support.  The 
necessary  consequence  of  the  capture  of  this  would  [ 
be  the  fall  of  these,  and  the  reduction  of  the  whole 
country. 

To  effect  this,  general  Amherst  detached  general 
Haviland  with  a  good  army,  to  proceed  by  lake 
George,  Crown  Point,  and  lake  Champlain,  to  the 
place  of  general  rendezvous.  At  the  same  time, 
general  Murray  had  orders,  with  all  the  troops  which 
could  be  spared  from  the  garrison  of  Quebec,  to  ad- 

Vol.  I.  53 


418  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  vance  towards  Montreal  by  the  river  St.  Lawrence. 
^J_  The  general  himself  designed  with  the  principal  ar- 
1760.  my  to  penetrate  into  Canada,  by  lake  Ontario  and 
down  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  For  this  purpose, 
captain  Loring  was  detached  to  cruise  on  the  lake. 
Two  armed  sloops  were  prepared  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. A  great  number  of  battoes  and  small  vessels 
were  built  for  the  transportation  of  the  troops,  artil- 
lery, provision,  implements,  and  baggage  of  the  army. 
Several  regiments,  at  an  early  period,  were  sent  for- 
ward, from  Albany,  to  attend  these  services  and  make 
the  necessary  preparations  for  crossing  the  lake. 

June  21.  jn  junC)  the  general,  with  the  main  army,  took  his 
departure  from  Schenectada,  and  proceeded  by  the 
Mohawk  and  Oneida  rivers,  to  Oswego.  In  less 
than  three  weeks,  the  general  reached  this  post  with 

July  9.  the  whole  army.  It  consisted  of  ten  thousand  regu- 
lar and  provincial  troops,  and  a  thousand  Indians, 
commanded  by  Sir  William  Johnson. 

Great  had  been  the  difficulties,  already  surmount- 
ed in  conducting  such  an  army  with  its  artillery, 
provisions,  and  military  stores  through  that  vast  tract 
of  country  between  Albany  and  lake  Ontario.  Oth- 
er generals  had  spent  whole  campaigns  in  effecting 
less  than  general  Amherst  had  already  accomplished. 
Much  greater  difficulties  still  remained  in  transport- 
ing this  numerous 'army,  with  its  necessary  supplies, 
in  open  boats  and  gallies,  across  this  vast  lake,  and 
down  the  numerous  rapids  of  a  mad  river.  It  re- 
quired the  greatest  caution,  and  the  exactest  order, 
lest  they  should  fall  foul  on  each  other ;  lest  they 
should  approach  too  near  the  shore,  or  be  driven  too 
far  out  on  the  appearance  of  a  sudden  squall  or  storm 
seasonably  to  gain  the  land  ;  or  lest  they  should  not 
be  steered  and  pushed  forward  with  such  exactness 
and  speed,  in  shooting  the  falls,  as  to  prevent  their 
turning  side  ways,  oversetting,  and  dashing  in  pieces 
among  the  rocks.  But  the  general,  whose  calm  and 
steady  resolution  was  not  unequal  to  the  difficulties- 
before  him,  made  all  his  dispositions  with  that  admir- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  419 

able  method  and  regularity  of  military  arrangement,    chap. 
which  so  strongly  marked  the  character  of  that  great 
commander.     After  a  detachment  had  been  sent  for-     1760 
ward,  to  remove  obstructions  in  the  river  St.  Law- 
rence, and  to  find  the  best  passage  for  the  boats  and 
vessels,  the  army  embarked,  and  crossed  the  lake,  Aug.  10, 
without  any   misfortune.      Receiving    intelligence, 
that  one  of  the  enemy's  vessels  was  aground  and  dis- 
abled, and  that  another  lay  off  Lagalette,  the  general 
determined,  with  the    utmost  despatch,  to  go  down 
the  river  to  Swegatchie  and  attack  Isle  Royal. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  August  the  row  gallies  fell 
in  with  the  French  sloop,  commanded  by  Mr.  de  la 
Broquerie,  who,  after  a  smart  engagement,  surrender- 
ed to  the  English  galiies.  The  enemy,  with  great 
precipitation,  retired  before  the  army,  till  it  arrived  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Isle  Royal.  This  was  immedi- 
ately so  completely  invested,  that  the  garrison  had 
no  means  of  escape.  By  the  twenty  third,  two  bat- 
teries were  opened  against  the  fort,  and  it  was  can- 
nonaded in  concert  by  these  and  the  armed  vessels  in 
the  river.  Dispositions  having  also  been  made  for  i/r8ie 
an  attack,  Mr.  Ponchant  beat  a  parley,  and  surren-  Ro>al 
dered  on  terms  of  capitulation.  aersT' 

As  this  was  a  post  of  singular  importance  both  to  Aug.  2$\ 
command  the  lake  Ontario  and  to  protect  the  fron- 
tiers of  the  colonies,  the  general  spent  some  time  in 
repairing  the  fort,  in  making  every  preparation,  and 
taking  every  precaution,  in  his  power,  for  passing  his 
troops  down  the  river  to  Montreal.  As  all  the  falls 
lie  between  this  post  and  that  city,  this  was  by  far 
the  most  dangerous  part  of  the  enterprise. 

About  the  same  time,  general  Haviland  took  pos- 
session of  the  Isle  au  Noix,  and,  by  the  directest 
route,  was  advancing  across  the  country  to  St.  Law- 
rence. General  Murray  with  the  British  fleet  was 
advancing  up  the  river,  and  subduing  the  adjacent 
country.  The  respective  armies  bore  down  all  be- 
fore them,  and  the  operations  of  the  campaign  were 
approaching  fast  to  an  important  crisis. 


420  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.       When  the  necessary  preparations  had  been  made, 

general  Amherst   proceeded  down  the  river  ;    but 

1760     notwithstanding  all   his   precaution   in   passing  the 

Loss  at  the  rapids,  the   stream   was   so   violent,  that   many  of 

fails  m  st.  t]ie   kattoes   anci   whale   boats   turned,   went   down 

Lawrence.     .  ,  _  .      _     .  '       .  . 

sideways,  and  dashed  m  pieces  on  the  rocks. 
About  ninety  men,  nearly  fifty  battoes,  seventeen 
whale  boats,  one  galley,  some  artillery,  ammunition, 
and  provisions  were  lost.  Considering  the  greatness 
of  the  embarkation,  and  the  extreme  difficulties  to 
be  encountered,  this  loss  was  not  very  considerable. 
At  length,  after  a  tedious,  fatiguing,  and  dangerous 
voyage,  of  two  months  and  seventeen  days  after 
Armyar-  their  departure  from  Schenectada,  the  army,  with 
rives,  great  joy,  saw  the  city  of  Montreal,  the  object  of 
Montreal1  tnen'  arc^ent  wishes,  and  the  happy  period  of  their 
labours  and  dangers.  The  troops  were  immedi- 
ately landed  in  the  best  order.  No  opposition  was 
made,  excepting  from  some  flying  parties,  who, 
after  exchanging  a  few  shot,  fled  with  precipitation. 
The  general  marched  about  six  miles  from  the  land- 
ing place,  and  drew  up  his  army  on  a  plain  before 
the  city ;  where  they  lay  on  their  arms  during  the 
night.  So  surprisingly  providential  were  the  mo- 
tions of  the  several  armies,  that  though  they  pur- 
sued long  and  different  routes,  through  an  enemy's 
country,  where  each  had  numerous  difficulties  to 
encounter,  and  in  which  they  had  no  intelligence 
of  each  other's  operations,  they  all  met,  at  the  same 
Armies  time,  at  the  place  of  general  rendezvous.  General 
forma  Murray  landed  on  the  island  the  same  day  that 
general  Amherst  took  possession  j  and  general  Havi- 
land,  with  the  army  under  his  command,  appeared 
on  the  south  side  of  the  river  opposite  to  the  city. 

General  Amherst  had  given  orders,  that  the  artil- 
lery should  be  immediately  brought  on,  from  the 
landing  place  at  La  Chine,  and,  in  the  morning,  de- 
termined formally  to  invest  the  town.  But  no  sooner 
did  the  morning  appear,  than  the  marquis  Vaudreuil, 
governour  of  Canada,  finding  himself  compassed  with 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  421 

armies,  addressed  a  letter  to  him,  demanding  a  capit-   chap. 
ulation.     After  some  letters  had  passed  between  the 
general  and  governour,  the  demand  was  granted,  on      1760 
terms,  which,  at  the  same  time,  they  were  favoura- 
ble to  the  French,  did  honour  to  the  British  arms 
and  nation. 

The  marquis  Vaudreuil  had  done  every  thing  for 
the  defence  of  Canada,  which  became  a  vigilant,  faith- 
ful, and  magnanimous  officer.  When  all  hopes  of  the 
recovery  of  Quebec  failed  him,  he  fixed  his  head 
quarters  at  Montreal,  and  used  every  art  and  exer- 
tion for  its  preservation.  He  not  only  levied  forces, 
collected  magazines,  and  erected  new  fortifications 
on  the  island ;  but  he  had  recourse  to  feigned  intel- 
ligence and  other  arts  of  delusion,  to  support  the 
depressed  spirits  of  the  Canadians.*  His  chief 
hopes,  however,  were  not  placed  either  in  his  arts, 
or  in  the  greatness  of  his  strength ;  but  in  the  diffi- 
culties, which,  on  all  sides,  attended  the  entrance  of 
Canada.  He  flattered  himself  that  after  the  general 
sickness  and  defeat  of  the  garrison  at  Quebec,  there 
would  be  little  danger  from  that  quarter.  He  knew 
the  great  distance  between  Albany  and  Montreal  by 
the  way  of  Oswego  and  St.  Lawrence ;  and  the  al- 
most insuperable  difficulties  of  conducting  an  army 
down  so  many  rifts  and  rapids,  as  there  were  in  that 
river  between  lake  Ontario  and  Montreal.  These, 
in  conjunction  with  the  impenetrable  woods,  mo- 
rasses, and  mountains,  which  covered  the  country, 
through  which  the  armies  from  New  York  and  New 
England  must  pass,  he  hoped  wrould  so  retard  their 
operations  and  protract  the  war,  that  a  general  pacifi- 
cation would  finally  save  the  country.  But  when  he 
found  the  three  armies,  in  spite  of  all  difficulties, 
forming  a  junction  before  the  town,  consisting  of 
more  than  twenty  thousand  men,  all  his  hopes  were 
dashed,  and  he  saw  that  his  only  safety  was  in  capit- 
ulation.    The  extent  of  the  country  was  so  great, 

*  See  his  circular  letter  to  the  militia  of  Canada,  preserved  in  Rider's 
History,  vol.  xlvi. 


422 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
XIII. 

1760. 


Montreal 
with  all 
Canada 
given  up, 
Sept,  8. 


Descrip- 
tion of 
Montreal. 


the  interests  of  the  people  and  the  objects  of  the 
treaty,  which  it  was  necessary  to  attend,  and,  as  far 
as  might  be,  secure,  were  so  many,  that  it  made  the 
capitulation  to  be  a  work  of  considerable  time.  It 
consisted  of  nearly  sixty  articles ;  but  on  the  eighth 
of  September,  it  was  completed.  By  this,  not  only 
Montreal,  but  all  the  other  French  posts  in  Canada, 
and  the  whole  country,  were  surrendered  to  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain.  All  the  troops  in  Montreal 
and  the  other  posts  were  allowed  the  honours  of  war, 
and  were  not  to  be  treated  strictly  as  prisoners,  but 
to  be  sent  directly  to  France,  on  condition  of  their 
not  serving  during  the  war.  The  capitulation  se- 
cured to  the  inhabitants,  of  every  character,  the  full 
enjoyment  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  personal 
safety,  and  property  of  all  kinds. 

Montreal  is  the  second  place  in  Canada,  for  extent, 
numbers,  buildings,  commerce,  strength,  and  opu- 
lence. It  stands  on  an  excellent  and  well  cultivated 
island,  about  ten  leagues  in  length,  from  east  to 
west,  and  nearly  four  in  its  greatest  breadth.  The 
city  is  built  in  a  quadrangular  form,  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  St.  Lawrence.  The  bank,  gently  rising, 
divides  the  city  into  the  upper  and  lower  towns. 
Though  the  ascent  from  the  lower  to  the  upper 
town  is  so  gradual  as  to  be  scarcely  perceivable,  yet 
when  you  have  reached  the  citadel  in  the  upper,  it 
appears  entirely  to  overlook  them  both,  and  to  com- 
mand the  river  and  the  adjacent  country.  The  city, 
on  the  account  of  its  central  situation  between  Que- 
bec and  lake  Ontario,  became  the  grand  resort  of 
the  Indian  traders,  and  the  staple  of  their  commerce. 
As  it  is  more  than  three  degrees  south  of  Quebec, 
and  as  the  river,  in  its  whole  extent,  from  that  city 
to  this,  inclines  very  considerably  to  the  south,  the 
country  is  far  more  pleasant,  and  the  seasons  more 
clement,  than  at  the  capital.  Father  Charlevoix  says, 
"  After  passing  Richlieu  islands  one  would  think  he 
were  transported  into  another  climate.  The.  air 
becomes  softer  and   more   temperate,  the  country 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  425 

more  level,  the  river  more  pleasant,  and  the  banks   C^TP* 
infinitely  more  agreeable  and  delightful."  [ 

Before  the  war,  the  fortifications  of  this  pleasant  176(L 
city  were  mean  and  inconsiderable  ;  and  though  ad- 
ditions had  been  made  since,  yet  there  was  nothing 
to  render  the  capture  of  it  an  enterprise  of  any  great 
difficulty,  except  that  of  leading  an  army  through 
such  a  prodigious  and  difficult  tract  of  country  as 
the  English  were  obliged  to  pass,  that  they  might 
appear  before  it,  and  that  here  was  collected  all 
the  regular,  and  most  of  the  provincial,  force  in  Can- 
ada. 

General  Amherst  had  the  honour  and  good  for- 
tune of  surmounting  all  difficulties,  and  of  making 
such  dispositions,  as  that,  almost  without  the  shed- 
ding of  blood,  he  completed  the  conquest  of  Canada. 
Thus  in  a  little  more  than  a  century  and  a  half,  from 
its  first  settlement,  in  the  sixth  year  of  the  war,  af- 
ter the  severest  struggles,  after  six  general  bat- 
tles, this  vast  country  was  completely  conquered 
by  the  conjoined  arms  of  Great  Britain  and  her 
colonies.  This  conquest,  if  we  consider  the  ex- 
tent and  difficulty  of  the  operations,  by  which 
it  was  effected,  the  number  of  inhabitants,*  the 
greatness  and  fertility  of  the  country  subdued,  the 
safety  it  gave  to  the  English  colonies  in  America, 
and  the  transfer  of  the  whole  Indian  commerce  to  the 
merchants  of  Great  Britain,  appears  to  have  been  one 
of  the  most  important  conquests,  ever  achieved  by 
the  English  arms. 

The  accomplishment  of  so  great  a  work,  with  so 
little  bloodshed,  without  any  considerable  accident 
or  misfortune,  without  a  single  instance  of  rashness 
or  inhumanity,  in  the  commander  in  chief,  while  it 
reflected  the  highest  honour  on  his  military  accom- 
plishments, did  equal  honour  to  the  humanity  and 
goodness  of  his  heart.  It  must  be  allowed,  that  he 
was  extremely  happy,   in  having  subordinate  com- 

*  These,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  were  estimated  at  more  than 
100;009. 


424  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OP  THE 

CxmP'   manc^ers'  wno>  With  such  ability  and  vigour,  seconded 

|__    him  in  all  his  operations  ;    and  in  commanding  a 

1760.  body  of  regular  and  provincial  troops,  whom  no  la- 
bours could  discourage,  and  whom  no  dangers  could 
dismay. 

But,  after  all,  the  principal  honour  is  to  be  render- 
ed to  the  Supreme  Ruler,  whose  all-governing 
agency,  directed  the  whole  series  of  these  successful 
events.  He  only  could  harmonize  and  direct  so 
many  hearts  and  circumstances,  in  Europe  and 
America,  by  sea  and  land,  as  combined  their  influ- 
ence in  this  happy  event.  He  never  wants  means 
to  accomplish  his  own  purposes.  When,  in  his 
moral  government,  great  events  are  to  be  effected, 
He  will  qualify  and  call  forth  instruments,  and  guide 
their  counsels  and  operations  to  the  accomplishment 
of  his  designs.  A  Moses,  Joshua,  David,  and  Cy- 
rus will  never  be  wanting,  when  the  emergencies  of 
his  people  call  for   such  aids. 

The  repairing  and  garrisoning  of  the  several  forts,the 
removal  of  the  French  troops  from  Detroit  and  Mich- 
ilimackinak  ;  and  the  replacing  of  them  with  Eng- 
lish garrisons ;  the  preserving  of  a  communication 
between  the  various  distant  parts ;  and  the  securing 
of  the  obedience  of  the  country  ;  made  it  necessary, 
for  general  Amherst  and  the  commanders  of  the  oth- 
er divisions  of  the  army,  to  return  by  the  same  routes, 
which  they  had  taken,  to  form  their  junction  at  Mon- 
treal. For  the  commander  in  chief  this  was,  in  some 
respects,  more  laborious  and  difficult,  than  it  had 
been  to  conduct  the  army  to  the  place  of  conquest. 
His  shipping,  boats,  artillery,  and  baggage  were  now 
to  be  carried  back  against  the  stream  and  to  be  con- 
veyed up  the  rifts  and  rapids  between  Montreal  and 
lake  Ontario.  This  laborious  and  difficult  service 
kept  the  army  in  constant  fatigue,  during  the  re- 
mainder of  the  campaign,  and  protracted  it  nearly  to 
the  beginning  of  winter. 

Great  and  universal  was  the  joy  which  spread  through 
the   English  colonies,  on  the  conquest  of  Canada. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  425 

Public  thanksgivings,  were  generally  appointed   to   chap. 
recognize  the  divine  goodness,  and  to  ascribe  due    _^ 
honours  to  Him  whose  is  the  greatness  and  the  vie-      1760# 
tory. 

One  circumstance  however  damped  the  joy,  which 
on  this  occasion,  diffused  itself  through  English 
America.  This  was  the  commencement  of  hostili- 
ties, by  the  Cherokees,  on  the  southern  colonies. 
During  several  of  the  first  years  of  the  war,  this  nu-  war  with 
merous  and  powerful  nation,  had  appeared  cordially  tl>e  cher- 
to  espouse  the  interests  of  the  English.  At  their 
desire  a  fortress  had  been  built  in  their  country, 
called  fort  Loudon,  in  honour  to  the  earl  of 
Loudon,  at  that  time,  commander  in  chief  in 
America.  Parties  of  them  had  assisted  in  the  late 
expedition  against  fort  du  Quesne.  But  it  seems,  Reasons  of 
that  while  they  were  on  that  enterprise,  they  were  the  war- 
treated  with  such  general  coolness  and  neglect,  and 
received  such  insults,  as  made  deep  impressions  on 
the  minds  of  that  vindictive  people.*  These  were 
kindled  into  flame  and  outrage,  by  the  treatment 
which  they  received,  from  some  of  the  Virginians, 
on  their  return  from  that  expedition.  Many  of  the 
warriors  had  lost  their  horses  in  that  service ;  and, 
as  they  were  returning  home,  through  the  back  parts 
of  Virginia,  they  caught  such  as  they  found  running 
loose  in  the  woods,  not  knowing  that  they  belonged 
to  any  individual  in  the  province.  The  Virginians, 
instead  of  legally  asserting  their  rights,  fell  on  the 
unsuspicious  warriors,  killed  twelve  or  fourteen  of 
them,  and  took  several  prisoners.  The  Cherokees 
were  highly  exasperated  at  such  ungrateful  treatment 
from  allies,  whose  frontiers,  by  their  assistance,  had 
so  lately  been  turned,  from  a  field  of  blood,  into  peace- 
ful habitations.  No  sooner  had  they  returned,  than 
they  reported  to  the  nation,  the  bloody  treatment 
which  they  had  received.  The  flame  spread  instant- 
ly through  their  towns.     The  relatives  of  the  slain 

*  Wright's  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  241,  242. 

Vol.  I.  54 


1 

426  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.  were  implacable,  and  breathed  nothing  but  vengeance 
against  such  ungrateful  and  perfidious  allies.  The 
1759>  French  emissaries  added  fuel  to  the  flames.  In  vain 
did  the  chieftains  interpose  their  authority.  Nothing 
could  restrain  the  fury  of  their  young  warriors.  They 
rushed  down  on  the  frontier  settlements,and  perpetrat- 
ed many  cruel  ravages  and  murders  on  the  defence- 
less inhabitants.* 

About  two  hundred  soldiers,  under  the  command 
of  captains  Demere  and  Stewart,  were  stationed  at 
fort  Loudon.  These,  on  every  excursion  from  the 
fort,  were  attacked  by  them  :  some  were  killed,  and 
the  rest  soon  confined  within  the  limits  of  the  fort. 
All  communication  between  them  and  the  distant 
settlements  was  cut  off,  and,  as  their  supplies  were 
scanty,  the  only  prospects  before  them  were  famine 
and  death.  It  was  feared,  at  the  same  time,  that  the 
arts  of  the  enemy  would  influence  the  powerful, 
neighbouring  nation  of  the  Creeks  to  the  same  hos- 
tile measures. 

In   this   alarming   situation,    governour  Littleton 
gave  orders  to  the  commanders  of  the  militia,  im- 
mediately to  assemble  their  men,  and  act  on  the  de- 
fensive.      The   governour  determined,   with   such 
independent  companies  and  militia,  as  could  be  rais- 
ed, to  march  immediately  into  the  enemy's  country, 
and  to  prosecute  such  measures,   as   should  bring 
them  to  reasonable  terms  of  accommodation. 
Chieftains      Notwithstanding  what  had  happened,  the  Cherokees 
come  to     were  generally  averse  from  war.     Hearing  therefore  of 
tonto treat  the  preparations  which  wtre  making  against  them, they 
of  peace,    sent  thirty  two  of  their  chief  men  to  Charleston,  if 
possible,  to  settle  all  difficulties,  and  prevent  a  war 
with  the  Carolinians.     They  arrived  before  the  gov- 
ernour had   marched   on   the   expedition,  designed 
against  them.     A  council  was  called,  and  the  gov- 
ernour addressed  them  in  a  haughty  speech,  import- 
ing, that  he  knew  all  their  hostilities  against  the  Eng- 

*  HiBt.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  ii.  p.  214,  215. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  427 

lish,  and  what  they  still  designed:    That  he  would    chap. 
soon  be  in  their  country,  and  they  should  know  bis     XIIL 
demands ;  and,  that,  unless  they  should  be  granted,      1759 
he  would  take  satisfaction  by  force  of  arms.     He 
assured  them,  nevertheless,  that  as  they  were  come 
to  Charleston   as   friends,   to   treat    of  peace,  they 
should  go  home  in  safety,  and  that  an  hair  of  their 
head  should  not  be  touched.     At  the  same  time  he 
gave  intimations,  that  he  had  so  many  men  in  arms, 
in  different  parts  of  the  province,  that  it  would  be 
unsafe  for  them  to  return,  unless  thev  marched  with 
the  army,  which  was  going  into  their  country.     Ou- 
connostota,  who  had  the  name  of  the  great  warrior 
of  the  Cherokee  nation,  began  an  immediate  reply ; 
but  as  the  governour  was  determined,  that  nothing 
should  prevent  his  expedition,  he  would  neither  hear 
him  speak,  in  the  defence  of  his  nation,  nor  with 
respect  to  any  overtures  of  peace.     Lieutenant  gov-  Their  in 
ernour  Bull,  who  had  a  much  better  acquaintance  treatmeDt- 
with  the  manners  of  the  Indians,  and  the  dangerous 
consequences  of  an  Indian  war,  urged  the  necessity 
of  hearing  the  great  warrior,  and  the  happy  conse- 
quences of  an  accommodation,  before   more  blood 
should  be  spilt.     But  governour  Littleton   was  in- 
flexible, and  put  an  end  to  the  conference  without 
hearing   the  warriors.      They  highly   resented    this 
treatment.     After  such  a  number  of  them  had  trav- 
elled more  than  three  hundred  miles  to  make  peace, 
not  only  to  be  disappointed  with  respect  to  the  great 
object  of  their  journey,   but  not  to  be  allowed  to 
speak  on  the  subject,  was  matter  of  prodigious  cha- 
.gfin,  and  a  source  of  jealousy  and  fear. 

Soon  after  the  conference,  the  governour  marched 
for  the  Congarees.  This  was  about  a  hundred  and 
forty  miles  from  Charleston,  a^d  the  place  of  general 
rendezvous  for  the  militia.  Hither  the  sachems 
marched  with  the  army,  putting  on  the  appearance 
of  content,  while  inwardly  they  were  burning  with 
fury  and  resentment.  The  governour  having  mus-  October, 
tered  about  fourteen  hundred  men,  of  whom  about 


428  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  three  hundred  were  regulars,  marched  for  fort  Prince 
George.  When  the  army  marched,  the  chieftains 
1759.  were  au*  made  prisoners ;  and,  to  prevent  their  escape, 
a  captain's  guard  was  mounted  over  them.  To 
complete  their  indignity  and  ill  treatment,  when  the 
army  arrived  at  fort  Prince  George,  the  thirty  two 
chieftains  were  shut  up  in  a  hut  scarcely  fit  for  the 
accommodation  of  half  a  dozen  soldiers.  They  were 
not  allowed  to  speak  with  their  friends,  nor  even  to 
see  the  light  of  day.* 
Treaty  of  When  the  governour  had  advanced  as  far  as  this 
peace  post,  he  found  his  army  so  ill  armed  and  disciplined, 
Dec^ia  anc*  so  discontented  and  mutinous,  that  he  judged  it 
unsafe  to  proceed  further  against  the  enemy.  Here 
therefore  he  opened  a  congress  with  the  Indians. 
For  this  purpose  he  had  previously  sent  for  Attakul- 
lakulla,  otherwise  Little  Carpenter,  who  was  not  on- 
ly esteemed  the  wisest  man  in  the  nation,  but  the 
most  firmly  attached  to  the  English.  This  old 
warrior,  though  just  returned  from  an  excursion 
against  the  French,  in  which  he  had  taken  a  number 
of  prisoners,  hastened  to  the.  governour's  camp,  and 
presented  him  with  one  of  the  captives. 

The  governour  opened  the  congress  with  a  long 
and  pompous  speech,  representing  the  great  power 
of  the  English,  their  victories  over  the  French,  the 
treaties  between  them  and  the  Cherokees,  their 
breach  of  those  treaties,  and  the  power  of  the  col- 
onies to  destroy  them  ;  and,  in  a  threatening  and 
high  tone,  demanding  satisfaction. 

Attakullakulla,  in  his  reply,  insisted,  that  the  bad 
treatment  his  countrymen  had  received  in  Virginia, 
was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  present  misunder- 
standing. He  declared  his  friendship  to  the  English, 
and  alleged  in  proof  of  it,  his  fatiguing  march  against 
their  enemies,  the  French.  He  said  he  would  ever 
continue  his  friendship,  and  use  all  his  influence,  that 
the  governour  should  have  satisfaction,  but  he  gave 

*  Hist.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  ii.  p.  216,  217,  218,  225. 


1759- 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  429 

intimations  that  the  nation  would  not  comply  with  chap. 
his  demands.  He  said  that  the  governour  had  treat-  XIIL 
ed  the  Cherokees  with  more  severity  than  the  Eng- 
lish had  shewn  to  other  Indians.  He  requested,  that 
some  of  the  head  men,  whom  the  governour  had 
confined,  might  be  released  to  assist  him  in  the 
work  of  peace. 

In  compliance  with  his  request,  the  governour  re- 
leased the  great  warrior  Ouconnostota,  and  two  more 
of  the  head  men.  The  next  day  they  delivered  up 
two  Indians.  The  governour  putting  them  imme- 
diately in  irons,  so  alarmed  the  Cherokees,  that  they 
fled  out  of  the  way  and  no  more  could  be  obtained. 
Attakullakulla,  convinced  that  peace  could  not  be 
obtained,  on  the  governour's  terms,  determined  to 
return  home,  and  patiently  wait  the  event.  But  no 
sooner  was  the  governour  apprised  of  his  departure, 
than  he  sent  for  him  back  to  his  camp.  The  gov-  Articles 
ernour  wishing  to  finish  the  campaign  with  as  much  ^|"eo£ 
credit  as  possible,  immediately,  on  his  return,  talked 
of  nothing  but  peace.  Articles  were  drawn,  and 
signed  by  the  governour  and  six  of  the  head  men 
of  the  Cherokees.  All  former  treaties  were  confirm- 
ed ;  twenty  two  of  the  Cherokee  chieftains,  whom 
the  governour  had  seized,  were  to  be  kept  as  hos- 
tages, till  such  a  number  of  Indians,  who  had  been 
guilty  of  murder  should  be  delivered  up  to  the  chief 
commander  of  the  province.  It  was  stipulated,  That 
there  should  be  an  open  and  free  trade  as  usual: 
That  the  Cherokees  should  kill  or  take  every  French- 
man who  should  come  among  them,  and  hold  no  in- 
tercourse with  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain.* 

Scarcely  had  the  governour  finished  the  treaty, 
when  the  small  pox  broke  out  in  his  camp.  Few  of 
the  army  had  been  infected  with  the  disease,  and  the 
physicians  were  wholly  unprovided  for  such  an  event. 
The  men  were  struck  with  a  general  terror,  and  with 
the  utmost  haste  returned  to  their  respective  settle - 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlvi.  p.  149,  150, 


430  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  ments.  Such  was  the  fear  which  each  had  of  his 
fellow,  that  all  intercourse,  on  the  return,  was  cau- 
J76Q.  tiously  avoided.  By  this  means  the  men  suffered 
exceedingly  with  hunger  and  fatigue.  The  govern- 
our  soon  followed  them,  and  arrived  safely  at  Charles- 
ton. Here,  though  a  drop  of  blood  had  not  been 
spilt,  nor  scarcely  any  thing  achieved,  but  what  was 
highly  perfidious  and  inglorious,  he  was  received  as 
a  conqueror.  From  different  societies  and  profes- 
sions he  received  the  most  flattering  addresses.  By 
illuminations  and  bonfires,  the  citizens  expressed  the 
high  sense,  which  they  entertained  of  his  services, 
and  of  the  happy  consequences  of  his  expedition. 

However,  the  delusion  soon  vanished,  and  it  ap- 
peared, that  the  governour,  by  his  conduct,  had 
greatly  injured,  instead  of  serving  the  public.  When 
the  chieftains  came  to  Charleston  they  were  sincere- 
ly desirous  of  ah  accommodation.  Peace  might, 
doubtless,  have  been  made  on  terms  just  and  hon- 
ourable. But  by  the  treatment  he  gave  the  messen- 
gers of  peace,  both  they  and  the  nation  were  stung 
to  the  heart.  An  Indian  values  his  freedom  above 
all  things,  and  with  him,  a  breach  of  promise  is  a 
crime  of  the  first  magnitude.  Though  nothing  ap- 
peared against  the  chieftains,  though  they  had  made 
a  journey  of  many  hundred  miles  to  make  peace, 
and  though  the  governour  had  given  them  ample 
promises  of  safety  and  good  treatment,  yet  he  had 
treacherously  deprived  them  of  their  liberty,  and 
treated  them  not  only  with  perfidy  but  inhumanity. 
He  had  obtained  the  appearance  of  peace,  by  taking 
one  of  those  base  and  unjustifiable  advantages,  which 
low  craft  and  policy  often  practise  on  the  weakness 
and  simplicity  of  unfortunate  neighbours.  This 
treatment  had  converted  their  desires  for  peace  into 
the  bitterest  resentment,  and  a  general  rage  for  war. 
Attakullakulla,  by  reason  of  his  known  attach- 
ment to  the  English,  had  little  influence  with  his 
countrymen.  Ouconnostota,  whose  influence  was 
great,  was  now  become  an  implacable  and  vindictive 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  43£ 

enemy.     He  determined  to  follow  the  example  of  chap, 
the  governour,  and  to  repay  meanness  and  perfidy     XIIL 
in  their  own  kind.      No  attention  was  paid  to  the     1760 
treaty,  but  Ouconnostota,  collecting  a  strong  party,  The  treaty 
killed  fourteen  men  in  the  neighbourhood  of  fort  "jj^j" 
Prince  George,    surrounded  the  fort,  and  confined 
the  garrison  to  their  works.     Finding  that  he  could 
make  no  impressions  on  the  fort,    he  contrived  a 
stratagem   for  its   surprisal,    and   the   relief  of  his 
countrymen,  who  were  there  in  confinement. 

As  the  country  was  covered  with  woods  and  dark  Ouconnos- 


tota 


strata- 


thickets,  it  was  favourable  to  his  purposes.  Having 
concerted  his  measures,  two  Indian  women,  who  gem" 
were  known  to  be  always  welcome  at  the  fort,  made 
their  appearance,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  to 
decoy  the  garrison.  Lieutenant  Dogharty  went  out 
to  them,  to  inquire  what  news.  While  he  was  con- 
versing with  the  women,  Ouconnostota  joined  them, 
and  desired  Dogharty  to  call  the  commanding  officer, 
saying  that  he  had  matters  of  importance  to  commu- 
nicate to  him.  Accordingly  captain  Cotymore,  en- 
sign Bell,  Dogharty,  and  Foster,  their  interpreter, 
went  out  to  him.  He  said,  that  he  was  going  to 
Charleston  to  procure  the  release  of  the  prisoners, 
and  wished  for  a  white  man  for  a  safeguard.  The 
captain  told  him  he  should  have  a  safeguard.  No  He  decoys 
sooner  had  he  received  the  answer,  than  turning:  and  f,nd  kllls 

o  the  com- 

giving  a  signal,  nearly  thirty  guns  were  fired  from  mander. 
different  ambuscades.     The  captain  was  killed,  and 
Bell  and  Foster  were  wounded.     In  consequence  of 
this,  orders  were  given  that  the  hostages  should  be 
put  in  irons.     In  attempting  this  one  of  the  soldiers 
was  killed,  and  another  wounded.     These  circum-  Hostages 
stances  so  exasperated   the   garrison,  that,  without  are  butch- 
hesitation,  they  fell  on  the  unfortunate  hostages,  and  ered# 
butchered  them  in  a  manner  too  shocking  to  relate. 
In  the  evening  the  Indians  approached  the  fort, 
and,  after  firing  signal  guns  and  crying  aloud,  in  the 
Cherokee  language,    "  Fight  manfully  and  you  shall 
be  assisted,"  they  commenced  a  furious  attack  on 


432     '  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CxVnP*  tne  garr*sonJ  and  kept  up  their  fire  the  whole  night, 

V    But  they  were  so  warmly  received,  that  they  were 

1760.     obliged  to  give  over  the  attack. 
Traders         Disappointed  in  their  design  on  the  fort,  and  find- 
cred.a"      *ng  that  their  chieftains  were  slain,    they  WTeaked 
their  vengeance  on  the  English  traders  in  their  coun- 
try.    These  they  butchered,  to  a  man,  without  mer- 
cy or  distinction.     In  the  massacre  of  the  hostages, 
the  Cherokees  had  not  only  lost  a  great  number  of 
their  head  men,  but  most  of  them  had  lost  a  friend 
or  relation.     Nothing  therefore  could  exceed  the  re- 
sentment and  rage  of  the  nation.     The  leaders  of 
every  town  seized  the  hatchet,  proclaiming  to  their 
fellows,  that  the  spirits  of  murdered  brothers  were 
flying  round  them,  and  calling  for  vengeance  on  their 
War  be-    enemies.     With  one  voice  the  nation  declared  for 
comes       wan    Large  parties  of  warriors,  from  different  towns, 
genera .     rusjie^  c]own  on  defenceless  families,  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Carolina,  where  men,  women,  and  children, 
without  distinction,  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  merciless 
rage.     At  Long  Canes,  and  about  the  forks  of  Broad 
river,  they  made  terrible  carnage  among  the  inhab- 
itants, who,  trusting  to  the  late  peace,  were  reposed 
in  perfect  security  * 

About  two  hundred  of  the  enemy  made  a  furious 
attack  on  the  fort  at  Ninety  Six  :  but  they  were 
obliged  to  retire  with  considerable  loss.  This  they 
revenged  on  the  open  country,  ravaging  the  English 
houses  in  that  quarter,  and  all  along  the  frontiers  of 
Virginia.  They  were  not  satisfied  barely  with  pil- 
laging and  destroying  the  inhabitants,  but  they  wan- 
toned in  the  most  horrible  acts  of  barbarity.  Many, 
who  fled  into  the  woods,  and  escaped  the  scalping 
knife,  perished  with  hunger.  Those,  who  were 
made  *  prisoners,  were  carried  into  the  wilderness, 
where  they  suffered  inexpressible  hardships.  So 
secret  and  "sudden  were  the  motions  of  the  enemy, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  tell  where  the  storm  would 

*  Hist.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  ii.  p.  225,  229.     Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlvi.  t>. 
153,  155. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  433 

fall,  or  to  take  the  precautions  necessary  to  prevent   chap. 
the  mischief.      Every  day  brought   to   the   capital 
fresh  accounts  of  their  murders  and  desolations.  1760t 

The  southern  colonies  were  all  alarmed,  and  appli- 
cation was  made  in  the  most  pressing  terms  to  gen- 
eral Amherst,  for  immediate  assistance.      He  des-  Coi.Mont- 
patched   colonel  Montgomery  to    Carolina,  with  a  |o™etr^ 
detachment  of  twelve  hundred  chosen  men.  Carolina. 

On  his  arrival  at  Charleston,  he  advanced  with  as  Arrives  in 
much  expedition  as  possible  to  Ninety  Six.     As  the  APrU« 
conquest  of  Canada  was  the  great  object  of  this  cam- 
paign, the  colonel's  orders  were,  to  strike  a  sudden 
blow,  for  the  relief  of  Carolina,  and  then  to  return, 
without  loss  of  time,  to  head  quarters  at  Albany. 
Nothing  was  therefore  omitted  by  the  colony,  which  Conduct 
was  judged  necessary  to   forward   the   expedition.  ^oVbfc 
As  governour  Littleton  had  been  appointed  govern-  arrival. 
our  of  Jamaica,  the  government  devolved  on  gov- 
ernour Bull,  a  man  of  singular  erudition  and  integ- 
rity.     He  spared  no  pains  for  the  defence  of  the 
province.     The  whole  force  of  it  was  collected,  and 
rendezvoused  at  the  Congarees,  for  the  assistance  of 
the  colonel  in  the  enterprise.     Several  gentlemen  of 
fortune  formed  themselves  into  a  company  of  volun- 
teers, and  joined  the  army.     Application  had  been 
made  to  the  neighbouring  provinces  of  North  Carolina 
and   Virginia   for   assistance.       In    consequence  of 
which,  seven  companies  of  rangers  were  raised,  to 
patrole  the  frontiers,  and  prevent  the  savages  from 
penetrating   further   down    among   the  settlements. 
Presents  were  voted  to  such  of  the  Creeks,  Chicke- 
saws,  and  Catawbaws,  as  should  join  the  province 
in  the  war  against  the  Cherokees.*     Thus  assisted, 
by  the  beginning  of  June,   he  advanced  to  twelve 
mile   river.      He  prosecuted   his  route,    by  forced  His  expe- 
marches,    till  he  arrived  in  the   neighbourhood   of^n"tthe 
Keowee.     Here  he  encamped,  in  a  strong  position  ;  Chero. 

kees. 
*  Hist.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  ii.  p.  228,  230,  231. 

Vol.  I.  55 


1760. 


434  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  and  imagining  that  the  enemy  were  not  apprized  of 
his  coming,  he  determined  to  surprise  them.  Leav- 
ing his  camp  under  a  sufficient  guard,  he  marched 
through  the  woods,  twenty  five  miles  towards  the 
town  of  Estatoe.  On  his  march  he  detached  a  com- 
pany of  light  infantry  to  destroy  Little  Keowee.  The 
light  infantry  were  received  at  Keowee  with  a  smart 
fire,  but,  rushing  in  with  their  bayonets,  they  put  all 
the  men  to  death.  In  the  morning  the  main  body 
reached  Estatoe  ;  but  it  was  abandoned,  just  as  they 
entered  the  town.  Such  of  the  men,  as  had  not 
made  their  escape,  were  instantly  put  to  the 
Their  sword.  The  women  and  children  were  captivated. 
towns  de-  The  town,  consisting  of  two  hundred  houses,  well 
stroyed.  st0red  with  provisions,  ammunition,  and  all  the  ne- 
cessaries of  life,  was  immediately  plundered,  and 
then  reduced  to  ashes.  Some  of  the  enemy,  who 
had  secreted  themselves  in  their  dwellings,  were  con- 
sumed with  them.  The  colonel  pursued  the  blow 
he  had  begun,  with  surprising  rapidity.  In  a  few 
hours  Sugar  town,  as  large  as  Estatoe,  shared  with 
it  in  the  same  fate.  Every  settlement  in  the  lower 
nation  was  thus  destroyed.  About  sixty  Indians 
were  killed,  and  forty  women  and  children  made 
prisoners.  The  rest  escaped  to  the  mountains. 
Their  towns  and  villages  were  agreeably  situated, 
and  consisted  generally  of  about  a  hundred  houses, 
neatly  built,  and  well  supplied  with  provisions. 
There  were  large  magazines  of  corn  consumed  in 
the  general  conflagration.  Such  had  been  the  cruel- 
ties practised  on  the  inhabitants,  that  the  soldiers 
were  deaf  to  all  suggestions  of  mercy.* 

Colonel  Montgomery  having  taken  such  vengeance 
on  the  enemy,  marched  for  the  relief  of  fort  Prince 
George,  which  the  savages  for  sometime  had  so 
closely  invested,  that  the  garrison  were  in  great  dis- 
tress,   both  for  the  want  of  wood  and  provisions, 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlvi.  p.  157, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  435 

At  this  post  he  arrived  in  safety,  having  lost  not    chap. 
more  than  five  or  six  men  in  the  expedition. 

From  this  post   two  Indians  were  despatched  to      1?60 
acquaint  the  Cherokees,  that  if  their  chief  men  would  Message 
come  down  and  treat  of  an  accommodation,  peace  ,°itne 

*    v  he  ro - 

should  be  granted  them,  on  the  account  of  the  Little  kees. 
Carpenter,  and  his  many  good  services  to  the  Eng- 
lish. At  the  same  time,  they  were  to  assure  them, 
that,  unless  they  should,  in  a  few  days,  begin  a  ne- 
gotiation, all  the  towns  in  the  upper  nation  would  be 
ravaged  and  reduced  to  ashes.*  A  messenger  was 
also  sent  to  fort  Loudon,  requesting  the  command- 
ing officers  to  use  their  best  endeavours  for  the  ob- 
taining of  peace  with  the  Cherokees  of  the  upper 
towns. 

Messages  of  peace  producing  no  good  effects,  the  col.  Mont- 
colonel  determined  to  make  an  attack  on  their  mid-  gomery 
die  settlements.     He  immediately  began  his  march,  J|^j^a 
but  his  success  in  this  enterprise,  was  no  ways  equal  themiddle 
to  that  in  his  former.     The  enemy  watched  all  his  settlf " 

,  -,  .        ments, 

motions,  and  took  every  advantage  and  opportunity  June  24. 
to  distress  him  on  his  march.  On  the  third  day, 
as  the  army  was  advancing  through  a  dangerous  Battle, 
ground,  the  enemy  attacked  him  in  the  most  furious  June  2Z. 
and  obstinate  manner.  They  commenced  the  action 
with  their  usual  horrible  screams  and  outcries,  main- 
taining a  severe  fire  from  under  cover.  The  troops 
were  ranged  in  the  most  judicious  manner,  and  firm- 
ly stood  the  enemy's  charge.  The  fight  was  long, 
obstinate,  and  well  maintained  on  both  sides.  At 
length  the  colonel  making  a  movement,  which 
brought  the  royal  Scots  upon  their  right,  the  enemy 
gave  way  and  fled.  The  captain  of  the  rangers,  and 
about  twenty  men,  were  killed,  and  nearly  eighty 
wounded.  It  was  supposed  that  the  enemy  lost 
about  forty  men.y  The  army  pushed  forward, 
about  five  miles,  the  succeeding  evening,  to  Etcho- 
wee,  one  of  the  most  considerable  towns  in  the  mid- 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlvi.  p.  159.    f  Wright's  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  && 


436 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP. 
XIII. 

1760. 


The  colo- 
nel re- 
treats. 


Leaves 
Carolina. 


Fort  Lou 
don  sur- 
renders, 
Aug.  7- 


die  settlements.  But  the  Indians  had  -removed  their 
most  valuable  effects,  and  forsaken  the  town.  The 
colonel  was  able  to  do  them  no  other  injury,  than 
to  destroy  a  defenceless  town.  Here  they  attacked 
his  piquet  guard  with  such  fury,  that  they  were  re- 
pulsed with  difficulty.  They  also  gave  him  repeat- 
ed annoyance,  by  their  vollies  from  the  surrounding 
hills.  Though  he  had  gained  the  field,  and  been 
able  to  advance  after  the  action,  yet  it  had  the  effect 
of  a  defeat.  So  many  of  his  men  had  been  wound- 
ed, and  so  many  of  his  horses  killed,  that  he  found  a 
retreat  absolutely  necessary,  to  save  the  wounded 
men  from  the  massacre  of  the  enemy.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  July,  he  returned  to  fort  Prince  George. 
The  expedition  had  cost  him  five  officers,  and  about 
a  hundred  men,  killed  and  wounded. 

He  now  supposed,  that  his  orders  obliged  him  to 
return,  with  the  troops  under  his  command,  and  re- 
join the  main  army.  To  the  consternation  of  the 
whole  country,  this  was  found  to  be  his  determina- 
tion. The  intreaties  of  the  province,  however,  pre- 
vailed with  him  to  leave  about  four  hundred  men,  to 
assist  in  the  defence  of  the  frontiers. 

Carolina  and  the  neighbouring  colonies  were  again 
exposed  to  the  fury  of  a  merciless  foe,  not  so 
much  weakened  as  exasperated,  by  their  late  chas- 
tisement. Fort  Loudon  soon  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  They  had  assembled  in  strong  bodies, 
and  formed  the  blockade  of  it  nearly  a  month  before 
the  departure  of  colonel  Montgomery.  They  were 
now  left,  without  molestation,  to  continue  it  with 
their  whole  force.  The  garrison  held  out  about  two 
months,  till  their  provisions  were  totally  consumed. 
The  enemy  manifested  pacific  dispositions,  and 
promised  kind  treatment  These  circumstances  in- 
fluenced them  to  surrender  on  honourable  conditions. 

But  the  enemy,  regardless  of  faith  or  humanity, 
fell  upon  them,  in  their  march  homeward,  and 
butchered  all  the  officers,  excepting  captain  Stuart, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  437 

and  twenty  five  of  the  soldiers.     The  rest  were  car-    chap. 
ried  into  a  horrible  captivity.  ^ 

Captain  Stuart  owed  his  life  to  the  invincible  at-      1760# 
tachment  of  Attakullakulla.     He  ransomed  him,  at 
the  expense  of  all  he  could  command,  and  with  un- 
common art  and  pains,  conducted  him  in  safety  to 
his  friends. 

While  the  Cherokees  were  thus  distressing  Caro-  General 
lina  and  the  southern  frontiers  of  Virginia,  the  Eng-  ^"^sh. 
lish  interest  was  firmly  established  on  the  Ohio,  by  estheEng- 
the  prudent  and  vigorous  conduct  of  major  general  lislimter- 
Stanwix.     He  had  greatly  strengthened  the  post   at  onio. 
Pittsburg,  by  repairing  and  enlarging  the  fortifica- 
tions ;  and    by  erecting  store  houses  and  barracks 
for  a  respectable   garrison.      With  great  diligence 
and  success  he  had  cultivated  friendship  and  made 
alliances  with  the  Indians  in  that  vicinity.     The  hap- 
py consequences  of  these  measures  were  soon  ap- 
parent, in  a  considerable  trade  between  the  Indians 
and  the  merchants  at  Pittsburg  ;  and  in  the  return 
of  nearly  four  thousand  planters  to  the  quiet  posses- 
sion   of  the   lands,    whence  they  had   been  driven, 
on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsyl- 
vania.* 

The  Cherokees  still  continuing  hostile,  and  South 
Carolina  having  already  expended  more  than  fifty 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  in  the  defence  of  the  fron- 
tiers, without  gaining  any  considerable  point,  lieu- 
tenant governour  Bull  made  application,  a  second 
time,  to  general  Amherst  for  assistance.  Mean- 
while the  royal  Scots  with  the  militia  were  posted 
on  the  frontiers  for  their  defence.  But,  as  the  Creeks 
had  murdered  several  of  the  English,  and  made 
no  proposals  for  satisfaction,  and  as  the  French  were 
employing  all  their  arts,  both  with  them  and  the 
Choctaws,  to  engage  them  in  the  war,  the  province 
was  under  the  most  dreadful  apprehensions.! 

•  Rider's  Hist,  vol,  xlvi.  p.  164    |  Hist.  S.  Car.  vol.  ii.  p.  235,236,244. 


438  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap.       As  Canada  was  now  conquered,  the  commander 
in  chief  could  more  conveniently  spare  a  force  ade- 
1761.     <]Uate  to  tne  purpose  of  humbling  the  savages.     The 
Highlanders  were  therefore  ordered  again  for  Caro- 
lina.     The  active  and  brave  colonel  Montgomery, 
who  commanded  them,  on  the   former  expedition, 
was  now  embarked  for  England.     He  was  brother  to 
the  earl  of  Eglinton,  and  afterwards  succeeded  him 
Colonel     in  his  honours.     His  affairs  requiring  his  return,  the 
Sves\vhh  command  of  the  regiment  devolved  on  lieutenant 
the  High-  colonel  James  Grant.       He  landed  at     Charleston 
endcjISiin  with  his  regiment  the  beginning  of  the  year  seventeen 
Jan.  1761.  hundred  sixty  one.     The  troops  took  up  their  win- 
ter quarters  in  the  town. 

It  was  determined,  if  possible,  to  give  the  Indians 
so  severe  a  correction    the    ensuing    campaign,  as 
Expedi-     should  induce  them  to  peace.     The  province,  there- 
tio.n  a-       fore,  determined  to  make  the  utmost  exertions.     A 
Chero-    °  provincial  regiment  was  raised  under  the  command 
kees.         of  colonel  Middleton.     Presents  were  made  to  the 
Indian  allies,  and  numbers  of  the  Chickesaws  and 
Catawbaws  were  engaged  in  the  service.     The  ar- 
my were  clothed  and  armed  in  the  best  manner  for 
the  service,  in  which  they  were  engaging. 
The  army       ^n  May,  tne    army  consisting   of  two    thousand 
marches     and    six  hundred    men,    advanced    to    fort    Prince 
PHnce       George.     Here   Attakullakulla,  having    got  intelli- 
George,     gence  of  the  force  advancing  against  his  nation,  met 
May  27.     colonel  Grant,  and  repeatedly    intreated  him  by  his 
friendship  and  many  good  services  to  the  English,  to 
proceed  no  further,  till  he  had  once  more  used  his 
influence  with  his  nation  to  bring  them  to  an  accom- 
modation.    But  colonel  Grant  would  not  listen  to 
From        his  solicitations.     He  immediately  began  his  march 
line0?      *°r  ^ie  middle  settlements.     A  party  of  ninety  In- 
dians,   and    thirty  woodmen    painted   like   Indians, 
marched  in  front  of  the  army  and  scoured  the  woods. 
After  them  followed  the  light  infantry,  and  about 
fifty  rangers,  consisting  of  about  two  hundred  men. 
By  the  vigilance  and  activity  of  these,  the  colonel 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  439 

designed  to  secure  the  main  body  from  annoyance  chap. 
and  surprise.  During  three  days  he  made  forced 
marches  that  he  might  pass  several  dangerous  denies  1761. 
which  might  cost  him  dear,  should  the  enemy  first 
get  the  possession,  and  warmly  dispute  the  passage. 
These  he  passed  without  annoyance.  But  the  next 
day,  finding  suspicious  grounds  on  all  sides,  orders 
were  given  that  the  army  should  prepare  for  action, 
and  that  the  guards  should  advance  slowly,  doubling , 
their  circumspection.  As  the  army  advanced  in 
this  cautious  manner,  about  eight  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  the  enemy  were  discovered,  by  the  advanc- 
ed guard,  nearly  in  the  same  ground,  where  they 
attacked  coloned  Montgomery  the  preceding  year. 
Rushing  down  from  the  high  grounds  they  furiously  Battle 
attacked  the  advanced  guard.  These  were  supported  Etchoe, 
and  the  action  became  general.  A  party  of  the  ene-  June  w, 
my  driven  from  the  low  grounds  immediately  ascend- 
ed the  hills  under  which  the  whole  line  was  obliged 
to  pass.  On  the  left  was  a  river,  from  the  opposite 
banks  of  which  they  received  a  heavy  fire  as  they  ad- 
vanced. While  the  line  faced  and  gave  their  whole 
charge  to  the  Indians  on  the  bank  of  the  river  a  par- 
ty was  ordered  to  ascend  the  hills  and  drive  the  ene- 
my from  the  heights.  No  sooner  were  they  dis- 
lodged from  the  heights,  than  they  returned  with  re- 
doubled ardour  to  the  charge  in  the  low  grounds. 
These  it  appeared  their  determination  obstinately  to 
dispute.  The  situation  of  the  troops  soon  became 
critical  and  distressing.  They  had  been  greatly  fa- 
tigued, by  forced  marches,  in  rainy  weather.  They 
were  galled  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  so  compass- 
ed with  woods,  that  they  couid  neither  discern  nor 
approach  them,  but  with  the  greatest  difficulty  and 
danger.  When  they  were  pressed,  they  always  kept 
at  a  distance,  but  rallying  returned  again  with  the 
same  fierceness  and  resolution  to  the  charge.  No 
sooner  were  they  driven  from  one  place,  than 
they  sprang  up  like  furies  in  another.  While  the  at- 
tention of  the  colonel  was  drawn  to  the  enemy  on 


440  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,   the  banks  of  the  river,  and  employed  in  driving  them 

from  their  lurking  places  on  that  side,  so  furious  an 

ir61     attack  was   made  on  his  rear  guard,  that  he    was 

obliged  to  order  a  detachment  back  to  its  relief,  to 

save  his  cattle,  provision,  and  baggage.     From  nine 

to    eleven  o'clock,    did    the    enemy    maintain   the 

action.     Every  where  the  woods  resounded  with  the 

roar  of  arms  and  the  hideous  shouts  and  yells  of  sav- 

Thc  cher_  ages.     At   length  the  Cherokees  gave  way,  but  as 

okees  de-  they  were  pursued  they  kept  up  a  scattering  shot  till 

ieated.       two  0'ciock.     They  then  wholly  disappeared.*" 

What  loss  the  enemy  sustained  is  not  known,  that 
of  colonel  Grant  was  about  sixty  men  in  killed  and 
wounded.  The  army  advanced  as  soon  as  possible, 
and,  about  midnight,  arrived  at  Etchoe,  a  large  In- 
The'11,  dian  town.  The  next  day  it  was  reduced  to  ashes. 
Sttie1-6  There  were  fourteen  other  towns  in  the  middle  set- 
ments  de-  tlements,  all  which  shared  the  same  fate.  The  ene- 
su-oyed.  mv>s  magazines,  and  their  corn  fields,  amounting  to 
not  less,  than  fourteen  hundred  acres,  were  utterly 
destroyed.  The  miserable  inhabitants  stood  the  silent 
spectators  of  the  general  destruction  ;  and  were  ob- 
liged to  retire,  to  starve  in  the  thickets  and  moun- 
tains, f  Nearly  the  same  barbarities  were  practised 
towards  them,  by  a  civilized  and  christian  people,  of 
which  we  so  loudly  complain,  when,  in  their  manner 
of  warfare,  they  are  practised  against  us.  What  a  scene 
of  blood  and  desolation,  both  with  respect  to  them 
and  the  colonies,  was  the  consequence  of  a  haughty, 
bloody,  and  treacherous  treatment  of  the  Indians,  by 
a  few  imprudent  and  base  people  among  ourselves. 
Unjust  and  bloody  measures  often  meet  a  recom- 
pense in  their  own  way.  As  the  consequences  of 
an  Indian  war  are  nothing  but  merciless  carnage  and 
desolation,  on  both  sides,  every  motive  of  humanity 
and  good  policy  require,  the  strictest  guard  and  pre- 
caution against  it,  and  that  the  natives  be  treated 
with  justice,  condescension,  and  humanity. 

*  Hist.  S.  Car.  vol.  ii.  p.  248,  250.     f  Rider,  vol.  xlviii.  p.  63,  64. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  441 

After  nearly  thirty  days  had  been  spent  in  works    cJ?wTp* 

of   destruction,  the   army   returned   to    fort  Prince    'm 

George.  The  various  hardships  it  had  endured,  in  the  1761. 
wilderness,  from  watching,  heat,  thirst,  danger,  and 
fatigue,  hardly  admit  of  description.  The  feet  and 
legs  of  many  of  the  soldiers  were  so  mangled,  and 
their  spirits  so  exhausted,  that  they  were  utterly  in- 
capacitated to  proceed  on  their  march.  Colonel 
Grant  determined  therefore  to  encamp,  awhile,  at 
this  post,  both  for  the  refreshment  of  his  men,  and  to 
get  intelligence  with  respect  to  the  resolutions  of  the 
enemy. 

Soon  after  his  arrival,  Attakullakulla  and  several 
other  chieftains  of  his  nation >  came  to  the  camp  and 
expressed  their  wishes  for  peace.  Articles  were 
drawn  and  interpreted  to  the  warriors.  Attakulla- 
kulla readily  agreed  to  them  all,  but  one,  which,  he 
said,  he  had  no  authority  from  the  nation  to  grant. 
This  was  a  demand  of  four  Cherokees  to  be  deliver- 
ed up  and  put  to  death  in  the  front  of  the  army,  or 
four  green  scalps  to  be  delivered  within  twelve  nights. 
As  the  chieftains  could  not  grant  this,  they  were 
sent  to  Charleston  to  know  whether  the  governour 
would  abate  this  rigorous  article. 

Governour  Bull  and  his  council  met  them  at  Ash- 
ley Ferry.  The  governour  spoke  to  them  in  this 
friendly  manner;  "  Attakullakulla,  I  am  glad  to  see 
you,  and  as  I  have  always  heard  of  your  good 
behaviour,  that  you  have  been  a  good  friend  to 
the  English,  I  take  you  by  the  hand,  and  not  only 
you  but  all  those  with  you  also,  as  a  pledge  of 
their  security  whilst  under  my  protection.  Colonel 
Grant  acquaints  me  that  you  have  applied  for  peace ; 
now  that  you  are  come,  I  have  met  with  my  beloved 
men,  to  hear  what  you  have  to  say,  and  my  ears  are 
open  for  that  purpose."  Then  a  fire  was  kindled, 
the  pipe  of  peace  was  lighted  up,  and,  for  sometime, 
all  smoked  together  in  great  silence  and  solemnity. 

Attakullakulla  then  rose  and  addressed  the  gov- 
ernour, in  a  manly  and  eloquent  speech,  represent- 
ing his  jov  at  seeing  the  governour,  that  he  was  come 

'Vol.  I.  56 


442  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Cxi  v?    as  a  messenger  of  peace ;    that  his  people  were  in 

1    great  distress;  and  that,  though  the  English  were  su- 

1761.  perior  to  them,  and  lived  in  light,  while  they  were  in 
darkness;  yet  that  one  God  was  the  Father  of  both  ; 
that  they  lived  in  one  country,  and  that  he  wished 
what  had  happened  might  be  forgotten,  and  they 
might  live  as  one  people.  Peace  was  established,and 
both  parties  expressed  their  wishes,  that  it  might  con- 
tinue as  long  as  the  rivers  should  run,  or  the  sun  shine. 
The  whole  North  American  continent  appeared 
now  to  be  quieted.  The  colonies  nevertheless  were 
called  upon  to  furnish  their  quotas  during  the  war. 
Much  remained  to  be  done,  in  repairing  and  erect- 
ing forts,  building  barracks,  and  storehouses,  and  in 
putting  the  country  into  a  proper  situation  to  main- 
tain the  conquests  which  had  been  made.  Prodig- 
ious was  the  labour  and  expense,  which,  in  this  and 
the  next  year,  were  bestowed  on  the  fortifications 
and  buildings  at  Crown  Point.  The  works  to  be 
accomplished  and  the  garrisons  to  be  maintained, 
employed  the  regular  and  provincial  troops,  during 
the  whole  of  this  campaign. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  critical  state  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies.  Expedition 
against  Martinico.  Surrender  of  the  French  Islands.  War  witli 
Spain.  Lord  Albemarle's  expedition  against  Havannah.  The  city 
is  taken.  Events  disposing-  the  enemy  to  peace.  General  pacifica- 
tion. Boundaries  between  France  and  Great  Britain  in  America. 
Quotas,  supplies,  and  expense  of  the  colonies  during  the  war.  Ef- 
fects of  the  war.  Joy  and  state  of  the  country  on  the  return  of 
peace.  Indian  war.  The  enemy  ravage  the  frontiers  of  the  south- 
ern colonies,  take  several  English  forts,  attempt  the  reduction  of 
fort  Pitt,  Detroit,  and  Niagara.  Battle  at  Detroit.  The  enemy  at- 
tack colonel  Bonquet,  and  are  defeated.  They  destroy  a  detach- 
ment of  men  near  Niagara.     Are  humbled,  and  make  peace. 


lli  VERY  thing  which  had  been  an  object  of  the  war 
on  the  continent  of  North  America  was  now  accom- 
plished ;  but  in  Europe  the  affairs  of  Great  Britain 
and  her   allies  never  wore  a  more   gloomy  aspect, 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  443 

France  had  greatly  extended  her  conquests  in  Germa-  chap. 
ny.  A  very  considerable  part  of  Hanover  was  in  the 
possession  of  her  troops.  The  king  of  Prussia  was  176h 
so  reduced  and  pressed  on  every  side,  by  his  numer- 
ous enemies,  that  there  was  no  human  prospect,  that 
he  could,  for  any  considerable  time,  hold  out  against 
them.  Should  he  be  overpowered,  the  allied  army, 
which  now  was  only  able  to  act  on  the  defensive,  could 
not  survive  the  event  a  single  day.  All  the  Hano- 
verian dominions  must  instantly  be  lost.  What  other 
disasterous  consequences  might  ensue  it  was  not 
within  the  reach  of  human  foresight  to  determine. 
All  the  great  powers  of  Europe  were  engaged  on  the 
side  of  France.  The  negotiations  of  peace,  which  sept.  20. 
had  been  opened  with  some  favourable  appearances, 
were  now  broken  off  without  any  accommodation,  or 
any  favourable  change  in  the  feelings  or  designs  of 
the  belligerent  powers.  Indeed  the  parties  appeared 
more  hostile  in  their  intentions,  and  more  adverse  in 
their  opinions,  than  at  the  commencement  of  the 
war.  After  it  had  been  so  long  and  general,  after 
such  a  prodigious  effusion  of  blood,  and  the  expense  of 
so  much  money  and  treasure,  as  seemed  almost  to 
have  exhausted  and  worn  down  the  powers  at  war, 
they  appeared  to  be  inflamed  with  new  animosities, 
and  to  be  rousing  themselves  afresh  to  works  of  mu- 
tual destruction.  It  appeared  that  the  courts  of  Bour- 
bon had  strengthened  the  family  compact  by  new  and 
extraordinary  treaties,  and  that  Spain  was  about  to 
become  an  ally  with  France  in  the  war. 

Great  Britain  never  was  in  a  more  critical  and  dan- 
gerous situation.  She  was  not  only  directly  or  indi- 
rectly engaged  in  war  with  all  the  great  continental 
powers  of  Europe,  but  with  much  the  most  consid- 
erable part  of  her  maritime  force.  The  Spanish  fleet 
was  computed  at  more  than  a  hundred  men  of  war. 
Spain  was  a  fresh  power,  cordial  in  her  friendship  to 
France,  unimpaired  in  her  resources  of  men,  money, 
stores  or  any  thing  necessary  for  war.  Great  Britain 
was  exhausted  of  men,  and  her  resources  were  sinking 
under  a  debt  of  more  than  a  hundred  millions. 


444  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CxivP        *n  tne  S^oom  and  dangers  of  Great  Britain  her  col- 

'_    onies  were  involved.     Notwithstanding  all  that  glow 

1761-  of  victory,  which  had  appeared  in  America,  there  was 
yet  great  danger,  that  after  all  her  exertions,  she 
would  derive  no  lasting  advantages  from  the  war. 
If  France  and  her  allies  should  carry  their  points  in 
Europe,  it  would  require,  that  all  the  acquisitions, 
made  in  America,  should  be  given  up  to  recover 
what  would  be  lost  in  Germany,  and  to  secure  the 
rights  of  Protestants,  on  that  side  of  the  water.  The 
extraordinary  events  of  the  next  year  gave  a  favoura- 
ble turn  to  the  affairs  of  Europe,  and  were  pro- 
ductive of  happy  consequences  to  America. 

After  the  close  of  the  campaign  on  the  continent  of 
t^oiiTa1      America,  a  considerable  part  of  the  regular  troops, 
gainst       with  a  body  of  provincials,  embarked  for  the  West 
Martinico.  Indies,  and  joined  an  armament  from  Great  Britain, 
in  the  reduction  of  Martinico.     The  whole  land  force 
consisted  of  about  twelve  thousand  men,  under  the 
Jan  7,      command  of  general  Monckton.     On  the  seventh  of 
1762.        January  the  fleet  and  army  arrived  off  that  island. 
By  the  fourteenth  of  February  the  whole  island  was 
reduced  to  the  government  of  Great  Britain. 
Martinico,      The  surrender  of  this  island,  which  was  the  seat  of 
struck,  government,    the   principal  mart  of  trade,  and  the 
and  st.     centre  of  the  French  force  in  the  Caribbees,  was  soon 
^kecnents    succeeded  by  the  surrender  of  all  the  dependent  isl- 
March  5.    ands.     The  fertile  islands  of  Granada,  St.  Lucia,  and 
St.  Vince'nts  followed    the    example  of  the  capital. 
In  a  short  time  the  English  became  the  sole  and  ^un- 
disturbed possessors  of  that  grand  chain  of  nume- 
rous islands,  which  forms  the  immense  bow,  exten- 
ding from  the  eastern  point  of  Hispaniola  almost  to 
the  continent  of  South  America.      These  islands,  to- 
gether, can  boast  more  trade  than  falls  to  the  share 
of  some  respectable  kingdoms. 
War  with       As  war  had  been  declared  against  Spain,  on  the 
Spain.       second  of  January,  it  was  determined  to  give  a  capital 
blow  to  the  Spanish  settlements  in  the  West  Indies. 
An  armament  was  prepared  with  the  utmost  despatch. 
Lord  Albemarle  was  appointed  to  command  the  oper 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  445 

ations  by  land.     He  had,  from  his  youth,  been  train-    c"Arp- 

ed  to  war,   under  the  duke  of  Cumberland.     The    J * 

fleet,  destined  to  the  service,  was  commanded  by  ad-      \762. 
miral  Pocock,  who  had  commanded  so  successfully 
in  the  East  Indies.     The  object  of  the  expedition 
was  the  Havannah,  in  which  centered  the  whole  trade 
and  navigation  of  the  Spanish  West  Indies.     The  Arma- 
fleet  sailed  from  Portsmouth  on  the  fifth  of  March.  "•J*  *• 
This  was  to  be  reinforced  by  a  squadron  from  Mar-  varmah,  *' 
tinico,  under  the  command  of  Sir  James  Douglass.  Ma>' 27- 
On  the  twenty  seventh  of  May  the  two  squadrons 
formed  a  junction,  at  Cape  Nichola,  the  north  west 
point  of  Hispaniola.     The  fleet  now  consisted  of  thir- 
ty seven  ships  of  war,  with  nearly  a  hundred  and  fif- 
ty transports.     The  land  force    on  board   was  about 
ten  thousand  men.      Four  thousand  regular  troops 
from  New  York,  were  ordered  to  join  them  at  the 
Havannah.      A  considerable  number  of  provincials 
enlisted  under  their  own  officers,  and  assisted  in  this 
arduous  enterprise.      The  whole  land  force,    when 
collected  together,  would    amount  to  fifteen  or  six- 
teen thousand  men. 

The  admiral  was  sensible  how  much  the  success 
of  the  expedition  depended  on  despatch  ;  that  it  might 
be  carried  into  execution  before  the  coming  on  of  the 
hurricane  months.  Instead,  therefore,  of  keeping  the 
common  tract  of  the  galleons  to  the  south  of  Cuba, 
which  was  much  the  safest,  though  far  the  most  ted- 
ious passage,  he  determined  to  pursue  his  course, 
from  cast  to  west  through  the  streights  of  Bahama. 
This  is  a  narrow  passage,  not  less  than  seven  hun- 
dred miles  in  length.  It  is  bounded  on  the  right 
and  left,  with  so  many  dangerous  sands  and  shoals, 
that  the  navigation  is  dangerous  for  small  and  single 
vessels.  Yet  such  were  the  precautions  and  admira- 
ble dispositions  of  the  admiral,  that  he  carried  this 
fleet  of  nearly  two  hundred  sail,  safely  through  this 
perilous  passage.  On  the  fifth  of  June,  Havannah, 
the  object  of  this  long  voyage,  and  of  so  many  anx- 
ious hopes  and  fears,  presented  itself  to  the  view  of 
the  fleet  and  armv. 


446 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CxivP'       ^n  ^e    sevenm   tne   trooPs  were    landed.     For 

'm    more  than  two  months,  every  art  of  war,  every  ex- 

ir62.  ertion  of  courage,  with  the  most  invincible  patience 
Troops  and  perseverance,  under  almost  insuperable  difficul- 
Havaan-the  ^CBi  were  unitedly  employed,  by  officers  and  soldiers, 
nab,  by  the  fleet  and  army  for  the  reduction  of  this  impor- 

june  7.  taut  is}an(j.  The  fortresses  were  strong  by  nature 
and  art.  The  enemy  made  a  gallant  and  obstinate 
defence.  The  climate  was  burning,  and  the  want  of 
water  great  and  almost  insuperably  distressing. 
Never  were  British  valour  and  resolution  put  to 
a  severer  trial.  Some  of  the  soldiers  dropped  down 
dead  under  the  pressure  of  heat,  thirst,  and  fatigue. 
Before  the  middle  of  July,  the  army,  in  this  unwhol- 
some  and  burning  region,  and  under  the  rigour  of 
such  extraordinary  services,  was  reduced  to  one  half 
of  its  original  numbers.  Five  thousand  soldiers  and 
three  thousand  seamen  were  ill  at  one  time*  The 
hearts  of  the  most  sanguine  sunk  within  them,  while 
they  beheld  this  gallant  army  thus  wasting  by  disease  ; 
and  they  could  not  but  tremble  for  that  noble  fleet, 
which  had  so  long  been  exposed  on  the  open  shore, 
and  must  in  all  human  probability  suffer  inevitable 
ruin,  should  the  hurricane  season  come  on  before 
the  reduction  of  the  place.  As  the  season  advanc- 
ed, the  prospect  grew  more  and  more  faint.  But 
when  the  troops  were  almost  on  the  point  of  total 
despondency,  the  arrival  of  the  troops  from  North 
America  revived  their  drooping  spirits,  gave  fresh 
vigour  to  the  operations,  and  were  of  the  most  sig- 
nal service. 

Such  was  the  zeal  of  the  New  Englanders  in  his 
majesty's  service,  that  not  only  many  of  them  en- 
listed with  a  particular  view  to  the  reduction  of 
the  Havannah ;  but  even  such  as  had  assisted  in  the 
conquest  of  Martinico,  and,  by  reason  of  sickness, 
had  been  sent  off,  in  three  ships,  to  their  native 
country,  for  their  recovery,  soon  finding  their  health 
restored,  ordered  the  ships  about,  and  steering  di- 
rectly for  the  Havannah,  shared  in  the  dangers  and 
honours  of  that  glorious  enterprise. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  447 

On  the  thirteenth  of  August,  to  the  universal  joy   Cy^F- 

of  the  fleet  and  army,    the    Spaniards    surrendered    _J 'm 

the  town  of  Havannah  with  the  shipping  in  the  har-     i7q-^ 
bour,  and  a  territory  of  a  hundred  and  eighty  miles 
westward  of  the  town. 

This  was,  in  its  consequences,  one  of  the  most  pescrip- 
important  and  decisive  victories  obtained  since  the  h™  °£the 
commencement  of  the  war.  Though  Havannah  is  nah. 
not  reckoned  the  capital  of  the  Spanish  West  Indies, 
yet  it  is  the  first  in  wealth,  size,  and  importance.  The 
harbour  on  which  it  stands,  is  one  of  the  best  in  the 
West  Indies,  if  not  in  the  known  world.  It  is  of 
sufficient  extent  to  contain  a  thousand  of  the  largest 
ships.  It  is  perfectly  secure  from  every  wind.  It 
is  the  grand  resort  of  the  rich  fleets,  from  all  parts 
of  the  Spanish  West  Indies,  called  the  Galleons  and 
the  Flota.  Hence  they  take  their  departure  for  Eu- 
rope. These  circumstances  combine  their  influence, 
to  make  the  Havannah  one  of  the  most  flourishing, 
opulent,  and  populous  cities  in  that  part  of  the  world. 
The  fortifications  were  not  unequal  to  its  impor- 
tance. 

The  advantage  gained,  in  the  capture  of  the  ene- 
my's shipping,  was  equal  to  that  of  the  greatest  na- 
val victory.  Twelve  of  their  best  ships  of  the  line, 
three  frigates,  and  some  merchantmen  were  taken  or 
sunk. 

New  England  by  her  zeal  in  this  enterprise,  sus- 
tained a  considerable  loss  of  men.  Scarcely  any  of 
the  private  soldiers,  and  but  few  of  the  officers,  ev- 
er returned.  Such  as  were  not  killed  in  the  service, 
were  generally  swept  away  by  the  great  mortality,  which 
prevailed  in  the  fleet  and  army. 

The  Spaniards  received  a  wound  in  Asia,  not  less 
unexpected  or  terrible,  than  that  given  them  in  the 
West  Indies.  An  armament  under  the  command  of 
general  Draper  and  admiral  Cornish,  on  the  sixth  of 
October,  made  a  complete  conquest  of  Manilla  and 
the  Philippine  islands. 

The  loss  of  Martinico,  Havannah,  Manilla,  and  the 
Philippine  islands,  with  the  capture  of  several  rich 


448  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CxivP*    sn*Ps  °^  near^y   tv/0  wUi<Hls  value,  made  deep  im- 

_    pressions  on  the  Bourbon  family.     They  very  con- 

ir62.  siderably  affected  those  resources  of  money,  which 
with  France,  were  principal  objects  in  her  late  treaties 
with  Spain.  These  powers  had  been  entirely  disap- 
pointed in  their  attempts  against  Lisbon.  The  cam- 
paign in  Germany  had,  by  no  means  succeeded  agree- 
ably to  their  wishes.  By  the  death  of  Elizabeth  empress 
of  Russia,  and  the  revolution  which  immediately  suc- 
ceeded that  great  event,  Providence  gave  a  most  un- 
expected and  surprisingly  favourable  turn  to  the  affairs 
of  the  king  of  Prussia.  These  all  combined  their  influ- 
ence in  disposing  the  courts  of  Bourbon  to  peace,  and 
to  stop  that  flow  of  human  blood,  which,for  seven  years, 
had  been  running  without  intermission  or  parallel. 

At  the  same  time  those  grand  acquisitions,  which 
Britain  had  made,  in  Asia  and  the  West  Indies,  en- 
abled her  to  treat  of  peace  without  giving  up  a  single 
post,  which  she  had  gained  on  the  continent  of 
North  America. 
Definitive  On  the  third  of  November  preliminaries  of  peace 
Pari7  °f  were  s*£ne^>  at  Fountainbleau,  by  the  British  and 
Feb.  'io,  French  ministers.  The  definitive  treaty  of  Paris  was 
1763-  completed  on  the  tenth  of  the  succeeding  February. 
In  the  fourth  article  of  this  treaty,  his  most  Christian 
majesty  renounced  all  pretensions,  which  he  had  ever 
formed  or  might  form  to  Nova  Scotia  in  all  its  parts, 
and  guaranteed  the  whole  of  it,  with  all  its  dependen- 
cies, to  the  king  of  Great  Britain.  He  also  ceded  and 
guaranteed,  to  his  Britannic  majesty,  in  full  right, 
Canada  with  all  its  dependencies*  with  Cape  Breton 
and  all  the  other  islands  and  coasts  in  the  river  St: 
Lawrence,  with  every  thing  dependent  on  said  coun- 
tries, lands,  islands,  and  coasts ;  with  the  sovereignty, 
property,  possession,  and  all  rights  acquired  by  treaty 
or  otherwise,  in  the  amplest  manner  and  form,  with- 
out any  liberty  to  depart  from  the  said  cession  and 
guarantee.  The  seventh  article  fixed  the  limits  of 
territory  between  the  two  nations  in  the  following 
manner : 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  449 

"  In  order  to  re-establish  peace,  on  solid  and  dura- 
ble foundations,  and  to  remove  for  ever  all   subject  of 
dispute  with  regard  to  the  limits  of  the  British  and      lr62# 
the  French  territories  on  the  continent  of  America;  it  is  Bound*- 
agreed,  that,  for  the  future,  the  confines  between  the  Jjj*  ht' 
dominions  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  those   of  his  Great  Bri- 
most  Christian  Majesty  in  that  part  of  the  world,  shall  ^an  ar'<* 
be  fixed  irrevocably  by  a  line  drawn  along  the  middle  America. 
of  the  river  Missisippi,  from  its  source  to  the  river 
Iberville,  and  from  thence,  by  a  line  drawn  along  the 
middle  of  this  river,  and  the  lakes  Maurepas  and  Pon- 
chartrain  to  the  sea;  and  for  this  purpose  the  most 
Christian  king  cedes  in  full  right,  and  guarantees  to 
his  Britannic  Majesty  the  river  and  port  of  the  Mobile, 
and  every  thing  which  he  possesses  or  ought  to  possess 
on  the  left  side  of  the  river  Missisippi,  except  the 
town  of  Orleans,  and  the  island  on  which  it  is  situat- 
ed, which  shall  remain  to  France;   provided  that  the 
navigation   of  the  river  Missisippi   shall  be   equally 
free,  as  well  to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  as  to 
those  of  France,  in  its  whole  breadth  and  length  from 
its  source  to  the  sea,  and  expressly  that  part,  which  is 
between  the  said  island  of  New  Orleans  and  the  right 
bank  of  the  river,  as  well  as  the  passage  both  in  and 
out  of  its  mouth.     It  is  further  stipulated,  that  the 
vessels  belonging  to  the  subjects  of  either  shall  not  be 
stopped,  visited,  or  subjected  to  the  payment  of  any 
duty  whatsoever."* 

The  king  of  Great  Britain  made  a  restoration  of  all 
his  conquests  in  the  Spanish  West  Indies  to  the  king 
of  Spain.  In  consequence  of  which  liis  Catholic 
Majesty,  in  the  twentieth  article,  made  to  his  Britan- 
nic Majesty  an  ample  cession  of  Florida,  St.  Augus- 
tine, the  bay  of  Pensacola,  and  all  that  Spain  possessed 
on  the  continent  of  North  America,  to  the  east  or  to 
the  southeast  of  the  river  Missisippi.  A  cession  was 
also  made  of  every  thing  dependent  on  said  country  or 
lands,  with  the  sovereignty,  property,  possession,  and 
all  rights,  acquired  by  treaties,  or  otherwise,  which, 

*  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  1.  p.  5,  6. 

Vol.   I.  57 


450  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,    ever  the  Catholic  king  or  crown  of  Spain  had  over 
the  said  countries. 


176S  In  the  fourth,  seventh,  and  twentieth  articles,  his 
Liberties  Britannic  Majesty  stipulated,  that  the  inhabitants  of 
fheRomln  tne  respective  countries  above  ceded,  by  France  and 
Catholics.  Spain,  should  be  allowed  the  enjoyment  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion;  and  that  he  would  give  the  most  ex- 
press and  effectual  orders,  that  his  new  Roman  Catho- 
lic subjects  might  profess  the  exercise  of  their  relig- 
ion, according  to  the  rights  of  the  Romish  Church,  so 
far  as  should  be  consistent  with  the  laws  of  Great 
Britain.  It  was  further  stipulated,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  said  countries  might  sell  their  estates  to  British 
subjects,  and  retire  with  all  safety  and  freedom  wher- 
ever they  should  think  proper.  They  were  also  al- 
lowed to  remove  their  effects,  as  well  as  persons,  with- 
out any  restraint  in  their  emigration,  under  any  pretence 
whatsoever,  except  in  cases  of  debt  and  of  criminal 
prosecutions.  The  time  of  emigration  was  limited  to 
the  term  of  eighteen  months  from  the  exchange  of  the 
ratifications  of  the  treaty.  These  were  the  principal 
stipulations  relative  to  the  continent  of  America. 
Peace  fa-  Signally  conspicuous  was  that  all-governing  Provi- 
so "h*bcoi.  dence,  which,  for  so  many  years,  by  sea  and  land,  in 
onies.  Europe,  America,  and  the  other  quarters  of  the  world, 
combined  such  a  variety  of  circumstances,  as  united 
their  influence  in  this  great  event.  In  this  important 
treaty,  the  American  colonies  saw  the  enemy,  who,  for 
nearly  a  century  and  a  half,  had  given  them  such  im- 
mense trouble,  caused  them  so  many  years  of  fear  and 
sorrow,  such  an  incredible  expense  of  blood  and  treas- 
ure, either  removed  from  the  continent,  or  reduced  t;o 
circumstances,  in  which  they  were  so  far  from  injuring 
them,  that  they  could  not  but  contribute  to  their  emol- 
ument, and  to  the  wealth  and  grandeur  of  Great  Britain. 
The  aspects  of  Providence  were  peculiarly  favourable 
with  respect  to  the  colonies,  in  that  extent  of  territory 
which  was  secured  to  them  by  the  treaty.  In  the  ex- 
tent and  security  which  it  gave  them  with  respect  to 
their  fisheries  and  commerce,  and  in  every  other  re- 
spect, which  related  to  their  particular  interests  it  was 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  45  X 

favourable,  how  defective  soever  it  was  with  respect  to  chap. 
the  other  interests  of  Great  Britain.  In  this,  pious 
people  could  discover  something  very  providential,  1763> 
that  though  the  colonies  had  no  hand  nor  influence 
in  the  treaty,  yet,  that  it  was  much  more  favourable 
with  respect  to  them,  than  it  was  to  the  nation  in 
general. 

Great  and  universal  was  the  joy  which  the  peace 
gave  to  the  English  colonies  in  America.     For  nearly 
eight  years  they  had  been  making  the  utmost  exer- 
tions to  carry  on  the  war,  and  assist  his  majesty  in 
humbling  the  pride  of  their  common  enemy.     Their  Burdens 
burdens  and  losses  had  been  great.     As  the  provin-  of  the  war. 
cials  generally  inlisted  only  for  one  campaign,  a  new 
army  was  to  be  raised,  new  bounties  given,  and  new 
clothing  furnished  every  spring.     So  great  was  the 
expense,  that  the  colonies  were  obliged  not  only  to 
emit  bills  of  credit  to  a  great  amount,  but  to  tax  the 
people  as  highly  as  they  could   bear.     Besides  the 
public  bounties,  the  merchants,  farmers,  and  gentle- 
men of  character,  were  obliged  to  advance  consider- 
able sums  to  encourage  the  inlistment,  or  they  must 
have  left  their  merchandize,  farms,  and  various  em- 
ployments, and  gone  themselves  into  actual  service. 
Especially  was  this  the  case  with  the  northern  colo- 
nies.    New  England  in  general*  during  the  war,  had  supplies 
ten  thousand  men  in  the  field.     Some  years,  the  two  from  New 
colonies  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  only,  fur-  Enffland- 
nished   this   number.     The  Massachusetts  sent  into  Quotas 
the  field  annually  five  thousand  and  five  hundred  men;  andc*\ 
and  one  year  seven  thousand.      Besides  her  annual  Massa? 
quota,  this  colony  for  several  years  garrisoned  Louis-  cbusett* 
burg  and  Nova  Scotia,  that  the  regular  troops  might 
be  employed  in  the  expeditions  against  Canada.     On 
application  of  the  British  admiral,  she  furnished  five 
hundred  seamen   in  the   expeditions    against  Louis- 
burg  and  Quebec.     At  several  times  many   others 
were  impressed  out  of  the  vessels  employed  in  the 
fishery.     Agreeably  to  the   statement  made  by  gov- 
ernor Bernard,  and  transmitted  to  the  lords  of  trade, 
the  colony  had  expended  in  the  war  eight  hundred 


452 


A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


°Xiv'   aTK*   ei8'-lteen  thousand  pounds  sterling.*     Of  this 

three  hundred  and  twenty  eight  thousand  pounds  had 

lv 63.  Deen  replaced  by  parliamentary  grants.  Four  hun- 
dred and  ninety  thousand  pounds  were  expended,  for 
which  the  colony  had  no  parliamentary  compensation. 
)f  Con-  Connecticut  exerted  herself  more  beyond  her  pro- 
ecticut.  portion  than  the  Massachusetts.  On  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  in  1755,  she  raised  a  thousand  men 
for  the  service.  After  the  battle  at  the  lake,  in  Sep- 
tember, she  sent  on  a  detachment  of  two  thousand 
of  her  militia,  as  a  reinforcement  to  the  army.  The 
next  year,  supposing  that  the  southern  states  might 
fail  of  furnishing  their  respective  quotas,  she  sent 
inro  actual  service  two  thousand  and  five  hundred 
men.  This  was  double  the  number  required  by  the 
commander  in  chief.  Such  was  her  zeal  for  his 
majesty's  service  and  the  general  good,  that  she  ex- 
erted herself  in  this  duplicate  proportion,  lest  the 
common  cause  should  suffer.  In  1757,  the  requisi- 
tioi*$of  the  commander  was  fourteen  hundred  only. 
These  were  not  only  raised,  but,  on  the  intelligence 
that  fort  William  Henry  was  attacked,  she  with  un- 
common despatch  sent  forward  about  five  thousand 
of  her  militia,  for  the  relief  and  protection  of  that 
part  of  the  country,  which,  at  that  time  was  thrown 
into  a  state  of  the  greatest  tumult  and  consternation. 
As  she  was  called  upon,  the  next  year,  to  raise  all 
the  men  in  her  power,  and  was  encouraged  that  this 
would  be  the  last  year  of  the  war,  she  exerted  her- 
self beyond  all  former  examples,  and  sent  into  service 
about  five  thousand  men.  General  Amherst  taking 
advantage  of"  the  zeal  of  the  colony  this  year,  made 
this  number  the  rule  of  his  command  annually  during 
the  war.  This  proved  a  heavy  burden  on  the  colony, 
and  was  not  only  far  beyond  her  proportion,  but  even 
beyond  her  ability.  The  expense  of  this  little  col- 
ony, in  the  war  from  1755  to  1762  inclusively,  after 


*  Goveraour  Bernard's  Letter,  August  1, 1764 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  453 

deducting  the  parliamentary  grants,  amounted  to  up-    chap. 
wards  of  four  hundred  thousand  pounds.*  [ 

Besides  the  public  expense,  that  of  individuals  was  1763. 
not  inconsiderable.  It  was  sometimes  at  a  very  great 
premium  that  they  could  obtain  substitutes  to  prevent 
personal  services.  Of  these  and  numerous  other  in- 
cidental expenses,  losses,  and  damages  sustained  by 
the  war,  no  estimate  can  be  made.  Besides  the  men 
furnished  by  the  colonies,  under  the  general  name  of 
provincials,  many  of  their  inhabitants  inlisted  into 
the  regular  regiments,  were  among  their  grenadiers 
and  very  best  troops.  They  were  in  the  sharpest 
actions  and  severest  services  during  the  war.  The 
royal  American  battalions,  which  were  not  inferior  to 
any  of  the  regular  regiments,  were  raised  wholly  from 
the  colonies.  Numbers  were  impressed  on  board  the 
shipping,  many  were  employed  in  privateering  and 
various  other  services  relating  to  the  war.  The  num- 
bers employed,  on  the  whole,  were  very  great. 

The  colonies  probably  sustained  a  loss  of  about  five  Effects  of 
or  six  and  twenty  thousand  men.  These  in  general the  wav- 
were  their  most  firm  and  hardy  young  men,  the  flower 
of  their  country.  Many  others  were  wounded,  maimed, 
and  enervated  in  the  many  distant  and  arduous  cam- 
paigns during  the  war.  As  the  New  England  colonies 
furnished  much  the.  greatest  numbers  of  men,  this  loss 
fell  with  the  greatest  weight  upon  them.  New  York 
and  New  Jersey  were  next  in  their  zeal  to  New  Eng- 
land, and  consequently  had  the  next  share  in  the  ex- 
pense and  loss  of  the  war.  The  populous  and  opulent 
colony  of  Pennsylvania,  by  reason  of  internal  dissen- 
tions,  sometimes  did  little  or  nothing  ;  when  she  did 
her  best,  she  sent  into  the  field  no  more  than  two 
thousand  seven  hundred  men.  Her  whole  expense 
very  little  exceeded  the  grants  made  her  by  parliament. 
The  expense  of  Maryland  was  next  to  nothing. 

The  employment  of  such  a  number  of  men  for  so 
many  years,  in  the  war,  greatly  injured  the  husbandry 

*  Reasons  offered,  in  behalf  of  Connecticut,  against  internal  taxation 
of  the  colonies,  printed,  New  Haven,  1764, 


454  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

chap,  of  the  country,  which  was  its  principal,  and,  in  the 
northern  colonies,  almost  the  only  resource.  The  loss 
1763  of  so  many  young  men,  and  the  prevention  of  mar- 
riage, for  so  many  years,  with  respect  to  others,  very 
greatly  retarded  population.  At  the  same  time  the 
war  was  a  check  to  literature,  exceedingly  destructive 
of  domestic  happiness,  injurious  to  piety  and  the  so- 
joyand  cial  virtues.  The  colonies  thirsted  for  peace.  A  de- 
•uteofthe  liverance  from  these  evils,  the  return  of  parents,  sons, 
the  return  brethren,  and  friends,  from  distant  countries,  captivity, 
of  peace,  and  the  dangers  of  war,  to  the  embraces  of  each  other, 
with  the  countless  blessings  of  peace,  diffused  a  gene- 
ral and  uncommon  joy.  The  extent  of  territory  ceded 
to  the  colonies,  the  safety  of  their  commerce  and  fish- 
eries, the  prodigious  scope  which  opened  for  both,  for 
the  extension  of  settlement,  the  increase  of  wealth  and 
population,  and  a  general  diffusion  of  happiness,  all 
united  to  swell  the  general  tide  of  joy.  That  high 
point  of  greatness,  honour,  and  magnificence,  to  which 
the  nation  had  been  elevated,  the  extension  of  her  em- 
pire, the  flow  of  the  whole  trade  and  wealth  of  Canada, 
and  of  this  great  continent  into  her  lap,  whom  they 
considered  as  a  parent,  and  to  whom  they  claimed  the 
relation  of  children  ;  the  honours  acquired  in  so  glori- 
ous a  war,  with  the  advantages  of  a  peace,  which  gave 
lustre  to  the  crown  and  aggrandizement  to  the  reign  of 
a  prince  whom  they  loved,  were  so  many  circum- 
stances enlivening  the  joy  and  increasing  the  satisfac- 
tion, which  so  universally  prevailed.  The  colonists 
gloried  in  their  prince,  and  in  their  relation  to  Great 
Britain.  They  felt  a  high  degree  of  satisfaction,  and 
it  was  no  small  part  of  their  pride,  that  with  their  fel- 
low subjects,  of  the  mother  country,  they  had  shared 
in  the  labours  and  enterprises,  and  with  them  had 
mingled  their  blood  in  those  battles  and  victories,  on 
the  continent  and  in  the  Indies,  which  had  given  such 
enlargement  to  her  empire,  and  such  lustre  to  her  arms. 
They  felt  a  grateful  sense  of  the  royal  beneficence 
and  parliamentary  goodness,  in  the  grants  which  had 
been  made  for  their  assistance  in  defraying  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war.     They  were  entirely  satisfied  with 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  455 

the  British  government,  and  conceived  themselves  sin-    chap. 
gularly  happy  in  the  protection  and  privileges  which 
they  enjoyed  as  British  subjects.    This  was  the  general     l763 
feeling  and  happy  state  of  the  country  on  the  return  of 
peace. 

The  extension  of  settlements,  the  increase  of  culti- 
vation, numbers,  commerce,  and  wealth  of  the  colonies, 
for  about  ten  or  twelve  years  after  the  pacification  of 
Paris  were  almost  incredible.  These,  with  the  con- 
quests made  during  the  war,  and  the  extent  of  country 
ceded,  in  America,  by  the  definitive  treaty,  were  so 
many  great  preparatory  steps,  in  the  grand  series  of 
events,  which  paved  the  way  to  the  independence  of 
the  United  States.  These  all  united  their  influence  in 
obtaining  for  them  those  extensive  limits,  and  that 
happy  establishment  which  they  now  enjoy. 

While  the  colonies  were  congratulating  themselves 
in  the  enjoyments  of  peace,  and  imagining  that  a  long 
period  of  tranquillity  and  happiness  was  before  them, 
they  received  a  severe  blow,  from  a  quarter  whence 
they  had  not  the  least  intimation  nor  suspicion  of  such 
an  event. 

In  1761,  a  firm  peace  had  been  made  with  the 
Cherokees.  Three  of  their  chiefs  soon  after  went  to 
Great  Britain,  and  there  confirmed  it  with  the  British 
court.  About  the  same  time,  Sir  William  Johnson 
made  a  tour  among  the  Indian  nations,  to  quiet  their 
fears,  which  had  been  excited  by  the  conquest  of  Can- 
ada. These  fears,  it  seems,  had  been  fomented  by 
French  emissaries,  with  no  small  industry  and  success. 
The  same  year  a  conference  was  held  between  several 
of  the  American  governours  and  the  Six  Nations,  with 
a  view  of  ratifying  former  treaties,  of  more  entirely 
conciliating  and  fixing  their  friendship.  At  this  con-  Reuontof 
ference  a  warm  dispute  arose  on  the  account  of  certain  the  Indi£m 
lands,  of  which,  a  Delaware  chief  complained  that  cer- 
tain English  settlers  had  taken  possession,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  fraudulent  conveyance.  Though  this  an- 
imosity seemed  to  be  in  some  measure  stiffled  and  to 
subside,  at  that  time,  yet  the  Indians  were  not  satis- 


456 


A  GENERAL    HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP 
XIV- 

1763. 


Indian 
wir  com- 
mences. 


Frontiers 

abandon- 
ed. 


Forts  tak- 
en. 


fied.*  To  this  ground  of  dissatisfaction,  there  was 
an  addition  of  many  new  ones.  The  French  had  al- 
ways paid  a  more  flattering  attention  to  the  Indians, 
than  the  English  ever  deigned  to  show  them.  Their 
conquests  now  made  them  haughty,  and  they  treated 
these  rude  neighbours  with  less  condescension  and 
decorum,  than  had  before  been  usual.  Contrary  to  the 
faith  of  treaties,  settlements  were  made  beyond  our 
just  limits.f  We  had  also  drawn  a  line  of  forts  round 
their  best  hunting  grounds,  and  suspicions  arose  among 
them,  that  the  English  had  concerted  a  plan  for  their 
total  extirpation.  These  injuries  and  suspicions  first 
roused  the  resentments  of  the  Shawanese  and  Delaware 
Indians.  These  having  united  with  the  other  tribes 
along  the  Ohio,  and  drawn  the  nations  about  Detroit, 
with  a  considerable  part  of  the  Indians  on  this  side  of 
the  Missisippi  into  their  measures,  determined  to  make 
a  sudden  and  general  attack  upon  all  the  frontiers  at 
the  same  time.  That  they  might  at  one  blow,  both 
cut  ofFthe  inhabitants  and  the  means  of  their  subsist- 
ence, they  determined  to  begin  their  works  of  death  at 
the  time  of  harvest.  The  plan  was  conceited  with 
uncommon  art  and  secrecy.  By  their  sudden  and 
violent  irruption  great  numbers  of  the  inhabitants 
were  massacred,  their  houses  burned,  and  their  crops 
ruined,  with  all  the  circumstances  of  horrour  and  cru- 
elty, which  are  the  common  attendants  of  an  Indian 
war.  In  consequence  of  the  general  alarm  and  con- 
sternation, all  the  frontier  country  of  Pennsylvania, 
Virginia,  and  Maryland,  for  twenty  miles  back  into 
the  country,  with  thousands  of  flourishing  settlements 
were  abandoned  to  the  enemy.  The  travelling  mer- 
chants, who,  on  the  security  of  a  general  peace,  were 
trading  in  the  Indian  country,  were  murdered,  and 
their  effects  plundered.  These  were  estimated  at 
several  hundred  thousand  pounds. 

That  which,  in  a  military  view,  was  considered  as  of 
still  greater  importance,  was  the  capture  of  Le  Boeuf, 

•  Rider's  Hist.  vol.  xlviii.  p.  64,  65,  and  vol.  xlix.  p.  33. 
f  The  same,  vol.  1.  p.  45,  46. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  457 

Venango,  and  Presqu'isle.  These  forts  were  ad  van-  chap, 
tageously  situated,  so  as  to  command  the  heads  of  all 
the  navigable  rivers  southward  of  lake  Erie,  and  were  jp<& 
important  to  keep  up  the  communication  between 
fort  Pitt  and  the  lakes,  and  the  posts  north  of  them. 
The  Indians  made  themselves  masters  of  these  posts 
rather  by  stratagem,  than  by  any  force  sufficient  to 
have  reduced  them.  They  represented  to  the  soldiers 
that  they  had  cut  off  the  other  garrisons,  boasted  of 
the  great  numbers  they  had  with  them,  and  made  them 
the  most  flattering  promises  of  safety  and  good  usage* 
When,  by  these  arts,  they  had  induced  them  to  give 
up  the  posts,  they  commonly  violated  their  promises, 
and  killed  or. captivated  them.  By  these  arts  they 
also  got  possession  of  Michillimackinac. 

Flushed  with  these  successes  they  attempted  to 
reduce  fort  Pitt,  Detroit,  and  Niagara.  Though  the 
theatre  of  this  Indian  war  was  of  vast  extent,  though 
the  different  nations  were  separated  by  immense  tracts 
of  country,  yet,  in  their  operations,  they  preserved  an 
admirable  degree  of  connexion  and  concert.  At  the 
same  time  they  invested  Detroit  and  fort  Pitt,  though 
more  than  two  hundred  miles  distant  from  each  other. 

The  commander  in  chief  apprised  of  the  danger, 
to  which  all  the  western  posts  were  exposed,  detached 
strong  reinforcements  to  those  garrisons.  Captain 
Dalyell  conducted  the  reinforcement  despatched  to 
Detroit.  After  his  arrival  with  the  reinforcement,  he 
imagined,  from  the  intelligence  given  him,  that  he 
could  surprise  the  enemy  and  drive  them  entirely  from 
that  settlement.  For  this  purpose  it  was  determined 
to  make  an  attack  on  the  Indian  camp,  which  lay  at 
(he  distance  of  about  three  miles  from  the  fort.  Be- 
tween two  and  three  in  the  morning,  captain  Dalyell, 
with  two  hundred  and  seventy  men  began  his  march 
with  all  possible  secrecy  and  precaution.  But  the 
Indians  were  so  vigilant  and  sharp  sighted,  that  they 
discovered  his  party,  lined  the  hedges,  posted  them- 
selves behind  houses,  and  took  the  best  measures  to 
annoy  and  defeat  him. 

Vol.   I. 


458  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OP  THE 

°X'  v?'        Before  he  hfid  reached  their  camp  he  was  saluted 

_^ 1    with  a  severe  fire  in  his  front.     Instantly  it  began  in 

176 i.  his  rear,  and  soon  it  became  furious  and  destructive 
Battle  of  on  every  side.  The  captain  fell  in  the  beginning  of 
juiy.°  '  the  action.  The  darkness  of  the  night  prevented  the 
sight  of  the  enemy,  and  the  whole  party  were  on  the 
point  of  irreparable  disorder  and  ruin.  In  this  emer- 
gency, captain  Grant,  on  whom  the  command  de- 
volved, saw  that  his  only  safety  was  in  a  speedy  retreat. 
To  effect  this,  with  success,  it  was  necessary  to  make 
a  spirited  charge  upon  the  enemy.  This  was  done 
with  such  order  and  resolution,  that  they  were  soon 
driven  from  the  roads  and  repulsed  in  every  quarter. 
The  English  having  thus  extricated  themselves  return- 
ed to  the  fort.  But  it  was  an  unhappy  affair  in  which 
seventy  men  were  killed  and  forty  wounded.  The 
Indians,  finding  the  garrison  to  be  numerous  and 
vigilant,  despaired  of  further  success,  and  soon  draw- 
ing off  gave  it  no  more  trouble. 
Fort  PJtt  Meanwhile  Fort  Pitt  was  so  entirely  surrounded, 
besiege  .  ^^  .^  communication,  even  by  private  message, 
was  cut  off  between  that  and  the  country.  The  In- 
dians in  some  measure  supplied  their  want  of  skill  and 
cannon,  by  their  incredible  boldness  and  perseverance. 
Regardless  of  danger,  and  with  a  resolution  which 
would  have  done  honour  to  the  best  troops,  they  took 
post  under  the  banks  of  the  river,  close  to  the  fort, 
and  burying  themselves  in  holes,  for  days  together, 
poured  in  upon  it  an  incessant  storm  of  shot  and  fire 
arrows.  Captain  Ecuyer,  who  commanded  the  gar- 
rison, took  every  precaution,  which  judgment  or  art 
could  suggest,  and  defended  himself  with  no  less 
firmness  and  perseverance  than  the  enemy  made  their 
assault. 

General  Amherst  well  knew  the  importance  of  the 
post,  and  had  detached  colonel  Bouquet,  a  trusty  of- 
ficer, with  a  large  quantity  of  provisions  and  military 
stores,  under  a  strong  escort  for  its  relief  and  support. 
When  the  colonel  had  advanced  to  the  remotest  verge 
of  the  English  settlements,  he  could  not  obtain  the 
least  intelligence  of  the  state  of  the  garrison,  of  the 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  459 

numbers,  position,  or  motions  of  the  enemy.     In  this   c"IyP- 

situation  he  determined  to  prepare  for  the  worst,  and    

disengaged  himself  of  all  ammunition  and  provisions,  1763. 
which  did  not  appear  absolutely  necessary.  Having 
thus  disencumbered  himself  the  army  entered  a  rough 
and  mountainous  country.  Before  him  lay  a  dan- 
gerous defile,  called  Turtle  Creek,  several  miles  in 
length.  On  both  sides  it  was  commanded  by  steep 
and  craggy  hills.  After  refreshing  the  troops  it  was 
determined,  with  a  view,  if  possible  to  elude  the  ob- 
servation of  the  enemy,  to  pass  this  defile  in  the  night. 

Though  the  colonel  had  not  been  able  to  obtain  the 
least  intelligence  of  the  enemy,  yet  this  alert  and  keen- 
sighted  foe  had  discovered  his  party,  and  finding 
that  a  reinforcement  was  coming  on,  they  immediate- 
ly raised  the  siege  of  fort  Pitt,  and  taking  the  rout  by 
which  they  knew  the  army  must  pass,  determined  to 
surprise  it,  the  first  favourable  opportunity. 

While  the  English  were  making  the  necessary  ar-  Attack  on 
rangements  for  refreshment  and  repose,  after  a  fatigu-  Bonquet, 
ing  march  of  seventeen  miles,  that  day,  their  advanced  August  5. 
guard  was  suddenly  and  furiously  attacked.  This 
was  so  expeditiously  and  firmly  supported,  that  the 
enemy  were  soon  obliged  to  fly,  and  the  English 
pursued  them  to  a  considerable  distance.  But  that 
which,  with  another  enemy,  would  have  been  consid- 
ered as  a  complete  victor)r,  in  this  case  seemed  only 
as  an  amusement,  or  artful  relaxation.  So  far  were 
the  enemy  from  abandoning  the  field,  that  the  mo- 
ment the  pursuit  ended  they  returned  with  redoubled 
fury  to  the  fight.  Several  other  parties,  who  lay  in 
ambush,  in  the  high  ground  along  the  flanks  of  the 
army,  now  starting  up  rushed  on  to  the  encounter, 
with  a  resolution  equal  to  that  of  their  companions, 
and  galled  the  English  with  a  furious  and  obstinate 
fire.  To  dislodge  them  from  the  heights  it  became 
necessary  to  make  a  charge  with  the  whole  line. 
This  succeeded,  but  produced  nothing  decisive.  No 
sooner  were  the  savages  driven  from  one  place,  than 
they  sprang  up  in  another.     Such  were  the  reinforce- 


460  A  GENERAL  HISTOI1Y  OF  THE 

°xivP    ments  which  constantly  came  rushing  on  to  the  bat- 

_    tie,  that,  at  length  the  whole  detachment  was  com- 

1763.     pletely  surrounded. 

Having  thus  surrounded  the  army,  and  drawn  it 
at  some  distance  from  the  convoy,  they  commenced 
a  furious  attack  upon  this.  It  now  became  immedi- 
ately necessary  for  the  main  body  to  fall  back,  or  the 
convoy  must  be  instantly  lost.  This  was  effected 
with  the  utmost  address  and  resolution.  But  the  en- 
emy were  not  intimidated;  the  action,  every  moment 
became  more  warm  and  general.  The  troops  were 
attacked  on  every  side  ;  and  with  incredible  spirit  and 
obstinacy  did  the  savages  support  and  press  the 
charge.  During  the  whole  of  this  serious  action 
which  took  so  many  shapes,  and  in  which  so  many  man- 
oeuvres were  necessary,  the  English  were  not  thrown 
into  the  least  confusion,  but  by  their  firm  and  steady 
conduct  and  superior  discipline  maintained  the  field, 
and  with  fixed  bayonets  drove  the  enemy  from  all 
their  posts.  Nearly  seven  hours  did  the  action  con- 
tinue, without  the  least  intermission.  It  began  about 
one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  continued  till  the 
want  of  day  terminated  the  engagement. 

The  ground,  on  which  the  battle  was  fought,  was 
tolerably  convenient  for-an  encampment.  The  wound- 
ed men  and  convoy  were  placed  in  the  centre,  and 
the  army  marshalled  in  a  circle,  surrounded  the  whole. 
In  this  manner  the  troops  passed  an  anxious  night, 
obliged  to  the  strictest  vigilance,  by  a  subtile  and  en- 
terprising foe,  who,  at  some  distance,  still  compassed 
them  about. 
The  action  On  the  first  dawn  of  the  morning  they  began  to 
August  6.  show  themselves  on  every  side  of  the  camp.  At  the 
distance  of  about  five  hundred  yards,  they  presented 
themselves  round  the  whole  camp  ;  and,  by  an  osten- 
tation of  their  numbers  and  the  most  horrible  shout- 
ing and  yelling  round  this  extensive  circumference, 
they  attempted  to  intimidate  and  strike  the  whole  ar- 
my with  terror.  On  this  alarming  signal  they  furi- 
ously renewed  the  attack.  The  English,  exhausted 
as  they  were  with  the  fatigue  and  terrible  action  of 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  461 


CHAP. 

XIV. 


the  preceding  clay,  and  anxieties  of  a  sleepless  night, 
were  instantly  called  to  service,  which  required  the 
utmost  vigour  of  body  and  mind.  Beside  their  other  176 
distresses,  they  laboured  under  the  calamity  of  a  total 
want  of  water.  In  this  hot  season,  amidst  the  fatigues 
of  action  and  the  agitation  of  their  spirits,  their  thirst 
was  inexpressible,  and  the  want  of  water  more  intol- 
erable than  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  In  these  circum- 
stances they  were  exceedingly  pressed  in  every 
quarter. 

Under  the  favour  of  an  incessant  fire  the  -enemy 
made  the  most  daring  and  repeated  attempts  to  pene- 
trate the  centre  of  the  camp.  In  every  attempt  they 
were  repulsed,  yet  their  attempts  were  again  ai.d 
again  renewed,  without  discouragement  or  dismay. 
The  English  were  constantly  victorious,  yet  constant- 
ly in  danger.  Their  most  spirited  exertions  made  no 
decisive  impressions  on  the  enemy.  When  pressed 
they  always  gave  way,  but  the  moment  the  pursuit 
was  over,  they  returned  to  the  attack  with  as  much 
spirit  and  alacrity  as  ever.  The  English  were  con- 
fined to  their  convoy,  and  could  not  lose  sight  of  it  a 
moment,  without  exposing  that  interesting  object, 
with  all  their  wounded  men,  to  be  an  instant  prey  to  the 
savages.  Many  of  the  horses  were  killed  and  disa- 
bled, and  numbers  of  the  drivers  were  stupified  with 
fear,  hid  in  the  bushes,  and  incapable  of  either  hear- 
ing or  obeying  orders.  To  advance  or  retreat  was 
equally  impracticable.  In  these  circumstances,  they 
saw  before  them  the  melancholy  prospect  of  crum- 
bling away  and  totally  perishing  in  a  dreary  wilder- 
ness, without  honour  or  revenge.  Each  moment  the 
fate  of  Braddock  presented  to  their  view.  Besides, 
they  foresaw,  that  in  their  fall,  that  of  the  important 
garrison  at  Fort  Pitt  would  be  involved.  In  this  most 
critical  and  distressful  situation,  the  commander 
happened  on  an  expedient,  which  succeeded  to  his 
wishes. 

Observing  the  eagerness  and  temerity  of  the  en- 
<  my,  he  determined  to  increase  them  ;  and,  if  possi- 
ble to  bring  them  to  a  more  close  engagement.     For 


4G2  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

HA1 

xiv 


•   this  purpose  he  ordered  two  companies,    who  had 


been  posted  in  the  most  advanced  situation,  to  retire 
1763.  within  the  circle.  The  troops  on  the  right  and  left 
opened  their  files,  seemingly  to  cover  their  retreat  and 
fill  up  the  vacancy  which  had  been  made  by  this 
movement.  A  company  of  light  infantry  and  another 
of  grenadiers  were  ordered  to  support  the  two  compa- 
nies, who  feigned  the  retreat.  The  movements  were 
made,  and  the  plan  executed,  without  the  least  con- 
fusion. At  the  same  time,  the  thin  line  of  troops, 
which  occupied  the  ground  whence  the  advanced  com- 
panies had  been  withdrawn,  moved  back  toward  the 
centre  of  the  circle,  giving  ground  to  the  enemy. 
Enemyde-  They,  mistaking  all  these  motions  for  a  retreat,  rushed 
stratagem  *n  headlong  from  the  woods  and  fastnesses,  which  cov- 
ered them,  and  advancing,  with  a  most  daring  intre- 
pidity, within  the  circle,  poured  in  a  terrible  and 
galling  fire  upon  the  English.  But  at  the  moment 
they  imagined  themselves  masters  of  the  camp,  two 
of  the  four  companies,  which  had  been  ordered  for 
that  purpose,  made  a  sudden  turn,  unobserved  by  the 
enemy,  and  charged  them  furiously  upon  their  right 
flank.  The  enemy  received  them  with  firmness, 
kept  a  good  countenance,  and  returned  the  fire  with 
resolution.  But  as  these  two  companies  were  mak- 
ing a  second  charge  with  an  irresistible  fury  upon 
their  flank,  the  other  two  companies  advancing  poured 
in  a  terrible  and  well  directed  fire  upon  their  front, 
and  by  this  unexpected  and  united  exertion  put  them 
to  an  immediate  rout.  The  four  companies  pursued 
them,  with  such  resolution  and  celerity,  as  gave  them 
not  a  moment  to  collect,  or  look  behind  them,  till 
they  were  totally  dispersed.  The  savages  round  the 
camp,  during  this  fierce  engagement  in  the  fort,  wrere 
awed  and  kept  in  play,  by  the  rest  of  the  army,  and 
seeing  their  companions  thus  routed,  they  soon  fol- 
lowed their  example  and  fled. 

This  happy  manoeuvre  rescued  the  army  from  ap- 
parent destruction.  It  gained  the  field  and  cleared 
the  adjacent  woods.  It  greatly  disheartened  the  en- 
emy, as  they  had  lost  more  than  sixty  men  in  these 


UNITED   STATES   OF    AMERICA.  463 

encounters,  besides  a  greater  number  who  had  been    c^^.p# 

wounded.      Among  these    were   a   number  of  their    ^ 

bravest  warriors,  who  had  most  distinguished  them-  1753. 
selves,  by  the  fierceness  of  their  attack,  and  by  their 
implacable  animosity  against  the  English.  In  their 
destruction  was  quenched  no  small  part  of  the  fuel  of 
war.*  The  march  of  the  army  was  however,  still  a 
matter  of  great  difficulty.  It  had  sustained  the  loss 
of  fifty  men,  sixty  more  were  wounded.  And,  at 
the  very  time,  when  an  additional  number  of  horses 
was  necessary,  on  the  account  of  the  wounded  men, 
so  many  had  been  killed,  that  there  was  not  a  num- 
ber sufficient  to  carry  on  but  a  small  part  of  the  pro- 
vision. With  great  reluctance  the  colonel  was  obliged 
to  destroy  the  most  of  it ;  so  that  after  all,  one  princi- 
pal object  of  the  expedition  was  defeated. 

The  troops,  disburdened  by  this  sacrifice,  advanced 
about  two  miles,  and  pitched  their  camp  at  Bushy-run. 
After  such  fatigues  on  their  post,  and  after  such  cor- 
rections as  they  had  given  the  savages,  in  the  preced- 
ing actions,  it  was  natural  to  expect  the  enjoyment  of 
repose.  But  scarcely  had  they  fixed  their  camp,  when 
the  enemy  appeared  in  ambush  about  them  and  gave 
them  another  fire.  Indeed,  at  this  time,  nothing 
could  have  been  more  mortifying.  The  enemy  how- 
ever soon  drew  off,  and,  excepting  a  few  scattered 
shot,  gave  them  no  more  trouble.  Four  days  after  July  10. 
the  army  arrived  at  fort  Pitt. 

Few  enterprises  have  been  managed  with  more  cau- 
tion, skill,  and  gallantry  than  this.  Colonel  Bonquet,  his 
officers,  and  men  gained  singular  honour,  by  the  firm- 
ness, presence  of  mind,  and  dexterity  of  movement 
displayed  on  this  interesting  occasion. 

In  few  of  the  hard  fought  batties  and  signal  victo- 
ries of  Europe,  which  are  celebrated  with  so  much 
eclat,  is  there  such  an  exhibition  of  obstinate  perse- 
vering fortitude,  and  of  military  skill,  as  appeared  in 
this  action.  Indeed  after  all  the  severities  and  dan- 
gers of  a  campaign  in  Europe,  little  idea  can  be  formed 

*  Rider' o   Hist.  vol.  ].  v.  60—69. 


464  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

CxivP"   °^  wnat  *s  to  ^e  encmred  in  a  war  w^tn  savages  in 

'_    America.     In  Europe  the  country  is  cultivated  and 

17b3.  inhabited,  roads  are  made,  hospitals  and  magazines 
Difficul-  are  prepared.  If  troops  are  conquered  and  taken,  it 
Indian  *"  1S  onty  an  exchange  of  masters.  They  expect  kind 
war.  treatment  from  a  civilized  and  generous  enemy.  But 
in  a  war  with  savages  in  America,  every  thing  is  the 
reverse,  every  thing  is  terrible.  Here  troops  hold 
their  marches  through  groves,  thickets,  and  denies, 
through  a  vast  and  drear)  wilderness,  where  there  are 
neither  hospitals,  raagazines,  or  refreshments,  for  the 
supply  of  the  well,  nor  relief  or  conveniencies  for  the 
sick  or  wounded.  The  face  of  the  country,  the  na- 
ture of  the  service,  the  face  and  manner  of  the  enemy 
are  terrible.  Their  wild  and  horrible  yells,  their 
unusual  appearances  and  manner  of  attack,  are  so 
alarming,  that  they  have  often  thrown  the  best  regular 
troops  into  the  utmost  confusion.  Their  extreme  art 
in  first  discovering,  waylaying,  and  surprising  their 
eilemy,  the  suddenness  and  violence  of  their  attacks, 
and  their  merciless  cruelty,  all  conspire  to  make  them 
truly  a  most  terrible  enemy.  Victories  over  them,  often 
are  not  decisive,  while  defeats  involve  the  vanquished 
in  total  ruin.  The  least  misfortune  to  be  expected, 
in  general,  is  simple  death.  If  in  the  rude  campaigns 
of  America,  there  be  less  dignity,  there  is  something 
more  adventurous,  more  interesting  to  the  heart,  and 
more  amusing  to  the  imagination,  than  in  the  more 
grand  events  of  regular  war.  In  them  all  the  powers 
of  courage  and  address  are  called'forth  into  exertion, 
and  all  the  firmness  of  body  and  mind  is  put  to  the 
severest  trial. 

An  Indian  war  forms  a  truly  critical  and  dan- 
gerous service.  It  requires  a  firm  body  of  the  best 
regular  troops,  with  a  large  proportion  of  the  best 
marksmen,  to  compose  a  light  infantry.  It  requires 
a  commander  of  the  firmest  and  coolest  mind,  full  of 
precaution,  and  rich  in  expedients  ;  and  who  with 
the  glance  of  his  eye,  can  catch  every  advantage  and 
opportunity.     To  appoint  a  self  sufficient,  incautious* 


•      UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  455 

dull  man,  to  command,  in  enterprises  of  this  kind,  is    chap- 

little  better  than  to  sacrifice  an  army  to  the  rage  and    'm 

cruelty  of  an  insidious   and  barbarous  foe.  1754. 

By  the  arrival  of  colonel  Bonquet,  at  fort  Pitt,  that 
post  was  effectually    secured  against  any   further   at- 
tempts of  the  enemy.     By  the  seasonable  succours 
sent  to  this  post  and  to  Detroit,   the  enemy  received 
a  considerable  check  and  disappointment.     They  were 
not  however  discouraged  from  making  further  attempts 
in  a  different  quarter.     They  now  bent  their  whole 
force  against  Niagara,  not  less  worthy  of  their  regard 
than  the  other  posts.     This  they  endeavoured  to  dis-     •* 
tress  by    every  art  of    which    they    were   masters. 
They  hoped  to  reduce  it  by  hunger,  if  other  expedi- 
ents should  fail  them.     The  great  distance  of  these 
forts  from  each  other,  and  of  them  all  from  the  settled 
country,  was  a  circumstance  which   favoured  their 
design.     For  this  purpose  they  carefully  watched  the 
convoys  both  by  land  and  water.      On  the  fourteenth  Detach- 
of  September  they  surrounded  an  escort,  near  Niagara,  Cfrsept.lt 
slew  seventy  soldiers,  and  destroyed  the  whole  de-  14. 
tachment. 

As  a  schooner  was  afterwards  passing  lake  Erie, 
with  provisions  for  Detroit,  she  was  attacked  by  a 
crowd  of  canoes,  on  board  of  which  were  nearly  four 
hundred  Indians.  The  engagement  was  hot,  but  the 
savage  fleet  was  obliged  to  sheer  off  with  considera- 
ble loss. 

During  this  unhappy  war  the  enemy  did  other 
damage ;  but  the  garrison  soon  became  so  well  sup- 
plied with  troops,  provisions,  and  military  stores,  that 
the  enemy  lost  all  prospect  of  effecting  any  thing  fur- 
ther of  consequence  against  them.  The  next  year 
they  were  so  harassed  and  awed  by  the  spirited  con- 
duct of  colonels  Bonquet  and  Bradstreet,  that  they 
were  glad  to  submit  to  conditions  of  peace. 

A  treaty  was  completed  in  September.  The  En-  Articles 
glish  seemed  rather  to  have  dictated  and  imposed  the  of  peace 
terms,  than  to  have  given  them  just  and  equal  advan-  JJJjL 
tages.  The  articles,  for  substance,  were,  That  in  Sept. 
twenty  days  after  the  ratification  of  the  articles,  thev  lrS4 
Vol.  I.  59 


nans 


4f  o  A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP 

XIII. 


should  deliver  up  all  the  prisoners  in  their  hands. 
That  they  should  renounce  all  claim  to  the  forts  we 
1764.  had  then  in  their  country  :  That  the  English  should 
build  as  many  more  as  they  should  judge  necessary 
to  secure  their  trade  ;  and  that  they  should  cede  to 
thern  for  ever  all  the  land  within  cannon  shot  of  each 
fort.  It  was  also  agreed,  that  if  any  Indian  should 
kill  an  Englishman,  that  he  should  be  delivered  up 
to  bfc  judged  by  the  English  laws,  and  that  half  the 
jury  should  consist  of  Indians  ;  and  that  if  any  of  the 
nations  should  renew  the  war,  that  the  rest  should 
join  with  the  English  to  bring  them  to  reason.  Ten 
of  the  Indians  whr  1  as  deputies  in   congress, 

were  to  abide  as  hostages,  till  the  Indian  nations 
should  be  certified  of  the  terms  of  peace,  and  return  the 
captives  agreeably  to  the  treaty.-- 

There  is  no  mention  of  any  cession  on  the  part  of 
the  English,  nor  of  any  valuable  consideration  for 
those  several  little  townships  of  land  which  they  were 
obliged  to  grant  round  every  fort  which  they  then 
possessed,  and  round  all  others  which  they  should 
think  proper  to  build.  Neither  do  I  find  the  least 
stipulation  on  the  part  of  the  English  to  deliver  up 
the  murderers  of  the  Indians  among  them  to  public 
justice,  nor  any  such  care  to  secure  the  liberty,  pro- 
perty, and  lives  of  the  natives,  as  to  impose  whatever 
might  serve  their  own  interest  and  safety.  Indeed 
this  is  too  observable  in  most  treaties  with  the  In- 
dians, that  they  stipulate  and  bind  themselves  to  the 
English  in  every  thing  which  can  secure  their  interests, 
while  the  English,  on  their  part  stipulate  little  or 
nothing  to  the  security  of  the  Indians.  They  have 
too  often  imposed  on  them  unequal  terms,  and  even 
in  the  articles  of  peace  laid  a  foundation  for  new7  wars. 
The  Indians  are  quick  sighted  with  respect  to  their 
own  interests,  they  are  susceptible  of  just  and  humane 
treatment,  and  could  universal  justice  and  kindness 
become  part  of  the  national  character,  as  it  respects 
them,  and  a  proper  attention  be  paid  to  their  pattic- 

•  Riders  Hist.  vo1.  \.  p.  70. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  467 

ular  ideas  of  honour  and  decorum,  we  might  in  gen-    9;IIyP* 
eral,  undoubtedly  enjoy  peace  with  them.  

This  Indian  war,  which  seems  to  have  originated  1764. 
from  the  inattention,  haughtiness,  and  injustice  of  the 
English,  made  a  considerable  addition  to  the  loss  and 
expense,  which  the  colonies  had  sustained,  in  the 
long  war,  by  which,  it  was  preceded.  The  colonies 
were  again  called  upon,  by  the  commander  in  chief, 
to  furnish  a  considerable  quota  of  men.  Connecti- 
cut had,  this  year,  not  less  than  four  hundred  men  in 
service.  The  principal  loss  and  burden  of  this  war 
however,  fell  on  the  southern  colonies,  as  their  fron- 
tiers were  immediately  exposed  to  the  murders  and 
depredations  of  the  enemy,  and  as  such  large  and 
fruitful  tracts  were  abandoned,  and  the  inhabitants 
driven  in  upon  the  more  populous  parts  of  the  country. 

Distressing  as  the  war  proved  to  these  colonies,  it 
was  nevertheless  attended  with  several  favourable 
circumstances.  The  precipitancy  of  several  of  the 
warriors,  in  some  measure,  defeated  the  more  method- 
ical and  deliberate  mischief  which  had  been  design- 
ed, by  giving  the  country  too  early  an  alarm.  This 
gave  an  opportunity  to  a  greater  proportion  of  the 
frontier  inhabitants  to  make  their  escape,  and  to  save 
more  of  their  valuable  cifects.  The  Cherokees,  dur- 
ing the  whole  time,  punctually  kept  the  peace. 
Though  the  Senecas  engaged  in  the  war  yet,  through 
the  influence  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  the  most  of  the 
other  Indians  of  the  five  nations  were  restrained  from 
hostilities. 


END    OF    THE    JTIRST    VOLUME. 


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